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Volodymyr Zelenskyy

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Volodymyr Oleksandrovych Zelenskyy[a] (born 25 January 1978) is a Ukrainian politician and former entertainer who has served as the sixth president of Ukraine since 2019. He took office five years after the start of the Russo-Ukrainian War with Russia's annexation of Crimea and invasion of the Donbas, and has continued to serve during the full-scale Russian invasion of Ukraine, which has been ongoing since February 2022.

Zelenskyy grew up as a native Russian speaker in Kryvyi Rih. He obtained a degree in law from the Kryvyi Rih Institute of Economics, but never practiced law and pursued a career in comedy and entertainment. He co-created the production company Kvartal 95, which produced films, cartoons, and TV shows including the TV series Servant of the People, in which Zelenskyy played a fictional Ukrainian president. The series aired from 2015 to 2019 and was immensely popular. A political party with the same name as the TV show was created in March 2018 by employees of Kvartal 95.

Zelenskyy announced his candidacy in the 2019 presidential election on the evening of 31 December 2018, alongside the New Year's Eve address of then-president Petro Poroshenko on the TV channel 1+1. A political outsider, Zelenskyy positioned himself as an anti-establishment and anti-corruption figure, and had already become one of the frontrunners in opinion polls for the election months before he formally declared his candidacy. He won the election with 73.23 percent of the vote in the second round, defeating Poroshenko in the biggest landslide in the history of Ukrainian presidential elections.

As president, Zelenskyy has been a proponent of e-government and of unity between the Ukrainian- and Russian-speaking parts of the country's population.[4]: 11–13  He makes extensive use of social media, particularly Instagram.[4]: 7–10  His party won a landslide victory in the snap legislative election held shortly after his inauguration as president. During the first two years of his administration, Zelenskyy oversaw the lifting of legal immunity for members of parliament (the Verkhovna Rada),[5] the country's response to the COVID-19 pandemic and subsequent economic recession, and some limited progress in tackling corruption in Ukraine.[6][7][8] A poll in May 2021 by the Rating Group gave Zelenskyy the highest trust rating out of all Ukrainian presidents, and ranked him as the second-best president after Leonid Kuchma.[9][10]

During his presidential campaign, Zelenskyy promised to end Ukraine's protracted conflict with Russia, and he has attempted to engage in dialogue with Russian president Vladimir Putin.[11] His administration faced an escalation of tensions with Russia in 2021, culminating in Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022. Zelenskyy's strategy during the Russian military buildup was to calm the Ukrainian populace and assure the international community that Ukraine was not seeking to retaliate.[12] He initially distanced himself from warnings of an imminent war, while also calling for security guarantees and military support from NATO to "withstand" the threat.[13]

When Russia launched its full-scale invasion, Zelenskyy remained in Kyiv, declining international offers to evacuate him from the capital under attack; he declared martial law across Ukraine and a general mobilization of the armed forces.[14][15] Zelenskyy was named the Time Person of the Year for 2022.[16][17][18][19] He has frequently visited frontline and newly liberated areas.[20][21][22][23][24][25] Zelenskyy's term was originally scheduled to end in May 2024, but the ongoing Russian invasion and the resulting ongoing martial law prevented the regularly scheduled presidential election from being conducted. He is expected to remain president for the duration of the Russo-Ukrainian War.[26] Due to this extension of his term, Zelenskyy is the second-longest serving president in Ukrainian history, after only Kuchma.

Early life

[edit]

Volodymyr Oleksandrovych Zelenskyy was born to Jewish parents on 25 January 1978 in Kryvyi Rih, a major city of Dnipropetrovsk Oblast, then in the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic.[27][28][29] His father, Oleksandr Zelenskyy, is a professor and computer scientist and the head of the Department of Cybernetics and Computing Hardware at the Kryvyi Rih State University of Economics and Technology; his mother, Rymma Zelenska, is a retired engineer.[30][31][32] His grandfather, Semyon Zelenskyy [uk], served as an infantryman, reaching the rank of colonel in the Red Army (in the 57th Guards Motor Rifle Division) during World War II;[33][34] Semyon's father and three brothers were killed in the Holocaust.[35][36][37][38] In March 2022, Zelenskyy said that his great-grandparents had been killed after German troops burned their home to the ground during a massacre.[39] His grandmother survived World War II after leaving Kryvyi Rih in an evacuation of Jews to Almaty, Kazakhstan, and returned to Ukraine after the war.[40]

