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Definition of terrorism

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There is no legal or scientific consensus on the definition of terrorism.[1][2][3] Various legal systems and government agencies use different definitions of terrorism, and governments have been reluctant to formulate an agreed-upon legally-binding definition. Difficulties arise from the fact that the term has become politically and emotionally charged.[4][5] A simple definition proposed to the United Nations Commission on Crime Prevention and Criminal Justice (CCPCJ) by terrorism studies scholar Alex P. Schmid in 1992, based on the already internationally accepted definition of war crimes, as "peacetime equivalents of war crimes",[6] was not accepted.[7][8]

Scholars have worked on creating various academic definitions, reaching a consensus definition published by Schmid and A. J. Jongman in 1988, with a longer revised version published by Schmid in 2011,[8] some years after he had written that "the price for consensus [had] led to a reduction of complexity".[9] The Cambridge History of Terrorism (2021), however, states that Schmid's "consensus" resembles an intersection of definitions, rather than a bona fide consensus.[10]

The United Nations General Assembly condemned terrorist acts by using the following political description of terrorism in December 1994 (GA Res. 49/60):[11]

Criminal acts intended or calculated to provoke a state of terror in the general public, a group of persons or particular persons for political purposes are in any circumstance unjustifiable, whatever the considerations of a political, philosophical, ideological, racial, ethnic, religious or any other nature that may be invoked to justify them.

Etymology

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A 30 January 1795 use of the word 'terrorism' in The Times, an early appearance in English. The excerpt reads: "There exists more than one system to overthrow our liberty. Fanaticism has raised every passion; Royalism has not yet given up its hopes, and Terrorism feels bolder than ever."

The term "terrorism" comes from French terrorisme, from Latin: terror, "great fear", "dread", related to the Latin verb terrere, "to frighten".

The French National Convention declared in September 1793 that "terror is the order of the day". The period 1793–94 is referred to as La Terreur (Reign of Terror). Maximilien Robespierre, a leader in the French Revolution proclaimed in 1794 that "Terror is nothing other than justice, prompt, severe, inflexible."[12] The Committee of Public Safety agents that enforced the policies of "The Terror" were referred to as "Terrorists".[13] The word "terrorism" was first recorded in English-language dictionaries in 1798 as meaning "systematic use of terror as a policy".[14]

Although the Reign of Terror was imposed by the French government, in modern times "terrorism" usually refers to the killing of people by non-governmental political activists for political reasons, often as a public statement. This meaning originated with Russian radicals in the 1870s. Sergey Nechayev, who founded the People's Reprisal (Народная расправа) in 1869, described himself as a "terrorist".[15] German radicalist writer Johann Most helped popularize the modern sense of the word by dispensing "advice for terrorists" in the 1880s.[16]

According to Myra Williamson (2009): "The meaning of 'terrorism' has undergone a transformation. During the reign of terror a regime or system of terrorism was used as an instrument of governance, wielded by a recently established revolutionary state against the enemies of the people. Now the term 'terrorism' is commonly used to describe terrorist acts committed by non-state or subnational entities against a state".[17]

Notable definitions of terrorism

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Definitions include:

  • "the deliberate killing of innocent people, at random, to spread fear through a whole population and force the hand of its political leaders" (Michael Walzer, 2002).[18]
  • "the organized use of violence to attack non-combatants (‘innocents’ in a special sense) or their property for political purposes" (C. A. J. Coady, 2004).[19]
  • "the deliberate use of violence, or threat of its use, against innocent people, with the aim of intimidating some other people into a course of action they otherwise would not take" (Igor Primoratz, 2004).[20][page needed]
  • "the use of force or violence or the threat of force or violence to change the behavior of society as a whole through the causation of fear and the targeting of specific parts of society in order to affect the entire society" (Arthur H. Garrison, 2004).[21]
  • "The premediated use or threat to use violence by individuals or subnational groups to obtain a political or social objective through the intimidation of a large audience beyond that of the immediate victims" (Todd Sandler, 2010).[22]
  • "a doctrine about the presumed effectiveness of a special form or tactic of fear-generating, coercive political violence... [as well as] a conspiratorial practice of calculated, demonstrative, direct violent action without legal or moral restraints, targeting mainly civilians and non-combatants, performed for its propagandistic and psychological effects on various audiences and conflict parties" (Schmid, 2011).[23]

Bruce Hoffman notes that terrorism is "ineluctably about power".[24]

General criteria

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Terrorism has been described[by whom?] as:[citation needed]

Definitions of terrorism typically emphasize one or more of the following features:[19]

  1. Its effect of extreme fear
  2. Whether it targeted the state from within
  3. Its strategic goals
  4. Its random or indiscriminate nature
  5. Who it targeted
  6. Whether it was planned and prepared in secret

The following criteria of violence or threat of violence usually fall outside of the definition of terrorism:[25][26]

Scholar Ken Duncan argues the term terrorism has generally been used to describe violence by non-state actors rather than government violence since the 19th-century Anarchist Movement.[27][28][29]

In international law

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The need to define terrorism in international criminal law

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Schmid (2004) summarised many sources when he wrote: "It is widely agreed that international terrorism can only be fought by international cooperation". If states do not agree on what constitutes terrorism, the chances of cooperation between countries is reduced; for example, agreement is needed so that extradition is possible.[9]

Ben Saul has noted (2008): "A combination of pragmatic and principled arguments supports the case for defining terrorism in international law". Reasons for why terrorism needs to be defined by the international community include the need to condemn violations to human rights; to protect the state and its constitutional order, which protects rights; to differentiate public and private violence; to ensure international peace and security, and "control the operation of mandatory Security Council measures since 2001".[30]

Carlos Diaz-Paniagua, who coordinated the negotiations of the proposed United Nations Comprehensive Convention on International Terrorism (proposed in 1996 and not yet achieved), noted in 2008 the need to provide a precise definition of terrorist activities in international law: "Criminal law has three purposes: to declare that a conduct is forbidden, to prevent it, and to express society's condemnation for the wrongful acts. The symbolic, normative role of criminalization is of particular importance in the case of terrorism. The criminalization of terrorist acts expresses society's repugnance at them, invokes social censure and shame, and stigmatizes those who commit them. Moreover, by creating and reaffirming values, criminalization may serve, in the long run, as a deterrent to terrorism, as those values are internalized." Thus, international criminal law treaties that seek to prevent, condemn and punish terrorist activities, require precise definitions:[31]

The definition of the offence in criminal law treaty plays several roles. First and foremost, it has the symbolic, normative role of expressing society's condemnation of the forbidden acts. Second, it facilitates agreement. Since states tend to be reluctant to undertake stringent obligations in matters related to the exercise of their domestic jurisdiction, a precise definition of the crime, which restricts the scope of those obligations, makes agreement less costly. Third, it provides an inter-subjective basis for the homogeneous application of the treaty's obligations on judicial and police cooperation. This function is of particular importance in extradition treaties because, to grant an extradition, most legal systems require that the crime be punishable both in the requesting state and the requested state. Fourth, it helps states to enact domestic legislation to criminalize and punish the wrongful acts defined in the treaty in conformity with their human rights' obligations. The principle of nullum crimen sine lege requires, in particular, that states define precisely which acts are prohibited before anyone can be prosecuted or punished for committing those same acts.

Saul noted in this sense that, missing a generally agreed, all-encompassing, definition of the term:[30]

'Terrorism' currently lacks the precision, objectivity and certainty demanded by legal discourse. Criminal law strives to avoid emotive terms to prevent prejudice to an accused, and shuns ambiguous or subjective terms as incompatible with the principle of non-retroactivity. If the law is to admit the term, advance definition is essential on grounds of fairness, and it is not sufficient to leave definition to the unilateral interpretations of States. Legal definition could plausibly retrieve terrorism from the ideological quagmire, by severing an agreed legal meaning from the remainder of the elastic, political concept. Ultimately it must do so without criminalizing legitimate violent resistance to oppressive regimes – and becoming complicit in that oppression.

Obstacles to a comprehensive definition

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There are many reasons for the failure to achieve universal consensus regarding the definition of terrorism, not least that it is such a "complex and multidimensional phenomenon". In addition, the term has been used broadly, to describe so many different incidents and events that scholar Louise Richardson has said that the term "has become so widely used in many contexts as to become almost meaningless". An analysis of 73 different definitions in 2004 came up with only five common elements, which excluded any reference to victims, fear/terror, motive, non-combatant targets or the criminal nature of the tactics used.[9]

Historically, the dispute on the meaning of terrorism arose since the laws of war were first codified in 1899. The Martens Clause was introduced as a compromise wording for the dispute between the Great Powers who considered francs-tireurs to be unlawful combatants subject to execution on capture, and smaller states who maintained that they should be considered lawful combatants.[32][33]

More recently the 1977 Protocol Additional to the Geneva Conventions of 12 August 1949, and relating to the Protection of Victims of International Armed Conflicts, which applies in situations Article 1. Paragraph 4 "... in which peoples are fighting against colonial domination and alien occupation and against racist regimes...", contains many ambiguities that cloud the issue of who is or is not a legitimate combatant.[34]

In a briefing paper for the Australian Parliament in 2002, Angus Martyn stated:[35]

The international community has never succeeded in developing an accepted comprehensive definition of terrorism. During the 1970s and 1980s, the United Nations attempts to define the term floundered mainly due to differences of opinion between various members about the use of violence in the context of conflicts over national liberation and self-determination.[35]

Diaz-Paniagua (2008) has noted that, to "create an effective legal regime against terrorism, it would be necessary to formulate a comprehensive definition of that crime that, on the one hand, provides the strongest moral condemnation to terrorist activities while, on the other hand, has enough precision to permit the prosecution of criminal activities without condemning acts that should be deemed to be legitimate".[36] Nonetheless, due to major divergences at the international level on the question of the legitimacy of the use of violence for political purposes, either by states or by self-determination and revolutionary groups, this has not yet been possible."[31] In this sense, M. Cherif Bassiouni (1988) notes:

to define 'terrorism' in a way that is both all-inclusive and unambiguous is very difficult, if not impossible. One of the principle difficulties lies in the fundamental values at stake in the acceptance or rejection of terror-inspiring violence as means of accomplishing a given goal. The obvious and well known range of views on these issues are what makes an internationally accepted specific definition of what is loosely called 'terrorism,' a largely impossible undertaking. That is why the search for and internationally agreed upon definition may well be a futile and unnecessary effort.[37]

Sami Zeidan, a diplomat and scholar, explained the political reasons underlying the current difficulties to define terrorism as follows (2004):

There is no general consensus on the definition of terrorism. The difficulty of defining terrorism lies in the risk it entails of taking positions. The political value of the term currently prevails over its legal one. Left to its political meaning, terrorism easily falls prey to change that suits the interests of particular states at particular times. The Taliban and Osama bin Laden were once called freedom fighters (mujahideen) and backed by the CIA when they were resisting the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan. Now they are on top of the international terrorist lists. Today, the United Nations views Palestinians as freedom fighters, struggling against the unlawful occupation of their land by Israel, and engaged in a long-established legitimate resistance, yet Israel regards them as terrorists [...] The repercussion of the current preponderance of the political over the legal value of terrorism is costly, leaving the war against terrorism selective, incomplete and ineffective.[38]

In the same vein, Jason Burke (2003), a British reporter who writes about radical Islamist activity, said:

There are multiple ways of defining terrorism, and all are subjective. Most define terrorism as "the use or threat of serious violence" to advance some kind of "cause". Some state clearly the kinds of group ("sub-national", "non-state") or cause (political, ideological, religious) to which they refer. Others merely rely on the instinct of most people when confronted with innocent civilians being killed or maimed by men armed with explosives, firearms or other weapons. None is satisfactory, and grave problems with the use of the term persist. Terrorism is after all, a tactic. The term "war on terrorism" is thus effectively nonsensical. As there is no space here to explore this involved and difficult debate, my preference is, on the whole, for the less loaded term "Militancy". This is not an attempt to condone such actions, merely to analyse them in a clearer way.[39]

The political and emotional connotation of the term "terrorism" makes difficult its use in legal discourse. In this sense, Saul (2004) notes that:

Despite the shifting and contested meaning of "terrorism" over time, the peculiar semantic power of the term, beyond its literal signification, is its capacity to stigmatize, delegitimize, denigrate, and dehumanize those at whom it is directed, including political opponents. The term is ideologically and politically loaded; pejorative; implies moral, social, and value judgment; and is "slippery and much-abused." In the absence of a definition of terrorism, the struggle over the representation of a violent act is a struggle over its legitimacy. The more confused a concept, the more it lends itself to opportunistic appropriation.[40]

As scholar Bruce Hoffman (1998) has noted: "terrorism is a pejorative term. It is a word with intrinsically negative connotations that is generally applied to one's enemies and opponents, or to those with whom one disagrees and would otherwise prefer to ignore. (...) Hence the decision to call someone or label some organization 'terrorist' becomes almost unavoidably subjective, depending largely on whether one sympathizes with or opposes the person/group/cause concerned. If one identifies with the victim of the violence, for example, then the act is terrorism. If, however, one identifies with the perpetrator, the violent act is regarded in a more sympathetic, if not positive (or, at the worst, an ambivalent) light; and it is not terrorism."[4] For this and for political reasons, many news sources (such as Reuters) avoid using this term, opting instead for less accusatory words like "bombers", "militants", etc.[41][42]

The term has been depicted as carrying racist, xenophobic and ethnocentric connotations when used as an ethnic slur aimed at Arabs or Middle Easterners, or at someone of Arab or Greater Middle Eastern descent or when used by white supremacists.[43][44][45][46][47][48]

These difficulties led Pamala Griset (2003) to conclude that: "the meaning of terrorism is embedded in a person's or nation's philosophy. Thus, the determination of the 'right' definition of terrorism is subjective".[49]

While discussing the definitional and ethical difficulties of terrorism, philosopher Jenny Teichman argues that "it ought not to be impossible to find an agreed definition, and then ask whether one wants to condemn or applaud all or some of the things that fall under that description".[50] Experts disagree on "whether terrorism is wrong by definition or just wrong as a matter of fact; they disagree about whether terrorism should be defined in terms of its aims, or its methods, or both, or neither; they disagree about whether states can perpetrate terrorism; they even disagree about the importance or otherwise of terror for a definition of terrorism".[citation needed]

The sectoral approach

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To elaborate an effective legal regime to prevent and punish international terrorism—rather than only working on a single, all-encompassing, comprehensive definition of terrorism—the international community has also adopted a "...'sectoral' approach aimed at identifying offences seen as belonging to the activities of terrorists and working out treaties in order to deal with specific categories thereof".[51] The treaties that follow this approach focus on the wrongful nature of terrorist activities rather than on their intent:

On the whole, therefore, the 'sectoral' conventions confirm the assumption that some offences can be considered in themselves as offences of international concern, irrespective of any 'terrorist' intent or purpose. Indeed, the principal merit of the 'sectoral approach' is that it avoids the need to define 'terrorism' of 'terrorist acts' ... So long as the 'sectoral' approach is followed, there is no need to define terrorism; a definition would only be necessary if the punishment of the relevant offences were made conditional on the existence of a specific 'terrorist' intent; but this would be counter-productive, inasmuch as it would result in unduly restricting their suppression.[51]

Following this approach, the international community adopted 12 sectoral counter-terrorism conventions, open to the ratification of all states, between 1963 and 2005 (see below), relating to types of acts (such as aboard an aircraft, taking hostages, bombings, nuclear terrorism, etc.).[31]

Analyzing these treaties, Andrew Byrnes observed that:[52]

These conventions – all of which are described by the United Nations as part of its panoply of anti-terrorist measures – share three principal characteristics:

(a) they all adopted an "operational definition" of a specific type of terrorist act that was defined without reference to the underlying political or ideological purpose or motivation of the perpetrator of the act – this reflected a consensus that there were some acts that were such a serious threat to the interests of all that they could not be justified by reference to such motives;

(b) they all focused on actions by non-state actors (individuals and organisations) and the State was seen as an active ally in the struggle against terrorism – the question of the State itself as terrorist actor was left largely to one side; and

(c) they all adopted a criminal law enforcement model to address the problem, under which States would cooperate in the apprehension and prosecution of those alleged to have committed these crimes.

Byrnes notes that "this act-specific approach to addressing problems of terrorism in binding international treaties has continued up until relatively recently. Although political denunciation of terrorism in all its forms had continued apace, there had been no successful attempt to define 'terrorism' as such in a broad sense that was satisfactory for legal purposes. There was also some scepticism as to the necessity, desirability and feasibility of producing an agreed and workable general definition." Nonetheless, the same committee of the United Nations General Assembly which authored the 1997 Bombing Convention and the 1999 Financing Convention has been working on a proposed Comprehensive Convention on International Terrorism, given renewed impetus by the September 11 attacks in 2001.[52]

Comprehensive conventions

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The international community has worked on two comprehensive counter-terrorism treaties, the League of Nations' 1937 Convention for the Prevention and Punishment of Terrorism, which never entered into force, and the United Nations' proposed Comprehensive Convention on International Terrorism, which has not yet been finalized.