Before starting elementary school, Zelenskyy lived for four years in the Mongolian city of Erdenet, where his father worked[27] as a mining engineer from the mid-1970s to help build a copper mine, applying his abilities in computer science to mining.[41] Zelenskyy grew up speaking Russian.[42][33] At the age of 16 he took the Test of English as a Foreign Language and received an education grant to study in Israel, but his father did not allow him to go.[43] He later earned a law degree from the Kryvyi Rih Institute of Economics, then a department of Kyiv National Economic University and now part of Kryvyi Rih National University, but never worked in the legal field.[27][44]

Entertainment career

[edit]

At age 17, Zelenskyy joined his local team competing in the KVN comedy competition.[45] He was soon invited to join the united Ukrainian team "Zaporizhzhia-Kryvyi Rih-Transit," which performed in the KVN's Major League and eventually won in 1997.[27][46][47] That same year, he created and headed the Kvartal 95 team, which later transformed into the comedy outfit Kvartal 95. From 1998 to 2003, Kvartal 95 performed in the Major League and the highest open Ukrainian league of KVN, and the team members spent a lot of time in Moscow and constantly toured around post-Soviet countries.[27][46]

Zelenskyy in Prague in 2009

Zelenskyy and Kvartal 95 left KVN in 2003, after Zelenskyy declined a job offer from KVN's Russian management that would have required him to abandon Kvartal 95,[48][49] and after an incident where a Russian KVN producer used an antisemitic insult against Zelenskyy on stage.[48][50] That same year, Kvartal 95 started producing TV shows for the Ukrainian TV channel 1+1, and in 2005, the team moved to the Ukrainian TV channel Inter.[27]

In 2008, he starred in the feature film Love in the Big City, and its sequel, Love in the Big City 2.[27] Zelenskyy continued his movie career with the film Office Romance. Our Time in 2011 and with Rzhevsky Versus Napoleon in 2012.[27] Love in the Big City 3 was released in January 2014.[27] Zelenskyy also played the leading role in the 2012 film 8 First Dates and in sequels that were produced in 2015 and 2016.[27] He recorded the voice of Paddington Bear in the Ukrainian dubbing of Paddington (2014) and Paddington 2 (2017).[51]

Zelenskyy was a member of the board and the general producer of the TV channel Inter from 2010 to 2012.[44] Later in 2018, Zelenskyy said that then-President Yanukovych had offered him US$100 million for political control of Kvartal 95's programmes after he became general producer of Inter, but Zelenskyy refused.[52][53][54]

Zelenskyy (left) and Evgeny Koshovy (right) cohosting the opening portion of Teletriumph 2011, the national television awards of Ukraine. Kvartal 95 wrote the script and hosted the 2011 ceremony.

After Russia's 2014 annexation of Crimea, Kvartal 95 closed its office in Moscow and began shutting down business ties with Russia; Zelenskyy himself stopped working in Russia by the end of 2014.[55] By Zelenskyy's estimation, this reduced Kvartal 95's average revenue per hour of TV programming from $200,000 to $30,000.[54][55] From 2014, Kvartal 95 also began visiting the war zone to perform for Ukrainian soldiers at the front.[55][50][56] After Ukrainian media reported that Zelenskyy's Kvartal 95 had donated 1 million to the Ukrainian army after the start of the Russo-Ukrainian War, some Russian politicians and artists petitioned for a ban on his works in Russia.[57][58]

In August 2014, Zelenskyy spoke out against the intention of the Ukrainian Ministry of Culture to ban Russian artists from Ukraine.[59] Since 2015, Ukraine has banned some Russian artists and Russian media and art from entering Ukraine.[60] In 2018, the romantic comedy Love in the Big City 2 starring Zelenskyy was banned in Ukraine due to the film not following the Law of Ukraine "On Cinematography",[61] as it included a blacklisted Russian actor.[62]

In 2015, Zelenskyy became the star of the television series Servant of the People, where he played the role of the president of Ukraine.[44] In the series, Zelenskyy's character was a high-school history teacher in his 30s who won the presidential election after a viral video showed him ranting against the government corruption in Ukraine. The comedy series Svaty ("In-laws"), which Zelenskyy co-produced, was banned in Ukraine in 2017,[63] but unbanned in March 2019.[64]

Kvartal 95 performing in 2018

In 2016, while he was serving as the artistic director of Kvartal 95, Zelenskyy was a co-presenter of the Teletriumph Awards, the national television awards of Ukraine, alongside Masha Efrosynina.[65][66] Teletriumph 2016 was held at Freedom Hall, and was not televised.[66][65] He also had to leave the stage to accept his own award that night.[65] However, the television channel that Kvartal 95 had been associated with, Inter, and their parent company Inter Media Group, boycotted the event and did not participate in the nomination process due to disputes within the Ukrainian television industry and the awards organizers.[65] Zelenskyy reportedly delivered a biting punchline about the boycott.[65] The president of Inter Media Group then circulated a press release in response.[67]

Zelenskyy worked mostly in Russian-language productions. His first role in the Ukrainian language was the romantic comedy I, You, He, She,[68] which was released in Ukraine in December 2018.[69] The first version of the script was written in Ukrainian but was translated into Russian for the Lithuanian actress Agnė Grudytė. Later, the movie was dubbed into Ukrainian.[70]

2019 presidential campaign

[edit]
Zelenskyy and then-president of Ukraine Petro Poroshenko, April 2019

In March 2018, members of Zelenskyy's production company Kvartal 95 registered a new political party called Servant of the People – the same name as the television program that Zelenskyy had starred in over the previous three years.[71][72] Although Zelenskyy denied any immediate plans to enter politics and said he had registered the party name only to prevent it being appropriated by others,[73] there was widespread speculation that he was planning to run. As early as October 2018, three months before his campaign announcement and six months before the presidential election, he was already a frontrunner in opinion polls.[74][72] After months of ambiguous statements,[73][72] on 31 December, less than four months from the election, Zelenskyy announced his candidacy for president of Ukraine on the New Year's Eve evening show on the TV channel 1+1.[75] His announcement up-staged the New Year's Eve address of incumbent president Petro Poroshenko on the same channel,[75] which Zelenskyy said was unintentional and attributed to a technical glitch.[76]

Zelenskyy's presidential campaign against Poroshenko was almost entirely virtual.[77][78] He did not release a detailed policy platform[79] and his engagement with mainstream media was minimal;[77][b] he instead reached out to the electorate via social media channels and YouTube clips.[77] In place of traditional campaign rallies, he conducted stand-up comedy routines across Ukraine with his production company Kvartal 95.[81][82] On 16 April 2019, a few days before the election, 20 Ukrainian news outlets called on Zelenskyy to "stop avoiding journalists".[77] Zelenskyy stated that he was not hiding from journalists but that he did not want to go to talk shows where "people of the old power" were "just doing PR" and that he did not have time to satisfy all interview requests.[83]

Zelenskyy styled himself as an anti-establishment, anti-corruption figure, and said he wished to restore trust in politicians, "to bring professional, decent people to power" and to "change the mood and timbre of the political establishment".[71][72][84] Atlantic Council member Anders Aslund said Zelenskyy was not a populist;[79] however, other scholars have analysed Zelenskyy's politics in the framework of populism. For instance, political scientist Volodymyr Kulyk described Zelenskyy as practising "inclusionary" populism that claims to defend "the people" against "the elite" while defining "the people" in a way inclusive of all ethnic, linguistic, religious, and other groups.[85] Scholar Kostiantyn Yanchenko described Zelenskyy's campaign as characterized by "populist hyperreality" constructed by the Servant of the People series and Zelenskyy's other comedy shows,[86] and argued along with fellow scholar Mattia Zulianello that Zelenskyy and his party were examples of "valence populism" focused on "non-positional topics, such as anti-corruption appeals, political transparency and moral integrity", rather than "economic and socio-cultural issues".[87]

Before the elections, Zelenskyy presented a team that included former finance minister Oleksandr Danylyuk and others.[88][80] During the campaign, concerns were raised over his links to the oligarch Ihor Kolomoyskyi,[89] a billionaire businessman who had gained control of the 1+1 Media Group in 2010. The group operates eight Ukrainian TV channels and broadcast the Servant of the People TV series from 2015 until 2019, featuring Zelenskyy playing the President of Ukraine.