League of Nations (1930s)

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In the late 1930s, the international community made a first attempt at defining terrorism. Article 1.1 of the League of Nations' 1937 Convention for the prevention and punishment of Terrorism defined "acts of terrorism" as "criminal acts directed against a State and intended or calculated to create a state of terror in the minds of particular persons or a group of persons or the general public". Article 2 included as terrorist acts, if they were directed against another state and if they constituted acts of terrorism within the meaning of the definition contained in article 1, the following:[53]

1. Any willful act causing death or grievous bodily harm or loss of liberty to:

a) Heads of State, persons exercising the prerogatives of the head of the State, their hereditary or designated successors;
b) The wives or husbands of the above-mentioned persons;
c) Persons charged with public functions or holding public positions when the act is directed against them in their public capacity.

2. Willful destruction of, or damage to, public property or property devoted to a public purpose belonging to or subject to the authority of another High Contracting Party.

3. Any willful act calculated to endanger the lives of members of the public.

4. Any attempt to commit an offence falling within the foregoing provisions of the present article.

5. The manufacture, obtaining, possession, or supplying of arms, ammunition, explosives or harmful substances with the view to the commission in any country whatsoever of an offence falling within the present article.

These articles never entered into force, owing to lack of support.[9]

UN Comprehensive Convention (1997–present)

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Since 1994, the United Nations General Assembly has repeatedly condemned terrorist acts using the following political description of terrorism:[citation needed]

Criminal acts intended or calculated to provoke a state of terror in the public, a group of persons or particular persons for political purposes are in any circumstance unjustifiable, whatever the considerations of a political, philosophical, ideological, racial, ethnic, religious or any other nature that may be invoked to justify them.[54]

In 1996 an Ad Hoc Committee on Terrorism was set up, with the remit of drafting several conventions condemning various aspects of terrorism, with the intention of producing a final Comprehensive Convention which would either supplement or replace the series of sectoral conventions.[9]

Since January 1997, the United Nations General Assembly has been negotiating a Comprehensive Convention on International Terrorism. The definition of the crime of terrorism on the negotiating table reads as follows (GA Resolution 51/210, Declaration to Supplement the 1994 Declaration on Measures to Eliminate International Terrorism, December 1996; adopted January 1997[55][56]):[57]

1. Any person commits an offence within the meaning of this Convention if that person, by any means, unlawfully and intentionally, causes:

(a) Death or serious bodily injury to any person; or
(b) Serious damage to public or private property, including a place of public use, a State or government facility, a public transportation system, an infrastructure facility or the environment; or
(c) Damage to property, places, facilities, or systems referred to in paragraph 1 (b) of this article, resulting or likely to result in major economic loss, when the purpose of the conduct, by its nature or context, is to intimidate a population, or to compel a Government or an international organization to do or abstain from doing any act.

Among the negotiators, the 1996/7 definition is not controversial in itself; the deadlock in the negotiations arises instead from the opposing views on whether such a definition would be applicable to the armed forces of a state and to self-determination movements. Thalif Deen described the situation as follows: "The key sticking points in the draft treaty revolve around several controversial yet basic issues, including the definition of ´terrorism´. For example, what distinguishes a "terrorist organisation" from a 'liberation movement'? And do you exclude activities of national armed forces, even if they are perceived to commit acts of terrorism? If not, how much of this constitutes 'state terrorism'?"[58]

In 2002, the coordinator of the negotiations, supported by most western delegations, proposed the following exceptions to address those issues:[59]

1. Nothing in this Convention shall affect other rights, obligations and responsibilities of States, peoples and individuals under international law, in particular the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations, and international humanitarian law.

2. The activities of armed forces during an armed conflict, as those terms are understood under international humanitarian law, which are governed by that law, are not governed by this Convention.

3. The activities undertaken by the military forces of a State in the exercise of their official duties, inasmuch as they are governed by other rules of international law, are not governed by this Convention.

4. Nothing in this article condones or makes lawful otherwise unlawful acts, nor precludes prosecution under other laws.

In November 2004, a Secretary-General of the United Nations report described terrorism as any act "intended to cause death or serious bodily harm to civilians or non-combatants with the purpose of intimidating a population or compelling a government or an international organization to do or abstain from doing any act".[60]

The state members of the Organisation of the Islamic Conference proposed instead the following exceptions:

2. The activities of 'the parties' during an armed conflict, 'including in situations of foreign occupation', as those terms are understood under international humanitarian law, which are governed by that law, are not governed by this Convention. 3. The activities undertaken by the military forces of a State in the exercise of their official duties, 'inasmuch as they are in conformity' with international law, are not governed by this Convention.[59]

Sectoral conventions (1963–2005)

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The various sectoral counter-terrorism conventions, or treaties, define as terrorist particular categories of activities. These include:[31]

1997: Terrorist Bombings Convention

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Article 2.1 of the 1997 International Convention for the Suppression of Terrorist Bombings defines the offence of terrorist bombing as follows:

Any person commits an offence within the meaning of this Convention if that person unlawfully and intentionally delivers, places, discharges or detonates an explosive or other lethal device in, into or against a place of public use, a State or government facility, a public transportation system or an infrastructure facility:

a) With the intent to cause death or serious bodily injury; or
b) With the intent to cause extensive destruction of such a place, facility or system, where such a destruction results in or is likely to result in major economic loss.[61]

Article 19 expressly excluded from the scope of the convention certain activities of state armed forces and of self-determination movements as follows:

1. Nothing in this Convention shall affect other rights, obligations and responsibilities of States, and individuals under international law, in particular the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations, and international humanitarian law. 2. The activities of armed forces during an armed conflict, as those terms are understood under international humanitarian law, which are governed by that law, are not governed by this Convention, and the activities undertaken by the military forces of a State in the exercise of their official duties, inasmuch as they are governed by other rules of international law, are not governed by this Convention.[62]

1999: Terrorist Financing Convention

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Article 2.1 of the 1999 sectoral United Nations International Convention for the Suppression of the Financing of Terrorism (Terrorist Financing Convention) defines the crime of terrorist financing as the offence committed by "any person" who "by any means, directly or indirectly, unlawfully and wilfully, provides or collects funds with the intention that they should be used or in the knowledge that they are to be used, in full or in part, in order to carry out" an act "intended to cause death or serious bodily injury to a civilian, or to any other person not taking an active part in the hostilities in a situation of armed conflict, when the purpose of such act, by its nature or context, is to intimidate a population, or to compel a government or an international organization to do or to abstain from doing any act."

2005: Nuclear Terrorism Convention

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The 2005 United Nations International Convention for the Suppression of Acts of Nuclear Terrorism defines the crime of nuclear terrorism as follows:

Article 2

1. Any person commits an offence within the meaning of this Convention if that person unlawfully and intentionally: (a) Possesses radioactive material or makes or possesses a device:

(i) With the intent to cause death or serious bodily injury; or
(ii) With the intent to cause substantial damage to property or to the environment;

(b) Uses in any way radioactive material or a device, or uses or damages a nuclear facility in a manner which releases or risks the release of radioactive material:

(i) With the intent to cause death or serious bodily injury; or
(ii) With the intent to cause substantial damage to property or to the environment; or
(iii) With the intent to compel a natural or legal person, an international organization or a State to do or refrain from doing an act.[63]

Article 4 of the convention expressly excluded from the application of the convention the use of nuclear weapons during armed conflicts without, though, recognizing the legality of the use of those weapons:

1. Nothing in this Convention shall affect other rights, obligations and responsibilities of States and individuals under international law, in particular the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations and international humanitarian law.

2. The activities of armed forces during an armed conflict, as those terms are understood under international humanitarian law, which are governed by that law are not governed by this Convention, and the activities undertaken by military forces of a State in the exercise of their official duties, inasmuch as they are governed by other rules of international law, are not governed by this Convention.

3. The provisions of paragraph 2 of the present article shall not be interpreted as condoning or making lawful otherwise unlawful acts, or precluding prosecution under other laws.

4. This Convention does not address, nor can it be interpreted as addressing, in any way, the issue of the legality of the use or threat of use of nuclear weapons by States.[64]

Definitions of terrorism in other UN decisions

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In parallel with the criminal law codification efforts, some United Nations organs have put forward some broad political definitions of terrorism.[citation needed]

The United Nations did not focus any debate on terrorism until 1972, after the terrorist attack at the Olympic Games in Munich.[9]

UN General Assembly Resolutions (1972, 1994/6)

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In 1972 the General Assembly passed a resolution titled "Measures to prevent international terrorism which endangers or takes innocent human lives or jeopardises fundamental freedoms, and study of the underlying causes of those forms of terrorism and acts ofviolence which lie in misery, frustration, grievance and despair, and which cause some people to sacrifice human lives, including their own, in an attempt to effect radical changes". An Ad Hoc Committee on International Terrorism, consisting of three sub-committees, was established, but no consensus was reached on the various draft proposals submitted, and the matter was again put aside until the Cold War had ended (1991).[9]

In 1994, the General Assembly agreed on a declaration that terrorism was "criminal and unjustifiable", condemning all such acts "wherever and by whomever committed",[9][65] in its Declaration on Measures to Eliminate International Terrorism (GA Res. 49/60).[66][55]

A 1996 non-binding United Nations Declaration to Supplement the 1994 Declaration on Measures to Eliminate International Terrorism (which described terrorism as "Criminal acts intended or calculated to provoke a state of terror in the general public, a group of persons or particular persons for political purposes are in any circumstance unjustifiable, whatever the considerations of a political, philosophical, ideological, racial, ethnic, religious or any other nature that may be invoked to justify them"[11]) annexed to the UN General Assembly Resolution 51/210, described terrorist activities in the following terms:[67]

Criminal acts intended or calculated to provoke a state of terror in the general public, a group of persons or particular persons for political purposes are in any circumstance unjustifiable, whatever the considerations of a political, philosophical, ideological, racial, ethnic, religious or any other nature that may be invoked to justify them.

Antonio Cassese has argued that the language of this and other similar UN declarations "sets out an acceptable definition of terrorism."[68]

Each year, a legal committee of the General Assembly meets to discuss international cooperation to counter terrorism, and in 2019 the committee "reaffirmed the importance of the negotiations on and successful conclusion of the draft comprehensive convention on international terrorism" and the need for consensus for this and in particular stressed "the importance of negotiating an internationally agreed definition of terrorism".[69]

UN Security Council (1999, 2004)

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In 1999, the UN Security Council passed Resolution 1269 unanimously, which "unequivocally condemn[ed] all acts, methods and practices of terrorism as criminal and unjustifiable, regardless of their motivation".[70]

In 2004, United Nations Security Council Resolution 1566 condemned terrorist acts as:

criminal acts, including against civilians, committed with the intent to cause death or serious bodily injury, or taking of hostages, with the purpose to provoke a state of terror in the general public or in a group of persons or particular persons, intimidate a population or compel a government or an international organization to do or to abstain from doing any act, which constitute offences within the scope of and as defined in the international conventions and protocols relating to terrorism, are under no circumstances justifiable by considerations of a political, philosophical, ideological, racial, ethnic, religious or other similar nature.

High-Level Panel (2004)

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Also in 2004, a High-Level Panel on Threats, Challenges and Change composed of independent experts and convened by the Secretary-General of the United Nations called states to set aside their differences and to adopt, in the text of a proposed Comprehensive Convention on International Terrorism, the following political "description of terrorism":

any action, in addition to actions already specified by the existing conventions on aspects of terrorism, the Geneva Conventions and Security Council resolution 1566 (2004), that is intended to cause death or serious bodily harm to civilians or non-combatants, when the purpose of such an act, by its nature or context, is to intimidate a population, or to compel a Government or an international organization to do or to abstain from doing any act.[71]

The following year, Secretary-General of the United Nations Kofi Annan endorsed the High Level Panel's definition of terrorism and asked states to set aside their differences and to adopt that definition within the proposed comprehensive terrorism convention before the end of that year. He said:

It is time to set aside debates on so-called "State terrorism". The use of force by states is already thoroughly regulated under international law. And the right to resist occupation must be understood in its true meaning. It cannot include the right to deliberately kill or maim civilians. I endorse fully the High-level Panel's call for a definition of terrorism, which would make it clear that, in addition to actions already proscribed by existing conventions, any action constitutes terrorism if it is intended to cause death or serious bodily harm to civilians or non-combatants with the purpose of intimidating a population or compelling a Government or an international organization to do or abstain from doing any act. I believe this proposal has clear moral force, and I strongly urge world leaders to unite behind it and to conclude a comprehensive convention on terrorism before the end of the sixtieth session of the General Assembly.[72]

The suggestion of incorporating this definition of terrorism into the comprehensive convention was rejected. Some United Nations' member states contended that a definition such as the one proposed by the High-Level Panel on Threats, Challenges and Change, and endorsed by the Secretary General, lacked the necessary requirements to be incorporated in a criminal law instrument. Diaz-Paniagua stated that a comprehensive definition of terrorism to be included in a criminal law treaty must have "legal precision, certainty, and fair-labeling of the criminal conduct - all of which emanate from the basic human rights obligation to observe due process".[73][74]

European Union

[edit]

The European Union defines terrorism for legal/official purposes in Art. 1 of the Framework Decision on Combating Terrorism (2002). This provides that terrorist offences are certain criminal offences set out in a list consisting largely of serious offences against persons and property that:[75]

...given their nature or context, may seriously damage a country or an international organisation where committed with the aim of: seriously intimidating a population; or unduly compelling a Government or international organisation to perform or abstain from performing any act; or seriously destabilising or destroying the fundamental political, constitutional, economic or social structures of a country or an international organisation.

North Atlantic Treaty Organization

[edit]

NATO defines terrorism in the AAP-06 NATO Glossary of Terms and Definitions, Edition 2019 as "The unlawful use or threatened use of force or violence, instilling fear and terror, against individuals or property in an attempt to coerce or intimidate governments or societies, or to gain control over a population, to achieve political, religious or ideological objectives".[76][77]

In national law

[edit]

Australia

[edit]

As of April 2021, the Criminal Code Act 1995 (known as the Criminal Code), representing the federal government's criminal law and including Australia's laws against terrorism, defines "terrorist act" in Section 5.3.[78] The definition, after defining in (a) the harms that may be caused (and excluding accidental harm or various actions undertaken as advocacy) defines a terrorist act as:[79]

  • (b) the action is done or the threat is made with the intention of advancing a political, religious or ideological cause; and
  • (c) the action is done or the threat is made with the intention of:
  •   (i) coercing, or influencing by intimidation, the government of the Commonwealth or a State, Territory or foreign country, or of part of a State, Territory or foreign country; or
  •   (ii) intimidating the public or a section of the public.

Within the Criminal Code, a variety of offences are defined with reference to the definition of a terrorist act, for example financing terrorism, activities which advocate violent terrorist acts, etc.[79]

Argentina

[edit]

The Argentine National Reorganization Process dictatorship, which lasted from 1976 to 1983, defined "terrorist" as "not only who set bombs and carry guns, but also those who spread ideas opposite to Christian and western civilization".[citation needed]

Brazil

[edit]

In 2016, Brazil passed a law that defines acts of terrorism and establishes punishment for committing, planning, enabling, sponsoring, inciting and participating in terrorist acts. The bill lists a series of acts that provoke social and general terror or endanger people, property, infrastructure, or public peace, for reasons of xenophobia, discrimination or prejudice of race, color, ethnicity and religion.[80] Shortly after the creation of the law, Federal Police's Operation Hashtag[81] arrested eleven suspects of planning a terrorist attack in the run-up to the 2016 Olympics in Rio de Janeiro.[citation needed]

Canada

[edit]

In Canada, section 83.01 of the Criminal Code defines terrorism as an act committed "in whole or in part for a political, religious or ideological purpose, objective or cause" with the objective of intimidating the public "with regard to its security, including its economic security, or compelling a person, a government or a domestic or an international organization to do or to refrain from doing any act."[82]

France

[edit]

In 1986, France adopted its first "anti-terrorism" law.[83] The French legal definition of "acts of terrorism" as in force since 2016 is to be found in the French criminal code, article 421.[84] The article starts with:

Acts of terrorism – provided they are intentional, connected to either an individual or a collective enterprise, and intended to gravely disturb the public order by way of intimidation or terror – are: 1º deliberate assaults on life or on personal integrity; the hijacking of an aeroplane, ship or other means of transport; 2º theft, extorsion, destruction, degradation, deterioration; infractions on computerized information; ... [etc.][84]

India

[edit]

The Supreme Court of India quoted Alex P. Schmid's definition of terrorism in a 2003 ruling (Madan Singh vs. State of Bihar), "defin[ing] acts of terrorism veritably as 'peacetime equivalents of war crimes.'"[85][86]

The now lapsed Terrorist and Disruptive Activities (Prevention) Act specified the following definition of terrorism:

Whoever with intent to overawe the Government as by law established or to strike terror in the people or any section of the people or to alienate any section of the people or to adversely affect the harmony amongst different sections of the people does any act or thing by using bombs, dynamite or other explosive substances or inflammable substances or lethal weapons or poisons or noxious gases or other chemicals or by any other substances (whether biological or otherwise) of a hazardous nature in such a manner as to cause, or as is likely to cause, death of, or injuries to, any person or persons or loss of, or damage to, or destruction of, property or disruption of any supplies or services essential to the life of the community, or detains any person and threatens to kill or injure such person in order to compel the Government or any other person to do or abstain from doing any act, commits a terrorist act.

Mexico

[edit]

The Mexican Federal Criminal Code, in its article 139, defines terrorists as

anyone who, using toxic substances, chemical or biological weapons or similar, radioactive material, nuclear material, nuclear fuel, radioactive minerals, sources of radiation or instruments that emit radiation, explosives or firearms, or by means of fire, flooding or any other violent means, intentionally carries out acts against property or services, whether public or private, or against the physical or emotional integrity or life of persons, causing alarm, fear, or terror among the population or a group or sector thereof, in order to undermine national security or pressure the authorities or a private individual, or compel them to take a decision

as well as anyone who agrees to carry out such act or assists in its preparation. Reduced penalties are also defined for anyone who knowingly harbors terrorists or threatens to carry out acts of terrorism.[87]

Pakistan

[edit]

The Pakistan Anti-Terrorism (Amendment) Ordinance, 1999 states:

A person is said to commit a terrorist act if he,

(a) in order to, or if the effect of his actions will be to, strike terror or create a sense of fear and insecurity in the people, or any section of the people, does any act or thing by using bombs, dynamite or other explosive or inflammable substances, or such fire-arms or other lethal weapons as may be notified, or poisons or noxious gases or chemicals, in such a manner as to cause, or be likely to cause, the death of, or injury to, any person or persons, or damage to, or destruction of, property on a large scale, or a widespread disruption of supplies of services essential to the life of the community, or threatens with the use of force public servants in order to prevent them from discharging their lawful duties; or

(b) commits a scheduled offence, the effect of which will be, or be likely to be, to strike terror, or create a sense of fear and insecurity in the people, or any section of the people, or to adversely affect harmony among different sections of the people; or

(c) commits an act of gang rape, child molestation, or robbery coupled with rape as specified in the Schedule to this Act; or

(d) commits an act of civil commotion as specified in section &A." [88]

Philippines

[edit]

The Anti-Terrorism Act of 2020, officially designated as Republic Act No. 11479, is a counter-terrorism law intended to prevent, prohibit, and penalize terrorism in the Philippines.[89] The law was passed by the 18th Congress and signed by President Rodrigo Duterte on 3 July 2020, effectively replacing the Human Security Act of 2007 on 18 July 2020.[90][91]

The Act defines terrorism as:

  • Engaging in acts intended to cause death or serious bodily injury to any person or endangers a person's life;
  • Engaging in acts intended to cause extensive damage or destruction to a government or public facility, public place, or private property;
  • Engaging in acts intended to cause extensive interference with, damage, or destruction to critical infrastructure;
  • Developing, manufacturing, possessing, acquiring, transporting, supplying, or using weapons; and
  • Releasing dangerous substances or causing fire, floods or explosions when the purpose is to intimidate the general public, create an atmosphere to spread a message of fear, provoke or influence by intimidation the government or any international organization, seriously destabilize or destroy the fundamental political, economic, or social structures in the country, or create a public emergency or seriously undermine public safety.[89]

The definition states that "advocacy, protest, dissent, stoppage of work, industrial or mass action, and other similar exercises of civil and political rights" shall not be considered as terrorist acts only if they "are not intended to cause death or serious physical harm to a person, to endanger a person's life, or to create a serious risk to public safety."

Saudi Arabia

[edit]

Saudi Interior Ministry issued a set of anti-terrorist laws in 2014. According to Article 1 and 2:

"Calling for atheist thought in any form, or calling into question the fundamentals of the Islamic religion on which this country is based" and anyone who questions the King or the government or supports any group, party, organization other than that of the ruling elite inside or outside the Kingdom is a terrorist.[92][93]

References to atheism were absent from Saudi Arabia's public draft of Law on Combating the Financing of Terrorism as of October 2023.[94]

Syria

[edit]

After the United States attack on Abu Kamal, the Syrian Foreign Minister Walid Muallem defined terrorism as "Killing civilians in international law means a terrorist aggression."[95]

Turkey

[edit]

The definition of "Terrorism" in Article 1 of Anti-Terror Law 3713 is: "Terrorism is any kind of act done by one or more persons belonging to an organization with the aim of changing the characteristics of the Republic as specified in the Constitution, its political, legal, social, secular and economic system, damaging the indivisible unity of the State with its territory and nation, endangering the existence of the Turkish State and Republic, weakening or destroying or seizing the authority of the State, eliminating fundamental rights and freedoms, or damaging the internal and external security of the State, public order or general health by means of pressure, force and violence, terror, intimidation, oppression or threat."[96]

United Kingdom

[edit]

The United Kingdom's Terrorism Act 2000 defined terrorism as follows:

(1) In this Act "terrorism" means the use or threat of action where:

(a) the action falls within subsection (2),
(b) the use or threat is designed to influence the government or to intimidate the public or a section of the public and
(c) the use or threat is made for the purpose of advancing a political, religious or ideological cause.

(2) Action falls within this subsection if it:

(a) involves serious violence against a person,
(b) involves serious damage to property,
(c) endangers a person's life, other than that of the person committing the action,
(d) creates a serious risk to the health or safety of the public or a section of the public or
(e) is designed seriously to interfere with or seriously to disrupt an electronic system.[97]

Section 34 of the Terrorism Act 2006 amended sections 1(1)(b) and 113(1)(c) of Terrorism Act 2000 to include "international governmental organisations" in addition to "government".[citation needed]

Successive Independent Reviewers of Terrorism Legislation (most recently in a report of July 2014) have commented on the UK's definition of terrorism.

United States

[edit]

U.S. Code (U.S.C.)

[edit]

Title 22, Chapter 38, Section 2656f, of the United States Code (regarding the Department of State) contains a definition of terrorism in its requirement that annual country reports on terrorism be submitted by the Secretary of State to Congress every year. It reads:[98]

[T]he term 'terrorism' means premeditated, politically motivated violence perpetrated against noncombatant targets by subnational groups or clandestine agents.

Title 18 of the United States Code (regarding criminal acts and criminal procedure) defines international terrorism as:

(1) [T]he term 'international terrorism' means activities that —

(A) involve violent acts or acts dangerous to human life that are a violation of the criminal laws of the United States or of any State, or that would be a criminal violation if committed within the jurisdiction of the United States or of any State;
(B) appear to be intended —
(i) to intimidate or coerce a civilian population;
(ii) to influence the policy of a government by intimidation or coercion; or
(iii) to affect the conduct of a government by mass destruction, assassination, or kidnapping; and
(C) occur primarily outside the territorial jurisdiction of the United States, or transcend national boundaries in terms of the means by which they are accomplished, the persons they appear intended to intimidate or coerce, or the locale in which their perpetrators operate or seek asylum".[99]

Commenting on the genesis of this provision, Edward Peck, former U.S. Chief of Mission in Iraq (under Jimmy Carter) and former ambassador to Mauritania said:

In 1985, when I was the Deputy Director of the Reagan White House Task Force on Terrorism, [my working group was asked] to come up with a definition of terrorism that could be used throughout the government. We produced about six, and each and every case, they were rejected, because careful reading would indicate that our own country had been involved in some of those activities. […] After the task force concluded its work, Congress [passed] U.S. Code Title 18, Section 2331 ... the US definition of terrorism. […] one of the terms, "international terrorism," means "activities that," I quote, "appear to be intended to affect the conduct of a government by mass destruction, assassination or kidnapping." […] Yes, well, certainly, you can think of a number of countries that have been involved in such activities. Ours is one of them. […] And so, the terrorist, of course, is in the eye of the beholder.[100]

U.S. Code of Federal Regulations

[edit]

The U.S. Code of Federal Regulations defines terrorism as "the unlawful use of force and violence against persons or property to intimidate or coerce a government, the civilian population, or any segment thereof, in furtherance of political or social objectives" (28 C.F.R. Section 0.85).

U.S. Department of Defense

[edit]

The U.S. Department of Defense recently changed its definition of terrorism. Per Joint Pub 3-07.2, Antiterrorism, (24 November 2010), the Department of Defense defines it as "the unlawful use of violence or threat of violence to instill fear and coerce governments or societies. Terrorism is often motivated by religious, political, or other ideological beliefs and committed in the pursuit of goals that are usually political."

The new definition distinguishes between motivations for terrorism (religion, ideology, etc.) and goals of terrorism ("usually political"). This is in contrast to the previous definition which stated that the goals could be religious in nature.

U.S. Federal Emergency Management Agency

[edit]

The U.S. Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA) contains a definition of terrorism, which reads:

Terrorism is the use of force or violence against persons or property in violation of the criminal laws of the United States for purposes of intimidation, coercion, or ransom. Terrorists often use threats to:

  • Create fear among the public.
  • Try to convince citizens that their government is powerless to prevent terrorism.
  • Get immediate publicity for their causes.

The new definition does not require that the act needs to be politically motivated. The FEMA also said that terrorism "include threats of terrorism; assassinations; kidnappings; hijackings; bomb scares and bombings; cyber attacks (computer-based); and the use of chemical, biological, nuclear and radiological weapons" and also states that "[h]igh-risk targets for acts of terrorism include military and civilian government facilities, international airports, large cities, and high-profile landmarks. Terrorists might also target large public gatherings, water and food supplies, utilities, and corporate centers. Further, terrorists are capable of spreading fear by sending explosives or chemical and biological agents through the mail."[101]

U.S. National Counterterrorism Center

[edit]

The U.S. National Counterterrorism Center (NCTC) define terrorism the same as United States Code 22 USC § 2656f(d)(2). The Center also defines a terrorist act as a "premeditated; perpetrated by a sub-national or clandestine agent; politically motivated, potentially including religious, philosophical, or culturally symbolic motivations; violent; and perpetrated against a non-combatant target."[102]

U.S. national security strategy

[edit]

In September 2002, the U.S. national security strategy defined terrorism as "premeditated, politically motivated violence against innocents."[103] This definition did not exclude actions by the United States government and it was qualified some months later with "premeditated, politically motivated violence against noncombatant targets by subnational groups or clandestine agents".[104]

USA PATRIOT Act of 2001

[edit]

The USA PATRIOT Act of 2001 defines domestic terrorism as "activities that (A) involve acts dangerous to human life that are a violation of the criminal laws of the U.S. or of any state; (B) appear to be intended (i) to intimidate or coerce a civilian population; (ii) to influence the policy of a government by intimidation or coercion; or (iii) to affect the conduct of a government by mass destruction, assassination, or kidnapping; and (C) occur primarily within the territorial jurisdiction of the U.S."

Terrorism Risk Insurance Act

[edit]

Section 102(1)(a) of the Terrorism Risk Insurance Act contains a definition of terrorism in order for insurance companies to provide coverage to all prospective policy holders at time of purchase and to all current policyholders at renewal and requires that the federal government pay 90 percent of covered terrorism losses exceeding the statutorily established deductible paid by the insurance company providing the coverage. It reads:

(1) ACT OF TERRORISM-

(A) CERTIFICATION- The term 'act of terrorism' means any act that is certified by the Secretary [of Treasury], in concurrence with the Secretary of State, and the Attorney General of the United States--
(i) to be an act of terrorism;
(ii) to be a violent act or an act that is dangerous to--
(I) human life;
(II) property; or
(III) infrastructure;
(iii) to have resulted in damage within the United States, or outside of the United States in the case of--
(I) an air carrier or vessel described in paragraph
(5)(B); or
(II) the premises of a United States mission; and
(iv) to have been committed by an individual or individuals as part of an effort to coerce the civilian population of the United States or to influence the policy or affect the conduct of the United States Government by coercion.[105]

Insurance coverage

[edit]

After the September 11 terrorist attacks in the U.S., many insurers made specific exclusions for terrorism in their policies, after global reinsurers withdrew from covering terrorism. Some governments introduced legislation to provide support for insurers in various ways.[106][107]

  • In Australia, the Terrorism Insurance Act 2003 created a scheme to administer reinsurance scheme for insurance, relating to commercial properties and enterprises, but excluding residential properties, travel insurance, vehicles, and others.[106] This legislation uses the same definition as specified in the Criminal Code (see above).[108] The act's definition has as of April 2021 only been applied once, when in 2015 the Federal Treasurer declared the 2014 Lindt Café siege as a "declared terrorist incident" under the act,[106] although there was some debate about the classification of this incident.[109][110] Twenty insurers made 92 claims, for a total of A$2.3 million, for various losses caused by the siege.[107]
  • In the U.S., the Terrorism Risk Insurance Act (2002) provides a government reinsurance backstop in case of large-scale terrorist attacks, requiring that commercial insurers offer terrorism coverage for the types of insurance included in the act. This Act includes a definition of terrorism (see above).[105]

Some insurance companies exclude terrorism from general property insurance. An insurance company may include a specific definition of terrorism as part of its policy, for the purpose of excluding at least some loss or damage caused by terrorism. For example, RAC Insurance in Western Australia defines terrorism thus:[111]

terrorism – includes but is not limited to the use of force or violence and/or threat, by any person or group of persons done for or in connection with political, religious, ideological or similar purposes including the intention to influence any government and/or to put the public, or any section of the public, in fear.

It is noted the term Stochastic terrorism began as a method to corelate measurements of violent rhetoric to probability of a terrorists attack.[112][113] While this term is still used in the technical sense in risk management and insurance assessments, a more populist connotation has developed that is used to characterize the nature of certain terrorist acts in the context of social media influence.[114]

Timeline of political definitions

[edit]

Listed below are some of the historically important understandings of terror and terrorism, and enacted but non-universal definitions of the term:

  • 1795. "Government intimidation during the Reign of Terror in France." The general sense of "systematic use of terror as a policy" was first recorded in English in 1798.[115]
  • 1916. Gustave LeBon: "Terrorization has always been employed by revolutionaries no less than by kings, as a means of impressing their enemies, and as an example to those who were doubtful about submitting to them...."[116]
  • 1937. League of Nations convention language: "All criminal acts directed against a State and intended or calculated to create a state of terror in the minds of particular persons or a group of persons or the general public."[6]
  • 1972, after the terrorist attack at the Olympic Games in Munich. UN General Assembly passed a resolution entitiled "Measures to prevent international terrorism which endangers or takes innocent human lives or jeopardises fundamental freedoms, and study of the underlying causes of those forms of terrorism and acts ofviolence which lie in misery, frustration, grievance and despair, and which cause some people to sacrifice human lives, including their own, in anattempt to effect radical changes". No consensus was reached.[9]
  • 1987. A definition proposed by Iran at an international Islamic conference on terrorism: "Terrorism is an act carried out to achieve an inhuman and corrupt (mufsid) objective, and involving [a] threat to security of any kind, and violation of rights acknowledged by religion and mankind."[117]
  • 1989. United States: premeditated, politically motivated violence perpetrated against noncombatant targets by sub-national groups or clandestine agents.[118]
  • 1992. A definition proposed by Alex P. Schmid to the United Nations Crime Branch: "Act of Terrorism = Peacetime Equivalent of War Crime."[6]
  • 1994/1996 United Nations General Assembly's 1994 Declaration on Measures to Eliminate International Terrorism,[9] and 1996 Supplement, Paragraph 3:[119]

Criminal acts intended or calculated to provoke a state of terror in the general public, a group of persons or particular persons for political purposes are in any circumstance unjustifiable, whatever the considerations of a political, philosophical, ideological, racial, ethnic, religious or any other nature that may be invoked to justify them;...

  • 1996. UN General Assembly sets up an Ad Hoc Committee with the responsibility of drafting several conventions condemning various aspects of terrorism, as well as a final Comprehensive Convention to either supplement or replace the series of sectoral conventions.[9]
  • 2002. European Union:[75]

...given their nature or context, [acts which] may seriously damage a country or an international organisation where committed with the aim of seriously intimidating a population.

  • 2003. India: Referencing Schmid's 1992 proposal, the Supreme Court of India described terrorist acts as the "peacetime equivalents of war crimes."[85][86]
  • 2014. Contained in a Saudi Arabia terrorism law taking effect 1 February 2014, the following definition has been criticized by Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch for being overly broad:

Any act carried out by an offender in furtherance of an individual or collective project, directly or indirectly, intended to disturb the public order of the state, or to shake the security of society, or the stability of the state, or to expose its national unity to danger, or to suspend the basic law of governance or some of its articles, or to insult the reputation of the state or its position, or to inflict damage upon one of its public utilities or its natural resources, or to attempt to force a governmental authority to carry out or prevent it from carrying out an action, or to threaten to carry out acts that lead to the named purposes or incite [these acts].[120][121]

  • 2016. Brazilian anti-terrorism law:[122]

Terrorism consists in the practice, by one or more individuals, of the acts listed in this article for reasons of xenophobia, discrimination or prejudice of race, color, ethnicity and religion, when committed with the objective of provoking social or generalized terror, exposing people, property, the public peace or the public safety.

Academic definitions by scholars

[edit]

Numerous scholars have proposed working definitions of terrorism.

Schmid and Jongman (1988) counted 109 definitions of terrorism that covered a total of 22 different definitional elements,[123][124] and Walter Laqueur counted over 100 definitions, concluding that the "only general characteristic generally agreed upon is that terrorism involves violence and the threat of violence". This is clearly inadequate, as many other actions involve both elements.[125]

Bruce Hoffman (2006) has thus noted that:

It is not only individual agencies within the same governmental apparatus that cannot agree on a single definition of terrorism. Experts and other long-established scholars in the field are equally incapable of reaching a consensus. In the first edition of his magisterial survey, Political terrorism: A Research Guide, Alex Schmid devoted more than a hundred pages to examining more than a hundred different definitions of terrorism in an effort to discover a broadly acceptable, reasonably comprehensive explication of the word. Four years and a second edition [2005] later, Schimd was no closer to the goal of his quest, conceding in the first sentence of the revised volume that the "search for an adequate definition is still on" Walter Laqueur despaired of defining terrorism in both editions of his monumental work on the subject, maintaining that it is neither possible to do so nor worthwhile to make the attempt. "Ten years of debates on typologies and definitions," he responded to a survey on definitions to conducted by Schmid, "have not enhanced our knowledge of the subject to a significant degree." Laqueur's contention is supported by the twenty-two different word categories occurring in the 109 different definition that Schmid identified in survey. At the end of this exhaustive exercise, Schmid asks "whether the above list contains all the elements necessary for a good definition. The answer," he suggests" is probably 'no'." If it is impossible to define terrorism, as Laqueur argues, and fruitless to attempt to cobble together a truly comprehensive definition, as Schmid admits, are we to conclude that terrorism is impervious to precise, much less accurate definition? Not entirely. If we cannot define terrorism, then we can at least usefully distinguish it from other types of violence and identify the characteristics that make terrorism the distinct phenomenon of political violence that it is.[126]

Hoffman believes it is possible to identify some key characteristics of terrorism. He proposes that:

The Baghdad bus station was the scene of a triple car bombing in August 2005 that killed 43 people.

By distinguishing terrorists from other types of criminals and terrorism from other forms of crime, we come to appreciate that terrorism is:

  • ineluctably political in aims and motives;
  • violent – or, equally important, threatens violence;
  • designed to have far-reaching psychological repercussions beyond the immediate victim or target;
  • conducted either by an organization with an identifiable chain of command or conspiratorial cell structure (whose members wear no uniform or identifying insignia) or by individuals or a small collection of individuals directly influenced, motivated, or inspired by the ideological aims or example of some existent terrorist movement and/or its leaders;

and

  • perpetrated by a subnational group or nonstate entity.[127]

A common trait that Terrorists often possess is having persistent childhood disobedience.[128] After surveying the various academic definitions of terrorism, Rhyl Vallis and others (2004) concluded that:

Most of the formal definitions of terrorism have some common characteristics: a fundamental motive to make political/societal changes; the use of violence or illegal force; attacks on civilian targets by 'nonstate'/'Subnational actors'; and the goal of affecting society. This finding is reflected in Blee's listing of three components of terrorism:

  1. Acts or threats of violence;
  2. The communication of fear to an audience beyond the immediate victim, and;
  3. Political, economic, or religious aims by the perpetrator(s).[129]

A definition proposed by Carsten Bockstette (2008), a German military officer serving at the George C. Marshall European Center for Security Studies, underlines the psychological and tactical aspects of terrorism:[130]

Terrorism is defined as political violence in an asymmetrical conflict that is designed to induce terror and psychic fear (sometimes indiscriminate) through the violent victimization and destruction of noncombatant targets (sometimes iconic symbols). Such acts are meant to send a message from an illicit clandestine organization. The purpose of terrorism is to exploit the media in order to achieve maximum attainable publicity as an amplifying force multiplier in order to influence the targeted audience(s) in order to reach short- and midterm political goals and/or desired long-term end states.

Academics and practitioners may also be categorized by the definitions of terrorism that they use. A distinction can be made between "act-centric" and "actor-centric" definitions. Actor-centric definitions of terrorism emphasize the characteristics of the groups or individuals who use terrorism. Whilst act-centric definitions emphasize the unique aspects of terrorism from other acts of violence.[131] Max Abrahms (2010) introduced the distinction between what he calls "terrorist lumpers" and "terrorist splitters." Lumpers define terrorism broadly, brooking no distinction between this tactic and guerrilla warfare or civil war. Terrorist splitters, by contrast, define terrorism narrowly, as the select use of violence against civilians for putative political gain. As Abrahms notes, these two definitions yield different policy implications:

Lumpers invariably believe that terrorism is a winning tactic for coercing major government concessions. As evidence, they point to substate campaigns directed against military personnel that have indeed pressured concessions. Salient examples include the Soviet withdrawal from Afghanistan in 1989, the U.S. withdrawal from Lebanon in 1984, and the French withdrawal from Algeria in 1962. Significantly, terrorist splitters do not regard these substate campaigns as evidence of terrorism's political effectiveness. Rather, they contend that disaggregating substate campaigns directed against civilian targets versus military ones is critical for appreciating terrorism's abysmal political record.[132]

In 2011 Alex Schmid published an updated academic consensus definition in The Routledge Handbook of Terrorism Research, which includes additional discussion of the UN struggle to find a legal definition, and 260 other definitions. The revised definition includes 12 points, the first of which is:[133][8]

1. Terrorism refers, on the one hand, to a doctrine about the presumed effectiveness of a special form or tactic of fear-generating, coercive political violence and, on the other hand, to a conspiratorial practice of calculated, demonstrative, direct violent action without legal or moral restraints, targeting mainly civilians and non-combatants, performed for its propagandistic and psychological effects on various audiences and conflict parties;...

[edit]

Schmid returns to the problem of legal definition in an October 2020 article in Contemporary Voices, in which he reviews the history of the efforts to arriving at agreement on a common legal definition of terrorism and names six reasons underlying the challenges faced in achieving this.[7] In a new major work edited by Schmid, Handbook of Terrorism Prevention and Preparedness (2020–2021), he states:[134]

...the broader a definition, the more terrorism there is that ought to be countered and the more difficult it becomes to prevent it. If countries have different definitions of terrorism, extradition of terrorist suspects and mutual legal assistance become more difficult and often impossible...

In contrast to a consensus on the legal definition however, the 2011 academic definition of terrorism, which is social-scientific rather than legal in nature, has gained a fair degree of acceptance among scholars.[134]

Timeline of academic definitions

[edit]
Date Name Definition and notes
1987 Khan, L. AliL. Ali Khan "Terrorism sprouts from the existence of aggrieved groups. These aggrieved groups share two essential characteristics: they have specific political objectives, and they believe that violence is an inevitable means to achieve their political ends. The political dimension of terrorist violence is the key factor that distinguishes it from other crimes."[135]
1988 Schmid and JongmanSchmid and Jongman "Terrorism is an anxiety-inspiring method of repeated violent action, employed by (semi-)clandestine individual, group, or state actors, for idiosyncratic, criminal, or political reasons, whereby—in contrast to assassination—the direct targets of violence are not the main targets. The immediate human victims of violence are generally chosen randomly (targets of opportunity) or selectively (representative or symbolic targets) from a target population, and serve as message generators. Threat- and violence-based communication processes between terrorist (organization), (imperiled) victims, and main targets are used to manipulate the main target (audience(s), turning it into a target of terror, a target of demands, or a target of attention, depending on whether intimidation, coercion, or propaganda is primarily sought".[65][124]
1989 Gibbs,JackJack Gibbs "Terrorism is illegal violence or threatened violence directed against human or nonhuman objects, provided that it: (1) was undertaken or ordered with a view to altering or maintaining at least one putative norm in at least one particular territorial unit or population: (2) had secretive, furtive, and/or clandestine features that were expected by the participants to conceal their personal identity and/or their future location; (3) was not undertaken or ordered to further the permanent defense of some area; (4) was not conventional warfare and because of their concealed personal identity, concealment of their future location, their threats, and/or their spatial mobility, the participants perceived themselves as less vulnerable to conventional military action; and (5) was perceived by the participants as contributing to the normative goal previously described (supra) by inculcating fear of violence in persons (perhaps an indefinite category of them) other than the immediate target of the actual or threatened violence and/or by publicizing some cause."[136]
1992 Schmid, Alex P.Alex P. Schmid short legal definition proposed to the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime: "Act of Terrorism = Peacetime Equivalent of War Crime".[65]
1997 Higgins, RosalynRosalyn Higgins Judge at the International Court of Justice, "Terrorism is a term without any legal significance. It is merely a convenient way of alluding to activities, whether of States or of individuals widely disapproved of and in which wither the methods used are unlawful, or the targets protected or both."[137]
1999 Richardson, LouiseLouise Richardson "Without attempting a lengthy rationalization for the definition I employ, let me simply assert that I see terrorism as politically motivated violence directed against non-combatant or symbolic targets which is designed to communicate a message to a broader audience. The critical feature of terrorism is the deliberate targeting of innocents in an effort to convey a message to another party."[138]
2002 Laqueur, WalterWalter Laqueur "Terrorism constitutes the illegitimate use of force to achieve a political objective when innocent people are targeted."[139]
2002 Poland, James M.James M. Poland "Terrorism is the premeditated, deliberate, systematic murder, mayhem, and threatening of the innocent to create fear and intimidation in order to gain a political or tactical advantage, usually to influence an audience".[140]
2004 Bassiouni, M. CherifM. Cherif Bassiouni "'Terrorism' has never been defined..."[141]
2004 Hoffman, BruceBruce Hoffman "By distinguishing terrorists from other types of criminals and terrorism from other forms of crime, we come to appreciate that terrorism is :
  • ineluctably political in aims and motives
  • violent—or, equally important, threatens violence
  • designed to have far-reaching psychological repercussions beyond the immediate victim or target
  • conducted by an organization with an identifiable chain of command or conspiratorial cell structure (whose members wear no uniform or identifying insignia) and
  • perpetrated by a subnational group or non-state entity.

We may therefore now attempt to define terrorism as the deliberate creation and exploitation of fear through violence or the threat of violence in the pursuit of political change. All terrorist acts involve violence or the threat of violence. Terrorism is specifically designed to have far-reaching psychological effects beyond the immediate victim(s) or object of the terrorist attack. It is meant to instil fear within, and thereby intimidate, a wider 'target audience' that might include a rival ethnic or religious group, an entire country, a national government or political party, or public opinion in general. Terrorism is designed to create power where there is none or to consolidate power where there is very little. Through the publicity generated by their violence, terrorists seek to obtain the leverage, influence and power they otherwise lack to effect political change on either a local or an international scale."[142]

2004 Rodin, DavidDavid Rodin "Terrorism is the deliberate, negligent, or reckless use of force against noncombatants, by state or nonstate actors for ideological ends and in the absence of a substantively just legal process."[143][144]
2004 Simpson, PeterPeter Simpson "Terrorism consists of acts of indiscriminate violence directed at civilians or non-hostile personnel, in order to terrorize them, or their governments, into carrying out or submitting to the demands of the terrorists."[145]
2005 Ganor, BoazBoaz Ganor "Terrorism is the deliberate use of violence aimed against civilians in order to achieve political ends."[146]
2005 Palmer-Fernandez, GabrielGabriel Palmer-Fernandez "Terrorism is the organized use of violence against civilians or their property, the political leadership of a nation, or soldiers (who are not combatants in a war) for political purposes."[147]
2007 Novotny, Daniel D.Daniel D. Novotny "An act is terrorist if and only if (1) it is committed by an individual or group of individuals privately, i.e. without the legitimate authority of a recognized state; (2) it is directed indiscriminately against non-combatants; (3) the goal of it is to achieve something politically relevant; (4) this goal is pursued by means of fear-provoking violence."[148]
2008 Bockstette, CarstenCarsten Bockstette "Terrorism is defined as political violence in an asymmetrical conflict that is designed to induce terror and psychic fear (sometimes indiscriminate) through the violent victimization and destruction of noncombatant targets (sometimes iconic symbols). Such acts are meant to send a message from an illicit clandestine organization. The purpose of terrorism is to exploit the media in order to achieve maximum attainable publicity as an amplifying force multiplier in order to influence the targeted audience(s) in order to reach short- and midterm political goals and/or desired long-term end states."[149]
2008 Lutz, James M. and Brenda J. LutzLutz, James M. Lutz, Brenda J "Terrorism involves political aims and motives. It is violent or threatens violence. It is designed to generate fear in a target audience that extends beyond the immediate victims of the violence.

The violence is conducted by an identifiable organization. The violence involves a non-state actor or actors as either the perpetrator, the victim of the violence, or both. Finally, the acts of violence are designed to create power in a situation in which power previously had been lacking."[150]

2008 Meisels, TamarTamar Meisels advocates a consistent and strict definition of terrorism, which she defines as "the intentional random murder of defenseless non-combatants, with the intent of instilling fear of mortal danger amidst a civilian population as a strategy designed to advance political ends."[151]
2011 Schmid, Alex P.Alex P. Schmid A revised, 12-point academic consensus definition, in The Routledge Handbook of Terrorism Research. Point 1: "Terrorism refers, on the one hand, to a doctrine about the presumed effectiveness of a special form or tactic of fear-generating, coercive political violence and, on the other hand, to a conspiratorial practice of calculated, demonstrative, direct violent action without legal or moral restraints, targeting mainly civilians and non-combatants, performed for its propagandistic and psychological effects on various audiences and conflict parties".[133]
2018 Petta, De LeonDe Leon Petta "In fact a "terrorist group" is just a label, a layer of interaction between the political groups inside the core of the government with groups outside this governmental sphere. Interpreting the terrorist label by understanding the different levels of interaction and the function of the state may help to explain when such group will or will not be described as terrorist group rather than "just" a criminal organization."[152]
2018 Boaz Ganor "Terrorism is the deliberate use of violence against civilian targets by a non-state actor to achieve political aims."[153]

See also

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Notes

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References

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Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
Terrorism refers to the unlawful use of violence or threats of violence, typically directed against civilians or non-combatants, intended to intimidate or coerce a population, influence government policy, or achieve political, ideological, religious, or social objectives through the creation of widespread fear.[1][2] This characterization draws from legal frameworks such as the U.S. federal definition, which specifies acts dangerous to human life violating criminal laws, aimed at coercion or intimidation, occurring within or beyond national borders.[1] Scholarly analyses similarly emphasize premeditated violence by subnational or clandestine actors against noncombatants to propagate terror for ulterior motives, distinguishing it from conventional warfare or crime.[3] Despite these common elements—violence, civilian targeting, coercive intent via fear, and extranormal political aims—no universal definition exists, owing to political disputes over applicability to state actions, liberation struggles, or asymmetric conflicts, which have thwarted comprehensive international consensus, including at the United Nations.[4][5] Key controversies include subjective labeling, where perpetrators may self-frame actions as legitimate resistance, and definitional exclusions that risk understating state-sponsored violence or overpoliticizing responses, complicating empirical assessment and counterstrategies.[6][3]

Etymology and Historical Origins

Origins of the Term

The term "terrorism" entered modern usage during the French Revolution, specifically in reference to the Règne de la Terreur (Reign of Terror), a period from September 1793 to July 1794 when the revolutionary government under the Jacobins, led by Maximilien Robespierre, institutionalized mass executions and repressive measures against perceived counter-revolutionaries to consolidate power.[7] Robespierre himself defended this policy in a February 1794 speech to the National Convention, stating that "virtue, without which terror is evil, is nothing without terror, which, without virtue, is fatal," framing terror as an instrument of revolutionary justice rather than arbitrary violence.[8] The French noun terrorisme emerged retrospectively after Robespierre's fall and execution on July 28, 1794 (10 Thermidor Year II), as critics applied it pejoratively to describe the system's reliance on fear and intimidation as a governing mechanism.[9] Etymologically, "terrorism" derives from the Latin terror (great fear or dread), via the French terreur, but its politicized connotation as organized, ideologically driven coercion crystallized in this context, distinguishing it from mere fright or sporadic violence.[10] In English, the term appeared by 1795, with early attestations including Edmund Burke's Letters on a Regicide Peace, where he condemned the Revolution's "reign of terror" and associated practices as a novel form of despotic rule propagated through systematic intimidation.[8] [10] Contemporary publications, such as the London Times on January 30, 1795, further disseminated the word in Britain, linking it to the export of revolutionary violence across Europe.[10] Initially, "terrorism" thus denoted state-orchestrated terror aimed at internal purification and external subversion, rather than the non-state, clandestine attacks characteristic of later definitions.[7] This origin underscores the term's roots in critiques of revolutionary excess, where terror was wielded as a deliberate policy to enforce ideological conformity through public fear.[9]

Early Modern Usage

The term "terrorism" originated in the context of the French Revolution's Règne de la Terreur (Reign of Terror), a period from September 5, 1793, to July 27, 1794, during which the revolutionary government, dominated by the Jacobins and led by figures such as Maximilien Robespierre, systematically employed violence, mass executions, and intimidation to suppress internal opposition and consolidate power.[11] This policy was explicitly justified as "terror" in official rhetoric; Robespierre declared in a February 1794 speech to the National Convention that "virtue, without which terror is fatal; terror, without which virtue is powerless," framing state terror as an instrument of revolutionary justice against perceived counter-revolutionaries.[7] The Committee of Public Safety oversaw the implementation, resulting in approximately 16,594 official death sentences by guillotine, alongside thousands more through summary executions, drownings, and massacres, primarily targeting aristocrats, clergy, and suspected Girondins or federalists.[12] In French discourse, "terreur" initially connoted this deliberate governmental strategy of instilling fear to achieve political ends, rather than sporadic or private violence, and was embraced by revolutionaries as a necessary virtue before shifting to a pejorative label post-Thermidor when the policy collapsed with Robespierre's execution.[13] The neologism "terrorisme" appeared in French around 1798, but early modern usage centered on "la Terreur" as state policy.[14] The English adoption of "terrorism" and "terrorist" occurred shortly thereafter, first documented in 1795 by Edmund Burke in his Letters on a Regicide Peace, where he condemned the revolutionaries, writing of "those hell hounds called Terrorists" unleashed upon France, using the term to denounce the Jacobin regime's systematic intimidation as a perversion of governance.[8] [15] Contemporary British periodicals, including The Times of London on January 30, 1795, echoed this, applying "terrorism" to describe the French government's reign of fear, reflecting Whig critics' view of it as tyrannical excess rather than legitimate defense amid war and insurgency.[16] In this era, the concept thus primarily signified state-orchestrated violence for ideological enforcement, distinct from later connotations of subnational or irregular actors, and was wielded polemically by opponents to highlight the causal link between revolutionary absolutism and widespread atrocity.[17] [10]

20th Century Evolution

In the early decades of the 20th century, the term "terrorism" increasingly described targeted violence by anarchist and revolutionary groups against political figures and institutions to propagate anti-state ideologies and incite public fear. Notable examples include the assassination of U.S. President William McKinley on September 6, 1901, by anarchist Leon Czolgosz, who aimed to dismantle perceived oppressive authority through symbolic acts of disruption.[18] Similar campaigns involved bombings and assassinations across Europe and North America, such as the 1910 Los Angeles Times bombing that killed 21 people, attributed to union-affiliated anarchists seeking labor reforms via coercive intimidation. These incidents framed terrorism as clandestine, non-state violence intended not just for immediate harm but to erode confidence in governing structures, distinguishing it from sporadic crime or warfare. The 1930s marked the first multilateral attempt to codify a definition, spurred by escalating political assassinations amid economic instability and nationalist fervor. The killing of King Alexander I of Yugoslavia and French Foreign Minister Louis Barthou on October 9, 1934, in Marseille by a Bulgarian gunman linked to Croatian separatists Vlado Chernozemski and the Ustasha movement exemplified the transnational threat, prompting the League of Nations to convene experts.[19] The resulting 1937 Convention for the Prevention and Punishment of Terrorism defined "acts of terrorism" in Article 1(1) as "all criminal acts directed against a State and intended or calculated to create a state of terror in the minds of particular persons, or a group of persons or the general public" where the purpose involved influencing government policy or intimidating populations through political, philosophical, or ideological motives.[20] Specific offenses included willful murder, kidnapping, and malicious destruction of public utilities; states were obligated to assimilate these into domestic law and prosecute or extradite offenders, with an optional protocol proposing an international criminal court.[19] Ratified by only seven nations (e.g., India, Romania), the convention lapsed without entering force, undermined by sovereignty concerns, definitional ambiguities distinguishing "terrorist" from "political" crimes, and the impending World War II.[20] Post-World War II, amid decolonization and ideological proxy conflicts, the term's application became politicized, with Western states labeling anti-colonial violence as terrorism while Soviet and non-aligned blocs often reframed it as legitimate resistance against imperialism. The United Nations General Assembly's Resolution 3034 (XXVII) of December 18, 1972, condemned "international terrorism" and urged preventive measures but deliberately avoided a binding definition to sidestep debates over excluding "peoples' struggles for liberation from colonial or foreign domination."[21] This reflected broader impasses, as divergent views—rooted in Cold War alignments—equated terrorism with state oppression for some (e.g., referencing Nazi or Stalinist regimes) while others prioritized non-state actors in resolutions.[2] Instead, the UN adopted a sectoral strategy, enacting treaties like the 1970 Hague Convention on unlawful seizure of aircraft (ratified by 186 states) and the 1979 International Convention Against the Taking of Hostages, which criminalized specific tactics without resolving core definitional elements like motive or target selection.[21] By the 1980s and 1990s, amid rising incidents like the 1972 Munich Olympics attack (killing 11 Israeli athletes) and airline hijackings, academic and policy discourse refined terrorism as the deliberate targeting of civilians or non-combatants by subnational groups or individuals using violence or threats to intimidate or coerce governments and societies toward political objectives.[2] Bruce Hoffman, in his 1998 analysis, characterized it as "violence—or, equally important, the threat of violence—used and directed in pursuit of, or in service of, a political aim," emphasizing the communicative intent to amplify fear beyond direct victims.[22] This evolution underscored terrorism's asymmetry and psychological dimension, yet persistent asymmetries persisted: definitions rarely encompassed state-perpetrated violence, despite historical precedents like Soviet purges (claiming 700,000–1.2 million lives from 1936–1938), reflecting a focus on non-state threats amid institutional biases favoring incumbent powers.[23] UN efforts culminated in the 1996 Ad Hoc Committee, which supplemented sectoral instruments (e.g., 1997 Terrorist Bombings Convention) but deferred comprehensive consensus due to ongoing disputes over ideological justifications and human rights implications.[21]

Core Conceptual Elements

Political or Ideological Motivation

A core element in most definitions of terrorism is the requirement of a political, ideological, religious, or similarly transcendent motivation, which serves to differentiate such acts from ordinary criminal violence motivated by personal gain, revenge, or psychopathology. Scholarly surveys, such as Alex P. Schmid's compilation of definitions, identify this political or ideological purpose—aimed at forcing policy or social change—as a common element distinguishing terrorism from mere crime.[24] This criterion posits that perpetrators seek to advance a broader agenda—such as altering government policy, reshaping societal norms, or imposing a doctrinal worldview—through the strategic use of violence to coerce compliance or provoke overreaction. Without this motivational threshold, acts like profit-driven bombings or isolated spree killings would blur into terrorism, diluting the term's analytical utility for countering organized threats to political order.[25][26] Government definitions consistently incorporate this element. The United States Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) characterizes terrorism as "the unlawful use of force and violence against persons or property to intimidate or coerce a government, the civilian population, or any segment thereof, in furtherance of political or social objectives," encompassing both domestic incidents driven by ideological grievances and international ones tied to transnational causes. Similarly, the U.S. Congressional Research Service describes domestic terrorism as "ideologically driven crimes" intended to intimidate or coerce civilian populations or governments in pursuit of political or social change. These formulations reflect empirical patterns in terrorist incidents, as cataloged in databases like the Global Terrorism Database, which classify attacks from 1970 to 2016 by ideologies such as left-wing extremism, right-wing nationalism, or jihadist fundamentalism, each linked to explicit goals of systemic disruption.[27][28][29] Internationally, while the United Nations lacks a comprehensive treaty definition, its sectoral conventions and resolutions, such as Security Council Resolution 1566 (2004), imply a motivational intent to "intimidate a population" or "compel a government or an international organization to do or abstain from doing any act," often framed around political coercion. Scholarly typologies, including those by Alex P. Schmid, categorize terrorism by motive—encompassing political, revolutionary, religious fundamentalist, or single-issue variants like eco-terrorism—to highlight causal links between ideology and tactical choice, where violence amplifies messaging beyond immediate harm. Religious motivations, though sometimes contested as non-political, are routinely integrated as ideological equivalents, as seen in analyses of groups like Al-Qaeda, whose 1998 fatwa explicitly aimed to expel Western influence from Muslim lands through coercive intimidation.[2][26] Critiques of the motivation requirement argue it introduces prosecutorial challenges, as intent is subjective and hard to prove beyond reasonable doubt, potentially allowing ideologically driven acts to evade terrorism charges if motive evidence falters. In Canada, for example, courts have struck down motive-based elements in terrorism offenses as overbroad or violative of free expression, ruling in cases like R. v. Khawaja (2006) that ideological purpose alone cannot constitutionally define terrorist activity without clearer bounds. Proponents counter that empirical data shows most high-impact attacks—such as the 1970s Red Brigades kidnappings in Italy (over 50 incidents tied to anti-capitalist revolution) or ISIS's 2015 Paris attacks (130 deaths to establish caliphate dominance)—are causally rooted in ideological narratives that recruit, justify, and sustain operations, justifying the criterion for precision in threat assessment. Omitting it risks conflating terrorism with apolitical mass violence, as in the 2011 Norway attacks (77 deaths), where Anders Breivik's anti-Islam manifesto aligned the act with ideological coercion despite lone-actor execution.[30][31][29]

Intent to Instill Fear and Coerce

A defining characteristic of terrorism across numerous legal and analytical frameworks is the perpetrator's deliberate aim to instill widespread fear and thereby coerce behavioral or policy changes among targeted populations or governments, extending the act's impact beyond immediate physical casualties. This psychological dimension differentiates terrorism from isolated criminal acts, such as murders motivated by personal vendettas or financial gain, which lack the broader intent to manipulate societal or governmental responses through terror. Scholar Bruce Hoffman identifies inducing terror—creating psychological impact on a broad population beyond direct victims—as a common element in terrorism definitions.[24] For example, the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) defines terrorism as "the unlawful use of force or violence against persons or property to intimidate or coerce a government, the civilian population, or any segment thereof, in furtherance of political or social objectives."[32] Similarly, U.S. Code Title 18, Section 2331 describes domestic terrorism as involving acts that "appear to be intended (i) to intimidate or coerce a civilian population; (ii) to influence the policy of a government by intimidation or coercion; or (iii) to affect the conduct of a government by mass destruction, assassination, or kidnapping."[33] This coercive intent manifests through the strategic selection of high-visibility targets and methods that amplify media coverage, fostering a sense of vulnerability and unpredictability among non-combatants. Acts like the 1995 Oklahoma City bombing, which killed 168 people including children, were explicitly framed by perpetrator Timothy McVeigh as retaliation against federal policies, with the goal of eroding public confidence in government and prompting policy shifts on issues like gun control and federal overreach.[6] Analyses of such events highlight how the fear generated—through graphic imagery and uncertainty—serves as a force multiplier, pressuring authorities to concede to demands without direct military confrontation.[34] In contrast, conventional violent crimes, even if lethal, do not pursue this systemic intimidation, as their objectives remain localized rather than ideologically driven to reshape broader power dynamics.[35] Empirical assessments, including those from government reports, underscore that this element is essential for prosecutorial and counterterrorism strategies, as it enables authorities to prioritize threats based on potential societal disruption rather than casualty counts alone. A 2023 Government Accountability Office (GAO) review of domestic terrorism incidents noted that qualifying acts "appear motivated by an intent to coerce, intimidate, or retaliate against a government or a civilian population," facilitating targeted resource allocation amid rising lone-actor attacks.[36] Scholarly examinations further argue that omitting this intent risks conflating terrorism with other violence, such as gang-related killings, which may instill local fear but lack the transnational or ideological coercion aimed at state-level change.[37] This focus on psychological coercion aligns with causal mechanisms observed in historical cases, where sustained fear campaigns, like those during the French Revolution's Reign of Terror from September 5, 1793, to July 27, 1794, sought to enforce revolutionary conformity through public dread rather than mere elimination of opponents.[2]

Targeting of Civilians or Non-Combatants

A defining characteristic of terrorism across scholarly, legal, and policy frameworks is the deliberate targeting of civilians or non-combatants, rather than exclusively military or governmental assets, to amplify psychological impact beyond immediate physical harm. Narrow definitions of terrorism emphasize this targeting of civilians or non-combatants as a core element.[24][37] This element underscores terrorism's aim to instill pervasive fear in broader populations, coercing societal or governmental change through terror rather than direct confrontation with armed forces.[2] Terrorism scholar Bruce Hoffman describes this as the "deliberate creation and exploitation of fear" via attacks on unarmed innocents, which erodes public confidence and normalcy more effectively than equivalent violence against combatants.[38] In U.S. law, international terrorism is codified as "premeditated, politically motivated violence perpetrated against noncombatant targets by subnational groups or clandestine agents," where noncombatants explicitly encompass civilians, including those not directly engaged in hostilities.[39] Domestic terrorism similarly involves acts "dangerous to human life" intended "to intimidate or coerce a civilian population" or influence government policy through such intimidation.[40] These definitions align with the Global Terrorism Database's criteria, which classify incidents as terrorism when violence targets non-combatants to advance ideological goals, excluding acts confined to military personnel unless designed for terrorizing civilians.[41] Internationally, while no comprehensive UN treaty defines terrorism universally, sectoral conventions and resolutions consistently highlight civilian targeting as a core violation. For instance, UN Security Council Resolution 1566 (2004) condemns acts causing "death or serious bodily injury to civilians or other persons not taking part in hostilities" with the intent to provoke terror.[42] This mirrors prohibitions in the Geneva Conventions, which protect civilians in conflict but frame deliberate attacks on them as war crimes; terrorism extends such tactics to peacetime equivalents, lacking the jus in bello distinctions of lawful warfare.[43] Scholars note that this focus on non-combatants differentiates terrorism from insurgency, where civilian harm may occur collaterally but not as the primary objective.[3] Critics of expansive definitions argue that emphasizing civilian targeting risks excluding attacks on symbolic military sites if they induce societal panic, yet empirical analyses of terrorist campaigns—such as those by al-Qaeda or ISIS—reveal a pattern of prioritizing soft targets like markets or transport hubs to maximize civilian casualties and media amplification.[2] This intentionality, rooted in strategic calculus rather than battlefield necessity, sustains terrorism's coercive power, as evidenced by post-9/11 data showing over 90% of fatalities in tracked incidents involving non-combatants.[41]

Distinctions from Comparable Forms of Violence

Terrorism versus Conventional Warfare

Conventional warfare involves organized armed forces of states or state-like entities engaging in structured military operations against similar adversaries, governed by international humanitarian law (IHL) such as the Geneva Conventions, which require distinction between combatants and civilians, proportionality in attacks, and granting prisoner-of-war status to captured fighters who adhere to protocols like wearing uniforms and carrying arms openly.[44][45] In contrast, terrorism typically employs non-state actors or clandestine groups that deliberately target civilians or non-combatants to instill widespread fear and coerce political change, bypassing the legal protections and constraints of IHL applicable to lawful combatants.[46][47] A core distinction lies in the actors and their status: conventional warfare combatants are governmental agents or organized forces representing state policy, entitled to combatant immunity for lawful acts, whereas terrorists operate as non-governmental agents without such recognition, often classified as unlawful belligerents or criminals under international law due to failure to distinguish themselves from civilians or respect civilian immunity.[48][49] This asymmetry denies terrorists protections like POW status, subjecting them to domestic criminal prosecution rather than battlefield honors, as seen in post-9/11 detentions where al-Qaeda operatives were deemed ineligible for combatant privileges for targeting civilians indiscriminately.[50] Tactically, conventional warfare emphasizes military-on-military engagements with traceable chains of command and declared hostilities, allowing for escalation control and negotiation, while terrorism relies on covert, low-intensity attacks on soft targets—such as the 1983 Beirut barracks bombing by Hezbollah, which killed 241 U.S. service members but blurred lines by striking in a quasi-peacetime setting—to achieve psychological impact disproportionate to physical damage.[46][44] Terrorist methods violate the IHL principle of distinction by intentionally directing violence at non-combatants to provoke terror, unlike conventional operations where civilian casualties, if occurring, must be incidental and not excessive relative to military gain.[45] Objectives further differentiate the two: conventional warfare seeks to defeat enemy forces or seize territory as a continuation of policy through force, per Clausewitzian theory, often culminating in surrender or armistice, whereas terrorism aims to compel governmental action indirectly through societal fear and disruption, as in campaigns by groups like the IRA, which used bombings to pressure British policy without fielding conventional armies.[47][44] This indirect coercion exploits asymmetries, rendering terrorism ill-suited to IHL frameworks designed for symmetric or near-symmetric conflicts between recognized parties.[48] Despite overlaps in non-international armed conflicts where insurgent groups may blend tactics, the deliberate civilian focus and lack of adherence to combatant norms prevent equating terrorism with lawful warfare; for instance, even guerrilla fighters targeting military assets may qualify for protections if organized and distinguishing themselves, but those shifting to civilian terror forfeit such status.[49][47] Sources like the Council of Europe emphasize that labeling violence as "war" versus "terrorism" carries political weight, with states sometimes invoking war paradigms for counterterrorism to access IHL derogations, though this risks blurring lines and undermining civilian protections.[44]

Terrorism versus Insurgency or Guerrilla Tactics

Insurgency refers to a protracted political-military campaign by non-state actors to overthrow or fundamentally alter a government, often employing guerrilla tactics such as ambushes, sabotage, and hit-and-run operations directed primarily at military, police, and government infrastructure to erode state control and build territorial influence.[51] Guerrilla warfare, a key component of many insurgencies, emphasizes irregular methods to exploit asymmetries in conventional power, focusing on combatants while seeking to maintain or cultivate popular support to legitimize the challenge to authority.[52] In contrast, terrorism prioritizes deliberate violence against non-combatants or symbolic civilian targets to generate psychological terror, coerce behavioral changes, or provoke overreactions from authorities, without the sustained territorial or governance objectives central to insurgency.[51][22] The strategic divergence lies in intent and audience: insurgents aim to weaken the regime's coercive apparatus and demonstrate viability as an alternative ruler, often integrating political mobilization, propaganda, and shadow governance to secure loyalty from segments of the population, as seen in Mao Zedong's protracted people's war model where guerrilla actions supported broader revolutionary goals.[53] Terrorism, however, seeks immediate coercive effects through indiscriminate or spectacular attacks that amplify fear beyond direct victims, undermining societal cohesion and pressuring governments indirectly, with less emphasis on winning sustained public allegiance.[51] Empirical analyses indicate that guerrilla tactics in insurgencies, such as those employed by the Viet Cong from 1960 to 1975, inflicted over 80% of casualties on U.S. and South Vietnamese forces through targeted engagements, preserving operational secrecy and local sympathy, whereas terrorist acts like urban bombings erode that support by alienating civilians.[52] Overlaps occur when insurgent groups incorporate terrorism as a supplementary tactic, particularly during phases of military disadvantage, to compensate for losses in direct confrontations or to sustain pressure; for instance, the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) shifted from rural guerrilla operations against Turkish forces in the 1980s to urban bombings targeting civilians in the 1990s after setbacks, using terror for attrition and negotiation leverage while pursuing separatist insurgency goals.[51] Scholarly frameworks, such as Bard E. O'Neill's typology, classify pure insurgencies by their emphasis on organizational resilience, external support, and phased escalation toward conventional phases, distinguishing them from terrorism's focus on ideological coercion without equivalent state-building elements.[54] This blurring challenges labeling: groups like the Irish Republican Army (IRA) during The Troubles (1969–1998) combined guerrilla ambushes on British troops with civilian bombings, but the latter tactics aligned more with terrorism's fear-inducing logic than insurgency's territorial consolidation.[55] Such distinctions inform counter-strategies: insurgencies demand comprehensive counterinsurgency (COIN) approaches addressing grievances, development, and security to isolate fighters from the populace, as evidenced by the Malayan Emergency (1948–1960) where British relocation of 500,000 ethnic Chinese squatters severed guerrilla sustenance, leading to success.[51] Terrorism, conversely, elicits targeted counterterrorism emphasizing intelligence, disruption of networks, and deterrence, since its reliance on spectacle over mass mobilization limits vulnerability to political reforms alone. Misclassification, as when states frame insurgencies solely as terrorism to justify kinetic-only responses, can exacerbate grievances and prolong conflicts, per analyses of PKK dynamics where denial of insurgent political dimensions fueled persistence.[51][55]

Terrorism versus State-Sanctioned Violence

Most definitions of terrorism explicitly or implicitly require the perpetrators to be non-state actors or subnational groups, thereby excluding direct state violence from the category even when it shares core elements such as targeting non-combatants to instill widespread fear for political or ideological coercion.[37][3] This definitional boundary aligns with the state's claimed monopoly on legitimate violence, as articulated in political theory, positioning governmental actions—such as aerial bombings of civilian areas during declared wars or internal purges—as forms of warfare, collective punishment, or repression rather than terrorism.[56] For instance, Allied strategic bombing campaigns in World War II, which killed over 500,000 German and Japanese civilians through indiscriminate area bombing to break enemy morale, are classified as wartime operations under international humanitarian law rather than terrorism, despite the intent to terrorize populations into submission.[42] Critics in academic literature contend that this exclusion reflects a state-centric bias, protecting governments from the pejorative label of terrorism and skewing analysis toward non-state threats while underemphasizing state-perpetrated atrocities.[57] The concept of "state terrorism" has been proposed to describe regimes employing systematic violence against their own citizens or foreign populations outside formal warfare, such as the Soviet NKVD's operations during the Great Purge (1936–1938), which executed approximately 681,692 people through arbitrary arrests, show trials, and mass deportations designed to eliminate perceived enemies and deter dissent via pervasive fear.[57] Similarly, Nazi Germany's Gestapo and SS terror apparatus targeted civilians and political opponents with extrajudicial killings and concentration camps, fostering a climate of intimidation to consolidate totalitarian control, yet these are typically framed as components of genocide or crimes against humanity rather than terrorism in prevailing definitions.[37] This scholarly debate highlights how definitional choices can serve political ends, with some arguing that reluctance to apply "terrorism" to states impedes objective assessment of violence causality and perpetuates asymmetries in international condemnation.[57][58] In practice, state-sanctioned violence resembling terrorism often manifests through covert operations or proxy support rather than overt attribution, further blurring lines but evading the terrorism label. The U.S. State Department's designation of state sponsors of terrorism—currently Cuba, North Korea, Iran, and Syria as of 2023—focuses on governments providing material aid to non-state terrorist groups, such as Iran's support for Hezbollah's attacks, rather than the states' own direct violent acts.[59] This approach underscores a policy preference for isolating state-enabled non-state violence while treating analogous direct state actions, like Syria's documented use of chemical weapons against civilians in Ghouta on August 21, 2013, killing at least 1,400 including hundreds of children to suppress rebellion, as war crimes prosecutable under frameworks like the Rome Statute.[42] Such distinctions facilitate legal and diplomatic responses tailored to sovereign actors but risk understating the continuity in tactics and outcomes between state and non-state violence, as both aim to coerce behavioral change through fear.[60]

Early International Efforts (League of Nations Era)

The League of Nations initiated formal international efforts to address terrorism in the mid-1930s, prompted by a series of high-profile political assassinations that highlighted the transnational nature of such violence. The assassination of King Alexander I of Yugoslavia and French Foreign Minister Louis Barthou on October 9, 1934, in Marseille by Vlado Chernozemski, a Macedonian revolutionary affiliated with the Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization, underscored vulnerabilities in state security and the potential for cross-border terrorist acts.[19] In response, the League's Council established a Committee of Experts in December 1934 to study repressive measures against terrorism, followed by the creation of the Committee for the International Repression of Terrorism in 1935, which drafted proposals for multilateral conventions.[19] These efforts aimed to suppress acts intended to intimidate states or publics through criminal violence, reflecting concerns over anarchist and nationalist groups operating across European borders. The culminating instrument was the Convention for the Prevention and Punishment of Terrorism, adopted in Geneva on November 16, 1937. Article 1 defined "acts of terrorism" as "criminal acts directed against a State and intended or calculated to create a state of terror in the minds of particular persons, or in the general public." The convention obligated signatory states to criminalize a range of offenses under domestic law, including the murder or attempted murder of heads of state or government officials, willful destruction of public property, sabotage of transport or communication systems, and other violent acts if motivated by intent to terrorize or coerce governments or populations.[19] It emphasized extraterritorial jurisdiction, requiring states to prosecute or extradite perpetrators regardless of nationality or location, and prohibited granting asylum to those accused of such crimes. A companion instrument, the 1937 Convention for the Creation of an International Criminal Court, proposed a permanent tribunal with jurisdiction over these offenses, though it remained unratified and unimplemented. Despite these advancements, the convention achieved limited success. Opened for signature by 25 states, it garnered only a handful of ratifications—primarily Romania in 1938—and failed to enter into force, which required seven ratifications.[61] Political divisions within the League, including rising tensions with fascist regimes that viewed the measures as potential tools against domestic opponents, contributed to the reluctance. Traditions of political asylum for revolutionaries and the absence of a unified international criminal framework further undermined enforcement, as states retained primacy in prosecution. The onset of World War II in 1939 eclipsed these initiatives, rendering the League's framework dormant until post-war United Nations efforts revived multilateral approaches.[19]

United Nations Sectoral Conventions

The United Nations has pursued a sectoral approach to countering terrorism through 19 universal legal instruments adopted since 1963, each targeting specific acts associated with terrorism rather than establishing a comprehensive definition. This method focuses on criminalizing discrete offenses—such as hijackings, bombings, and financing—while requiring states parties to exercise jurisdiction, prosecute or extradite offenders, and foster international cooperation, thereby building a fragmented but functional normative framework.[62] The conventions emphasize aut dedere aut judicare (extradite or prosecute) principles and often describe prohibited acts in terms of intent to cause death, injury, or widespread fear among civilian populations, though they generally avoid explicit political or ideological motivations to facilitate ratification amid geopolitical divides.[62] These instruments evolved in response to high-profile incidents, such as the surge in aircraft hijackings during the 1960s and 1970s, prompting early aviation-focused treaties. Subsequent conventions addressed emerging threats like nuclear material theft and terrorist financing, reflecting adaptations to technological and tactical shifts in terrorist methods. By 2023, all 19 had entered into force, with varying ratification levels among UN member states; for instance, the 1999 Financing Convention has 190 parties, underscoring broad acceptance for targeted prohibitions over holistic definitions.[62] This approach has enabled incremental progress in suppressing specific tactics but has been critiqued for lacking cohesion, as acts falling outside enumerated categories may evade uniform international response.[63] Key conventions include those on aviation security, which form the foundational cluster:
ConventionAdoption YearCore Provisions
Convention on Offences and Certain Other Acts Committed On Board Aircraft (Tokyo)1963Criminalizes violence or threats endangering flight safety; empowers aircraft commanders and mandates offender custody.[62]
Convention for the Suppression of Unlawful Seizure of Aircraft (Hague)1970Prohibits hijacking; imposes severe penalties and extradition obligations.[62]
Convention for the Suppression of Unlawful Acts against the Safety of Civil Aviation (Montreal)1971Targets sabotage or violence against aircraft; requires prosecution for acts intending serious harm.[62]
Protocol for the Suppression of Unlawful Acts of Violence at Airports Serving International Civil Aviation (Montreal)1988Extends protections to airport facilities as extensions of aircraft.[62]
Convention on the Suppression of Unlawful Acts Relating to International Civil Aviation (Beijing)2010Addresses using aircraft as weapons or cyber threats to aviation systems.[62]
Maritime and platform security treaties similarly prioritize acts threatening navigation or offshore installations, such as ship seizures with intent to endanger lives (1988 Convention and 2005 Protocol).[62] Conventions on protected persons (1973), hostages (1979), and nuclear terrorism (2005) criminalize targeted violence against diplomats, coercive kidnappings, and radiological threats, respectively, often specifying purposes like compelling governments or intimidating populations.[62] The 1997 Terrorist Bombings Convention explicitly covers explosive attacks in public places intended to cause death or extensive damage, establishing universal jurisdiction.[62] Financing (1999) and plastic explosives marking (1991) instruments extend to support activities, mandating asset freezes and traceability to disrupt operational capabilities.[62] This body of treaties implicitly contours a functional understanding of terrorism as premeditated violence against non-combatants or critical infrastructure to coerce or propagate fear, yet their specificity preserves flexibility for states to interpret motives domestically. Oversight falls to entities like the UN Counter-Terrorism Committee, which monitors implementation under Security Council resolutions, though enforcement relies on national compliance rather than supranational authority.[62] The sectoral model's endurance stems from consensus on prohibiting manifestly harmful acts, bypassing protracted debates over legitimacy of violence in asymmetric conflicts.[63]

Key International Working Definition: UN 1994 Declaration

A significant step toward consensus came with the UN General Assembly's 1994 Declaration on Measures to Eliminate International Terrorism (A/RES/49/60), which condemns terrorism as: "Criminal acts intended or calculated to provoke a state of terror in the general public, a group of persons or particular persons for political purposes are in any circumstance unjustifiable, whatever the considerations of a political, philosophical, ideological, racial, ethnic, religious or any other nature that may be invoked to justify them." This formulation emphasizes the criminal and unjustifiable nature of such acts, influencing subsequent UN resolutions and counter-terrorism frameworks.

The Terrorism Triangle

A common conceptual model in IR describes terrorism as a "triangle": Perpetrator (A) attacks innocent victims (B) to coerce or influence a wider audience/third party (C, often a government or public), spreading fear to achieve political goals.

Distinctions: Domestic vs. International Terrorism

  • Domestic terrorism: Occurs within one country's borders, targeting its own population/government without foreign direction.
  • International terrorism: Transcends borders, involves foreign actors/states, or targets international interests (e.g., 9/11).

Theoretical Perspectives in International Relations

  • Realism: Views terrorism as asymmetric tactic in anarchy; weak non-state actors exploit security dilemmas and self-help, as states cannot fully prevent attacks. Responses emphasize power (military/intelligence self-help).
  • Liberalism: Sees terrorism as threat to international order, human rights, and cooperation; advocates institutions (UN resolutions, treaties), rule of law, addressing root causes (grievances, poverty).
  • Constructivism: Emphasizes socially constructed nature of "terrorism" label; discourse and norms shape who is called terrorist (e.g., "freedom fighter" vs. "terrorist" relativism); media/rhetoric constructs threats and identities.

Failures in Adopting a Comprehensive Definition

Despite efforts spanning decades, the United Nations has failed to adopt a comprehensive multilateral convention defining terrorism, leaving a fragmented legal landscape reliant on 19 sectoral treaties addressing specific acts like hijackings and hostage-taking. The Ad Hoc Committee on Measures to Eliminate International Terrorism, established by the UN General Assembly in 1996, has convened over a dozen sessions to negotiate a draft comprehensive convention, but consensus has eluded member states due to irreconcilable political differences.[42] These failures stem primarily from disputes over the scope of the definition, particularly whether it should include violence by state actors or confine itself to non-state perpetrators, with Western nations favoring the latter to focus on groups like Al-Qaeda while others, including Russia and several Arab states, insist on addressing alleged state-sponsored terrorism.[64][65] A core contention exacerbates this impasse: the characterization of violence in national liberation struggles or against foreign occupation. Delegations from the Non-Aligned Movement and others reference UN General Assembly Resolution 2625 (1970), affirming the legitimacy of armed struggle for self-determination, to argue against labeling such acts as terrorism, effectively seeking exemptions for groups engaged in asymmetric warfare against perceived oppressors.[42][66] This "one person's terrorist is another's freedom fighter" dilemma, as articulated in scholarly analyses, politicizes negotiations, preventing agreement on core elements like premeditated violence against civilians for coercive ends.[37] For instance, during the 2001-2005 working group post-9/11 attacks, proposals to exclude "peoples' struggle for self-determination" derailed progress, despite heightened global urgency.[65] The consequences of this definitional void are substantive: without a unified framework, counterterrorism measures under UN Security Council Resolution 1373 (2001) impose obligations on states to suppress terrorism financing and support but lack clarity on what constitutes terrorism, fostering inconsistent application and legal loopholes exploited by adversaries.[67] This ambiguity undermines the universality of international law, as evidenced by ongoing Sixth Committee debates as recently as 2021, where delegates reiterated entrenched positions without resolution.[64] Critics argue that the failure reflects not mere technical hurdles but deliberate strategic withholding by states to preserve interpretive flexibility for their preferred narratives, prioritizing sovereignty and alliances over a principled, evidence-based standard grounded in the intentional targeting of non-combatants.[66][37]

United States Definitions

The United States employs multiple statutory definitions of terrorism, reflecting its application across criminal, immigration, foreign policy, and counterintelligence contexts rather than a unified federal standard. This fragmentation arises from terrorism's integration into over 100 federal laws, each addressing specific threats like domestic extremism or international networks, without a comprehensive code reconciling variances.[68] Key definitions emphasize premeditated, ideologically driven violence targeting civilians or governments to coerce policy changes, excluding routine criminality or lawful warfare.[40] Under 18 U.S.C. § 2331, enacted as part of the Antiterrorism and Effective Death Penalty Act of 1996 and amended by the USA PATRIOT Act of 2001, "domestic terrorism" involves acts dangerous to human life that violate U.S. or state criminal laws, intended to intimidate or coerce a civilian population, influence government policy through intimidation, or affect government conduct via mass destruction, assassination, or kidnapping, occurring primarily within U.S. territorial jurisdiction.[69] "International terrorism" mirrors these elements but applies to acts transcending national boundaries, such as those by foreign perpetrators or affecting U.S. interests abroad, and includes violations of federal criminal laws.[69] The Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI), as the lead agency for domestic terrorism investigations, operationalizes this statute, defining terrorism as the unlawful use of force or violence against persons or property to intimidate or coerce a government or civilian population in furtherance of political or social objectives, prioritizing threats from domestic violent extremists motivated by racial, ethnic, ideological, or other domestic grievances.[27][70] The U.S. Department of State, responsible for designating foreign terrorist organizations (FTOs) under 8 U.S.C. § 1189, relies on criteria incorporating international terrorism elements from 18 U.S.C. § 2331, focusing on organizations engaging in premeditated, politically motivated violence against noncombatant targets.[71] For annual country reports on terrorism, the State Department uses 22 U.S.C. § 2656f(d), defining terrorism as "premeditated, politically motivated violence perpetrated against noncombatant targets by subnational groups or clandestine agents," explicitly limiting scope to non-state actors and excluding state-sponsored acts unless executed by proxies.[72] These definitions facilitate sanctions, asset freezes, and travel restrictions but have drawn critique for potential underemphasis on state-linked violence, as they prioritize subnational threats aligned with U.S. national security priorities post-9/11.[73] Variations persist; for instance, the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) aligns with FBI terminology but emphasizes "domestic violent extremism" as ideologically motivated violence exceeding protected speech, without altering core statutory intents.[70] Incidents qualifying as terrorism rose 357% from 2013 to 2021, per FBI and DHS data, underscoring definitional consistency in tracking but highlighting challenges in preempting lone-actor attacks.[74] Overall, U.S. definitions prioritize causal intent—political coercion via civilian-targeted violence—over subjective labels, enabling prosecutions under material support statutes like 18 U.S.C. § 2339A and § 2339B, which criminalize aid to designated groups regardless of the actor's nationality.[75]

United Kingdom and European Union

In the United Kingdom, terrorism is defined under Section 1 of the Terrorism Act 2000 as the use or threat of action that falls within specified categories, is designed to influence the government or an international governmental organisation or to intimidate the public or a section of the public, and is made for the purpose of advancing a political, religious, racial, or ideological cause.[76] The specified actions include serious violence against a person, serious property damage, endangering a person's life (other than the perpetrator's), creating a serious risk to public health or safety, or designing serious interference with or disruption of an electronic system.[76] This definition applies both domestically and extraterritorially, encompassing threats as well as actual uses of force, and has been operationalized by the Crown Prosecution Service to prosecute offences involving actions like bombings, shootings, or preparatory acts intended to meet these criteria.[77] The UK's framework was amended by the Terrorism Act 2006 to include additional offences such as encouragement of terrorism and preparation of terrorist acts, but the core definition remains anchored in the 2000 Act. This broad scope—emphasizing intent to advance ideological causes via coercive means—distinguishes it from mere criminal violence by requiring a nexus to political or similar motivations, though critics have noted its potential to capture non-violent advocacy in edge cases, as evidenced in cases like proscription challenges.[76] Post-Brexit, the UK retains this independent definition, diverging from evolving EU standards while maintaining alignment with international conventions like UN Security Council resolutions on terrorist financing and foreign fighters. In the European Union, the primary legal framework is Directive (EU) 2017/541 on combating terrorism, which requires member states to criminalize a list of intentional acts—such as causing death or serious injury, hostage-taking, misuse of explosives or weapons, or attacks on information systems—when committed with the aim of seriously intimidating a population, unduly compelling a government or international organization to act or abstain, or seriously destabilizing or destroying fundamental political, constitutional, economic, or social structures. This directive, adopted on 15 March 2017 and transposable by member states by 8 September 2018, builds on the earlier Council Framework Decision 2002/475/JHA but expands offences to include training, travel for terrorism, and funding, reflecting responses to threats like foreign terrorist fighters following attacks in Paris (2015) and Brussels (2016). Unlike the UK's emphasis on threats and ideological advancement, the EU approach prioritizes enumerated offences with a coercive intent threshold, aiming for harmonization across 27 member states while allowing national variations in penalties. The EU definition excludes "state terrorism" explicitly and focuses on non-state actors, as clarified in recitals emphasizing protection of democratic structures without endorsing relativist interpretations that equate insurgents with terrorists. Implementation varies; for instance, France's 2017 loi renforçant la sécurité intérieure et la lutte contre le terrorisme incorporates the directive's elements into its penal code, while Germany's Strafgesetzbuch §129a aligns closely but adds safeguards against overreach in political expression. Empirical data from Eurojust reports indicate over 500 terrorism-related judicial decisions annually post-2017, underscoring the directive's role in cross-border cooperation via the European Arrest Warrant.[78] The framework's credibility stems from its basis in supranational legislation ratified by member states, though academic analyses highlight inconsistencies in transposition, such as narrower intent requirements in some Nordic countries, potentially undermining uniform enforcement.[79]

Other Democratic Nations

In Canada, the Criminal Code defines "terrorist activity" as an act or omission committed in or outside Canada that, if done in Canada, constitutes a specified indictable offence under international conventions (such as those on aviation safety, hostage-taking, or nuclear terrorism) or, more broadly, an act done in whole or in part for a political, religious, or ideological purpose with intent to intimidate the public or compel a government or organization to act or refrain, intentionally causing death, serious harm, endangerment, substantial property damage, or serious disruption of essential services (excluding legitimate protest or advocacy).[80] This definition, enacted via the 2001 Anti-terrorism Act, emphasizes motive and consequence while excluding armed conflict activities compliant with international law.[80] Australia's Criminal Code Act 1995, in section 100.1, defines a "terrorist act" as an action or threat thereof done with intent to advance a political, religious, or ideological cause, intended to cause serious harm to persons or property, endanger life, risk public health or safety, or seriously disrupt electronic systems, provided it exceeds mere advocacy, protest, or industrial action. Introduced post-2001 attacks, this framework prioritizes intent to coerce or intimidate via harm, applying to both domestic and foreign acts, and underpins offences like financing or membership in terrorist organizations.[81] New Zealand's Terrorism Suppression Act 2002 defines a "terrorist act" as one causing or threatening loss of life, serious injury, serious property or economic damage, serious risk to public health/safety, or hijacking/disruption of transport/infrastructure, carried out to advance an ideological, political, or religious cause with intent to intimidate a population or coerce a government or international body.[82] Amended in 2021 to align with UN conventions, it excludes acts in armed conflict under international law and focuses on purpose-driven intimidation, supporting suppression of financing and border controls.[82] Israel's 2016 Counter-Terrorism Law defines a "terrorist act" as an offence or threat thereof motivated by political, religious, nationalistic, or ideological aims, intended to instill fear/panic in the public or compel authorities to act/abstain, involving serious harm to persons, public safety, property, religious sites, infrastructure, economy, or environment.[83] Enacted amid ongoing threats, it presumes terrorist motive for acts by designated organizations and enables preventive measures like asset freezes, distinguishing terrorism from ordinary crime via explicit intent to terrorize.[83] These definitions across Canada, Australia, New Zealand, and Israel share core elements—ideological/political motivation, intent to coerce via intimidation, and severe harm or disruption—mirroring UN sectoral approaches while adapting to national contexts, such as Israel's emphasis on organizational ties amid persistent conflict.[80][82][83] Unlike broader academic views, they prioritize prosecutable criteria over philosophical debates, though critics note potential overreach in application without strict judicial oversight.[81]

Authoritarian and Non-Western Regimes

In authoritarian and non-Western regimes, definitions of terrorism in national laws tend to emphasize threats to state stability and public order, often encompassing acts of political dissent or ideological opposition that do not necessarily target civilians indiscriminately, thereby facilitating the suppression of internal challengers. These frameworks prioritize regime security over the conventional focus on violence against non-combatants, reflecting a causal prioritization of governmental continuity amid perceived existential threats from separatism, extremism, or foreign influence.[84][85][86] China's Counter-Terrorism Law of 2015, amended in 2018, defines terrorist activities as propositions, incitement, or acts using violence, destruction, or intimidation to generate social panic, endanger public safety, coerce state organs or international organizations, or cause casualties or property damage. This broad scope has been applied to Uyghur separatist movements and religious extremism in Xinjiang, with over 1 million individuals reportedly detained in re-education camps since 2017 under counter-terrorism pretexts, though official data frames these as preventive measures against the "three evils" of terrorism, separatism, and extremism. Critics, including human rights organizations, argue the law's vagueness enables mass surveillance and cultural suppression, diverging from empirical patterns of terrorism centered on civilian targeting.[87][88][89] Russia's Federal Law No. 35-FZ on Countering Terrorism, enacted in 2006 and supplemented by anti-extremism statutes, characterizes terrorism as the actual or threatened commission of explosions, arson, or other actions endangering lives, causing significant economic damage, or disrupting critical infrastructure, with the intent to influence governmental decisions through intimidation, destabilization, or propaganda of terror. The law has been invoked against opposition figures and groups labeled as "extremist," with a surge in prosecutions post-2022 Ukraine invasion; for instance, over 200 cases under anti-terrorism provisions targeted dissent by mid-2024, per Amnesty International monitoring, often conflating non-violent advocacy with terrorist financing or organization. This approach aligns with regime narratives framing domestic critics as foreign agents, though state sources emphasize its role in preventing attacks like the 2010 Moscow Metro bombing that killed 40.[90][91][85] Saudi Arabia's 2017 Law on Combating Terrorism Crimes and Its Financing defines terrorism as any conduct, including planning or execution, intended to disturb public order, threaten economic security, harm state institutions, or prejudice national unity through violence, intimidation, or disruption, punishable by up to life imprisonment or death. Enacted post-2014 reforms, it replaced prior decrees but retains expansive terms enabling charges against activists; notable cases include the 2018 sentencing of women's rights advocates like Loujain al-Hathloul to nearly six years for alleged terrorist affiliations tied to peaceful advocacy. Official justifications cite prevention of attacks like the 2016 Medina bombing, yet analyses from organizations like Human Rights Watch highlight its use against Shia minorities and reformers, prioritizing monarchical stability over distinctions between insurgency and terrorism.[86][92] In regimes like Iran and North Korea, explicit statutory definitions remain opaque or secondary to broader anti-subversion laws, with Iran framing terrorism primarily as external threats while domestically prosecuting opposition under security codes without a standalone terrorism statute, often designating groups like the Mujahedin-e Khalq as terrorists for regime-change aims. North Korea, designated a state sponsor of terrorism by the U.S. since 2017 for actions like the 2017 assassination of Kim Jong-nam using VX nerve agent, lacks publicly detailed domestic definitions, relying instead on penal codes criminalizing anti-state activities as treasonous equivalents to terrorism. These patterns underscore a common instrumentalization: definitions calibrated to neutralize perceived internal threats, with empirical evidence from prosecutorial data showing disproportionate application to dissidents rather than transnational networks.[93][59][94]

Academic and Theoretical Definitions

Prominent Scholarly Frameworks

Scholars have proposed various frameworks to define terrorism, emphasizing common elements such as a political or ideological purpose aimed at forcing policy or social change (distinguishing from mere crime), the use of violence or its threat (e.g., killing or destruction), intent to induce terror with psychological impact on a broad population beyond direct victims, and often the targeting of civilians or non-combatants.[24][95] These frameworks often categorize definitions by focus: actor-based (e.g., non-state perpetrators), means-based (e.g., psychological impact through fear), or goal-based (e.g., coercion for ideological change).[26] A key challenge addressed in these models is avoiding circularity or moral judgments, with empirical analysis revealing over 100 definitions in academic literature, many converging on peacetime equivalents of war crimes against civilians.[96] Alex P. Schmid's framework, developed through surveys of experts, posits terrorism as "an anxiety-inspiring method of repeated violent action, employed by (semi-)clandestine individual, group or state actors, for idiosyncratic, criminal or political reasons, whereby—in contrast to assassination—the direct targets of violence are not the main targets."[97] This definition highlights the communicative intent to instill fear in broader audiences beyond immediate victims, incorporating state actors while excluding routine criminality.[98] Schmid's revised academic consensus definition, refined in 2011 via peer review, defines terrorism as the deliberate targeting mainly of civilians and non-combatants through calculated, coercive political violence without legal or moral restraints, aimed at propagandistic and psychological effects on audiences, distinguishing it from other forms of political or historical violence, and positioned as a narrow definition suitable for academic and policy purposes.[98][99] Bruce Hoffman's model, articulated in his 1998 book Inside Terrorism, defines terrorism as "violence—or, equally important, the threat of violence—used and directed in pursuit of, or in service of, a political aim."[22] Hoffman stresses premeditation, ideological motivation, and civilian targeting to differentiate terrorism from insurgency or guerrilla warfare, drawing on historical cases like the IRA and PLO to argue that terrorism seeks symbolic impact over military victory.[23] Updated editions incorporate post-9/11 shifts, noting religious motivations' rise but maintaining political coercion as core, with empirical data from RAND's database supporting civilian focus in over 90% of incidents.[100] Other frameworks, such as Boaz Ganor's, frame terrorism as "the intentional use of, or threat to use, violence against civilians or civilian targets" to achieve political goals, prioritizing victim vulnerability in non-combat settings to enable legal universality.[25] These models collectively underscore causality: violence's psychological amplification via media, yet critiques note potential biases in excluding state actions, as non-Western regimes often label dissidents terrorists while evading scrutiny for analogous state violence.[26] Empirical validation relies on incident databases, revealing definitional inconsistencies hinder cross-national comparisons, with political motivations verifiable in 80-95% of classified cases.[100]

Empirical and First-Principles Approaches

Empirical approaches operationalize terrorism through datasets that code incidents based on observable, verifiable criteria, facilitating quantitative analysis of patterns and trends. The Global Terrorism Database (GTD), maintained by the University of Maryland's National Consortium for the Study of Terrorism and Responses to Terrorism (START), documents over 200,000 incidents worldwide from 1970 to 2020, defining terrorism as "the threatened or actual use of illegal force and violence by a non-state actor to attain a political, economic, religious, or social goal through fear, coercion, or intimidation."[101] This framework requires evidence of intentionality (e.g., perpetrator claims or patterns), subnational perpetrators, and non-combatant targets or indiscriminate methods, excluding state actions or purely criminal motives.[102] By applying consistent coding rules to media reports, official records, and court documents, the GTD enables empirical testing of hypotheses, such as the prevalence of domestic over international attacks (over 95% domestic since 1970) and the dominance of bombings as a tactic (about 48% of incidents).[103] Data from such sources reveal causal regularities, including that terrorist violence clusters around ideological motivations like separatism or religious extremism, with lethality varying by group: for example, Islamist-inspired attacks accounted for 51% of fatalities in the 2010s despite comprising 28% of incidents.[104] Empirical studies using GTD data challenge simplistic narratives, finding no strong correlation between poverty or inequality and terrorism onset—e.g., high-income democracies experience disproportionate attacks—while highlighting organizational factors like safe havens and leadership decapitation effects, where targeted killings reduce attack frequency by 20-30% in subsequent years.[31] These findings underscore terrorism's strategic nature, where success metrics prioritize media amplification and policy shifts over raw destruction, as evidenced by low per-incident casualty rates (average 1.5 deaths globally).[105] First-principles reasoning deconstructs terrorism to its elemental components: the intentional deployment of violence by weaker actors to instill disproportionate fear, coercing behavioral change in stronger opponents or societies. This deductive method starts with the causal logic that terrorism functions as asymmetric signaling—demonstrating resolve and capability to impose costs on non-combatants, thereby eroding public support and forcing concessions unattainable through symmetric means.[106] Unlike conventional warfare, which adheres to proportionality against military targets, terrorism violates peacetime norms by prioritizing psychological terror over territorial gains, as seen in historical cases where attacks like the 1972 Munich Olympics massacre amplified perpetrator visibility without military victory. Core attributes include premeditated civilian targeting for exemplary punishment and reliance on publicity to magnify impact, distinguishing it from insurgency (combatant-focused) or mass murder (non-political).[107] Causal realism in these approaches emphasizes underlying mechanisms over descriptive labels, positing that terrorism emerges from grievance-ideology-recruitment pathways where radical narratives justify violence as moral imperative, testable via longitudinal data showing ideology's role in sustaining groups despite operational failures.[108] This perspective critiques overreliance on actor-centric definitions, arguing instead for outcome-based validation: acts qualify as terrorism if they demonstrably alter target audiences' risk perceptions and compliance, as quantified in studies where fear indices post-attacks correlate with policy shifts (e.g., heightened aviation security after 9/11).[109] By grounding definitions in replicable causal chains—e.g., violence → amplification → coercion—rather than contested legitimacy judgments, first-principles methods enhance predictive utility, revealing biases in underreported non-Western incidents that skew global datasets toward spectacular events.[110]

Critiques of Vague or Politicized Definitions

Scholars have long criticized definitions of terrorism for their vagueness, which stems from ambiguous core elements such as the precise nature of "political" motives, the threshold for "terror," and distinctions between violence and ordinary crime. For instance, terms like "threatened use of force" lack clear thresholds, enabling subjective interpretations that can encompass propagandistic acts or geopolitical maneuvers without sufficient intent to coerce governments or societies.[58] This vagueness contributes to over 250 proposed definitions identified by researchers, reflecting high abstraction needed to cover diverse typologies like political, religious, or eco-terrorism, yet failing to provide operational precision.[37] Politicization arises from the term's pejorative connotations and selective application, often serving as a tool to delegitimize adversaries while exempting allies or state actors. The adage "one man's terrorist is another man's freedom fighter" encapsulates this relativism, where definitions reflect power dynamics rather than objective criteria, as groups reject the label and counter-accuse opponents.[37][111] Governments exemplify this by supporting non-state actors in conflicts—such as Libyan rebels in 2011—despite definitions prohibiting actions that endanger lives indiscriminately, revealing strategic inconsistencies over legal fidelity.[112] Critics argue that single, comprehensive definitions exacerbate overbreadth by granting excessive prosecutorial discretion, potentially criminalizing non-terrorist acts like protests or mental health-related violence, in violation of principles of legality and foreseeability under frameworks like the European Convention on Human Rights.[112] Inclusion of state actions dilutes the concept, conflating it with war crimes or aggression, while omission of "just cause" or "just means" blurs permissible insurgencies from terrorism, particularly in national liberation contexts.[58] The absence of international consensus, evident in stalled UN efforts since 1996, underscores how divergent national laws—such as the UK's broad Terrorism Act 2000 versus narrower Saudi provisions—perpetuate these issues, hindering uniform application in counterterrorism.[37][112]

Key Controversies

Relativism and the "Freedom Fighter" Debate

The relativist perspective on terrorism posits that the distinction between terrorists and freedom fighters is subjective, hinging on the observer's sympathy for the perpetrator's cause rather than the act's inherent characteristics. This view, encapsulated in the oft-cited phrase "one man's terrorist is another man's freedom fighter," implies moral equivalence between violent actors based on political context, such as anti-colonial struggles or resistance to occupation.[113] Proponents argue that groups like the African National Congress (ANC) during apartheid-era South Africa or the Irish Republican Army (IRA) in the Troubles were recast as freedom fighters post-victory, illustrating how success or ideological alignment retroactively sanitizes tactics involving civilian casualties.[114] However, this framing emerged prominently in academic and diplomatic discourse from the 1970s onward, often amid debates over Palestinian militancy and Third World liberation movements, where Western guilt over imperialism fostered equivocation.[115] Critics contend that such relativism erodes analytical rigor by conflating ends with means, allowing ideologically driven narratives to override empirical distinctions in violent methods. For example, U.S. President Ronald Reagan, in a 1986 radio address, dismissed the slogan as misleading, asserting that "freedom fighters do not need to terrorize a civilian population" and emphasizing terrorism's reliance on secrecy, inhumanity, and indiscriminate fear induction—traits absent from legitimate insurgency.[116] Scholarly frameworks reinforce this by defining terrorism objectively through criteria like premeditated violence by non-state actors against non-combatants to coerce political change, irrespective of grievances; guerrilla warfare, by contrast, targets military assets symmetrically.[117] Empirical evidence from conflicts, such as the IRA's 1998 Omagh bombing that killed 29 civilians, demonstrates how "freedom fighter" rhetoric fails when acts prioritize terror over military efficacy, yet relativist interpretations persist in sources sympathetic to underdog narratives.[113] This debate underscores systemic biases in definitional application, particularly in academia and media where left-leaning institutions often apply softer labels to violence aligned with anti-Western or progressive causes, as seen in portrayals of groups like Hezbollah as "resistance" despite rocket attacks on Israeli civilians in 2006 that displaced over 300,000 non-combatants.[114] Relativism complicates international law, stalling UN conventions since 1937 drafts excluded "political offenses" to appease state sponsors of proxy violence, prioritizing sovereignty over victim-centered standards.[115] First-principles analysis reveals terrorism's causal mechanism—psychological coercion via civilian vulnerability—as distinct from justified resistance, which adheres to proportionality under just war theory; equating them fosters moral hazard, emboldening actors who exploit definitional ambiguity for impunity.[117] Ultimately, privileging method over motive enables truth-seeking definitions that transcend partisan lenses, as evidenced by U.S. legal codes post-9/11 that classify al-Qaeda's operations as terrorism despite self-proclaimed "jihad" framing.[6]

Debates over State Terrorism

The debate over state terrorism centers on whether governments, as possessors of legitimate coercive authority, can perpetrate acts fitting the core criteria of terrorism—namely, the deliberate use of violence against non-combatants to instill widespread fear for political objectives—or if the term should be restricted to non-state actors to maintain conceptual clarity. Proponents of including states argue that excluding them creates an arbitrary exemption, allowing powerful entities to evade moral and analytical scrutiny equivalent to that applied to insurgents or militants.[118] Scholars in critical terrorism studies, such as those examining knowledge politics in the field, contend that post-9/11 focus on non-state threats has systematically marginalized state actions, despite historical precedents where regimes systematically terrorized populations to consolidate control.[57] Historical examples illustrate the case for state terrorism's applicability. The Reign of Terror during the French Revolution (September 5, 1793, to July 27, 1794) involved state-orchestrated executions by guillotine and mass drownings, targeting perceived enemies to propagate fear and enforce revolutionary ideology, resulting in an estimated 16,000-40,000 deaths. Similarly, the Bolshevik Red Terror (1918-1922) under Lenin employed the Cheka secret police for extrajudicial killings and concentration camps, aiming to eliminate counter-revolutionaries through intimidation, with death tolls estimated at 50,000 to over 200,000. These cases, analyzed by scholars like Michael Stohl, demonstrate states deploying terror as a governance tool, mirroring non-state tactics but on a vaster scale.[2][119] Opponents maintain that labeling state violence as terrorism dilutes the term's utility, conflating it with distinct phenomena like war crimes, genocide, or authoritarian repression. Influential frameworks, such as Alex P. Schmid's, explicitly differentiate state force—framed as "war, war crimes, or genocide"—from terrorism, which they conceptualize as subnational or clandestine violence challenging the state's monopoly on legitimate coercion. This exclusion aligns with many official definitions, including U.S. federal law, which specifies "subnational groups or clandestine agents" to emphasize asymmetry and illegitimacy inherent in non-state challenges to sovereignty. Critics of inclusion, including quantitative terrorism researchers, argue that broadening the term risks politicizing it further, as states rarely self-apply it, potentially undermining efforts to isolate irregular threats from conventional state power.[120][121] The exclusion persists amid accusations of scholarly bias, with some analyses suggesting deliberate oversight in Western-dominated terrorism studies to shield allied regimes or avoid relativizing non-state atrocities. Empirical data on violence scales—state terror historically accounting for millions of deaths under regimes like Stalin's USSR or Mao's China, versus thousands from groups like Al-Qaeda—underscore causal parallels in fear-based coercion, yet definitional conventions prioritize non-state focus, reflecting institutional incentives in academia and policy circles. This tension highlights how power asymmetries influence conceptual boundaries, with calls for first-principles reevaluation urging consistency based on intent and effect rather than actor status.[122][119]

Biases in Definitional Usage and Media Portrayal

The application of terrorism definitions often displays selective bias, where the label is withheld from violence aligned with prevailing ideological narratives in media and academic institutions. Empirical analyses reveal that left-wing motivated attacks, such as those by Antifa-linked actors during the 2020 U.S. protests—which involved coordinated arson, assaults on police, and political intimidation—are infrequently designated as terrorism, despite fitting core criteria of premeditated violence against non-combatants to coerce policy changes.[123] [124] Instead, such incidents are commonly framed as "protests" or "extremism" without the terrorism tag, reflecting a reluctance in left-leaning media outlets to equate ideologically sympathetic actions with prohibited violence.[125] This contrasts with right-wing or Islamist attacks, which receive the label more consistently, even when lethality or intent comparability exists.[126] Media portrayal exacerbates these definitional inconsistencies through differential coverage volume and tone. A 2024 study of over 10,000 articles in major U.S. and UK outlets (2003–2018) found Islamist attacks labeled as "terrorism" more often than non-Islamist ones, with heightened negative valence in language for Muslim perpetrators, potentially amplifying public fear while aligning with post-9/11 threat priorities.[127] However, non-Islamist attacks, including left-wing ideological violence, exhibit sharper drops in sustained reporting, minimizing their perceived systemic threat.[127] This pattern persists amid data showing left-wing incidents outnumbering right-wing ones in 2025 for the first time in decades, yet underemphasized in narratives dominated by mainstream sources exhibiting documented ideological skews toward progressive viewpoints.[123] Academic definitions further entrench bias by prioritizing relativist frameworks that exempt "freedom fighters" or state-aligned actors, often ignoring empirical patterns of civilian targeting for political ends. Scholars note deliberate oversight of state terrorism or ideologically favored violence, such as in liberation struggles, which dilutes objective criteria like intent to instill fear for coercion.[122] Public perception experiments confirm this double standard: respondents deem out-group violence (e.g., opposing ideology) as terrorism more readily than in-group equivalents, perpetuating politicized usage over causal analysis of motives and effects.[128] Such biases undermine counterterrorism efficacy by obscuring threats not fitting institutional priors, as evidenced by under-resourcing against rising left-wing plots despite their tactical evolution.[129]

Practical and Policy Implications

Applications in Counterterrorism Strategies

The application of terrorism definitions in counterterrorism strategies delineates operational, legal, and intelligence frameworks for identifying threats, authorizing responses, and allocating resources. In the United States, the FBI defines terrorism as "the unlawful use of force or violence against persons or property to intimidate or coerce a government, the civilian population, or any segment thereof, in furtherance of political or social objectives," which directs its primary investigative focus toward neutralizing domestic and international threats through Joint Terrorism Task Forces involving over 200 agencies as of 2023.[27] This definition enables the prioritization of intelligence-led disruptions, such as preempting plots via surveillance and arrests, as evidenced by the FBI's role in thwarting over 100 credible threats since 2001 through coordinated task force actions.[27] Legal definitions under 18 U.S.C. § 2331 further operationalize counterterrorism by classifying acts as domestic or international terrorism based on intent to coerce civilian populations or governments via violence transcending national boundaries, supporting prosecutions for material support to designated terrorist groups under 18 U.S.C. §§ 2339A–B. These statutes have facilitated convictions in cases involving funding or logistical aid, with the Department of Justice securing over 500 terrorism-related charges post-9/11, including asset forfeitures exceeding $1 billion under related authorities like Executive Order 13224, which targets entities committing or supporting defined terrorist acts.[130][73] Designations of Foreign Terrorist Organizations by the State Department, predicated on evidence of engaging in terrorist acts as per 8 U.S.C. § 1189, trigger sanctions, travel bans, and prohibitions on U.S. persons providing support, thereby disrupting networks like those of ISIS and al-Qaeda affiliates through financial isolation and rendition operations.[73] Internationally, the lack of a binding UN definition—despite descriptive elements in Security Council Resolution 1566 characterizing terrorism as intentional acts causing death or serious harm to civilians to intimidate populations or compel governments—complicates multilateral strategies, as states apply varying interpretations to justify extraditions, sanctions, or military interventions under Resolution 1373's mandates to suppress terrorist financing and safe havens.[25] NATO's approach frames terrorism as a direct asymmetric threat to member states, informing its 2002 Military Concept for Counter-Terrorism, which emphasizes intelligence sharing, consequence management, and targeted operations against non-state actors defined by their use of violence for political coercion, as applied in operations like those in Afghanistan from 2001–2021 involving over 10,000 alliance personnel focused on disrupting command structures.[131] In practice, these definitions influence strategic distinctions, such as treating terrorist acts as warranting law enforcement domestically versus military kinetic actions abroad, as seen in the U.S. Authorization for Use of Military Force (2001), which targeted groups engaged in terrorism against the U.S. but has expanded to associated forces, enabling drone strikes that eliminated over 3,000 militants between 2004 and 2018 according to government assessments.[6] However, definitional variances across jurisdictions, including over 100 federal U.S. statutes incorporating terrorism elements, can lead to inconsistencies in threat assessment and response efficacy, as highlighted in analyses of post-9/11 policy implementation.[6]

Economic and Insurance Contexts

In economic research, terrorism is operationally defined as premeditated acts of violence or threats thereof by non-state actors against non-combatants, intended to advance political, ideological, religious, or social objectives through the generation of fear and disruption. This framework, drawn from databases like the Global Terrorism Database (GTD), enables quantification of impacts such as reduced gross domestic product (GDP) growth—estimated at 0.02 to 0.5 percentage points annually in affected economies—and elevated financial market volatility following attacks.[132] For example, empirical studies using GTD data have shown that a one-standard-deviation increase in transnational terrorist incidents correlates with a 0.028 percentage point decline in GDP growth for developed nations.[133] Such definitions prioritize causal attribution of asymmetric violence to non-state perpetrators, distinguishing it from conventional warfare or criminality to isolate economic externalities like diminished foreign direct investment and tourism declines; post-attack tourism drops of 10-30% have been documented in targeted regions.[134] Economic models, including vector autoregressions, rely on these criteria to assess long-term costs, which often exceed direct damages (e.g., property destruction) by factors of 2-5 due to indirect effects like supply chain interruptions and heightened security expenditures.[135] In insurance contexts, terrorism is defined to delineate insurable risks, typically as violent acts or threats by subnational groups or individuals motivated by political, religious, or ideological aims to intimidate populations or compel governments. Pre-2001, U.S. commercial property and casualty policies implicitly covered terrorism without specific exclusions, but the September 11 attacks—inflicting $40 billion in insured losses—prompted widespread additions of terrorism exclusion clauses to avert insolvency from uncorrelated, high-severity events.[136][137] The Terrorism Risk Insurance Act (TRIA), signed into law on November 26, 2002, addresses this market failure by requiring insurers to offer terrorism coverage and establishing a federal reinsurance backstop for certified acts, covering losses exceeding a deductible once aggregate claims surpass $100 million (adjusted for inflation). Under TRIA, an "act of terrorism" must be certified by the Secretary of the Treasury (in consultation with the Attorney General and Secretary of Homeland Security) as: (1) dangerous to human life, property, or infrastructure; (2) committed by individuals as part of an effort to coerce U.S. civilians or influence U.S. government policy through coercion; and (3) occurring primarily within U.S. territory (with exceptions for certain international incidents involving U.S.-flagged carriers).[138] This definition, focused on foreign-directed threats in its original form, has supported market stability, with private terrorism premiums reaching $1.2 billion annually by 2019, though critics note its exclusion of purely domestic acts limits coverage breadth.[139] Reauthorizations through 2027 reflect ongoing reliance on public intervention to mitigate adverse selection in high-risk environments.[140]

References

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