Poroshenko and his supporters claimed that Zelenskyy's victory would benefit Russia.[90][91][92][93] On 19 April 2019 at Olimpiyskiy National Sports Complex presidential debates were held in the form of a show.[94][95][96] In his introductory speech, Zelenskyy acknowledged that in 2014 he voted for Poroshenko, but "I was mistaken. We were mistaken. We voted for one Poroshenko, but received another. The first appears when there are video cameras, the other Petro sends Medvedchuk privietiki (greetings) to Moscow."[94] Although Zelenskyy initially said he would serve only a single term, he walked back this promise in May 2021, saying he had not yet made up his mind.[97]

Zelenskyy stated that as president he would develop the economy and attract investment to Ukraine through "a restart of the judicial system" and restoring confidence in the state.[98] He also proposed a tax amnesty and a 5-per-cent flat tax for big business which could be increased "in dialogue with them and if everyone agrees".[98] According to Zelenskyy, if people would notice that his new government "works honestly from the first day", they would start paying their taxes.[98]

Zelenskyy achieved a plurality of the electorate (30%) in the first round of elections on 31 March 2019.[99] In the second round, on 21 April 2019, he received 73 percent of the vote to Poroshenko's 25 percent in the biggest landslide victory in Ukrainian presidential elections[17] and was elected President of Ukraine.[100][101] Polish president Andrzej Duda was one of the first European leaders to congratulate Zelenskyy.[102] French president Emmanuel Macron received Zelenskyy at the Élysée Palace in Paris on 12 April 2019.[103] On 22 April, U.S. president Donald Trump congratulated Zelenskyy on his victory over the telephone.[104][105] European Commission president Jean Claude Juncker and European Council president Donald Tusk also issued a joint letter of congratulations and stated that the European Union (EU) will work to speed up the implementation of the remainder of the EU–Ukraine Association Agreement, including the Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Area.[106]

In October 2021, the Pandora Papers revealed that Zelenskyy, his chief aide, and the head of the Security Service of Ukraine Ivan Bakanov operated a network of offshore companies in the British Virgin Islands, Cyprus, and Belize. These companies included some that owned expensive London property.[107] Around the time of his 2019 election, Zelenskyy handed his shares in a key offshore company over to Serhiy Shefir, but the two men appear to have arranged for Zelenskyy's family to continue receiving the money from these companies.[107] Zelenskyy's election campaign had centred on pledges to clean up the government of Ukraine.[107]

Presidency

[edit]
Presidency of Volodymyr Zelenskyy
20 May 2019 – present
Volodymyr Zelenskyy
CabinetHoncharuk Government
Shmyhal Government
PartyServant of the People
Election2019
SeatPresidential Office Building
Bankova 11, Kyiv


Presidential styles of
Volodymyr Zelenskyy
Official portrait, 2019
Reference styleЙого Високоповажність, Президент України.
"His Excellency, the President of Ukraine"
Spoken styleПрезидент України.
"President of Ukraine"
Alternative styleПане Президенте.
"Mr President"
Zelenskyy with German Chancellor Angela Merkel at the Federal Chancellery Complex in Berlin, June 2019
Zelenskyy meeting with U.S. president Donald Trump in New York City on 25 September 2019
Zelenskyy and Belarusian president Alexander Lukashenko in Zhytomyr, October 2019
Zelenskyy leaving 10 Downing Street after a meeting with then-prime minister Boris Johnson in October 2020

Zelenskyy was inaugurated on 20 May 2019.[108] Various foreign officials attended the ceremony in Ukraine's parliament (Verkhovna Rada), including Salome Zourabichvili (Georgia), Kersti Kaljulaid (Estonia), Raimonds Vējonis (Latvia), Dalia Grybauskaitė (Lithuania), János Áder (Hungary), Maroš Šefčovič (EU), and Rick Perry (United States).[109] Zelenskyy is the first Jewish president of Ukraine; with Volodymyr Groysman as prime minister, Ukraine became the first country other than Israel to simultaneously have a Jewish head of state and head of government.[29]

In his inaugural address, Zelenskyy dissolved the then Ukrainian parliament and called for early parliamentary elections (which had originally been scheduled for October of that year).[110] One of the parliamentary coalition members, the People's Front, opposed the move and withdrew from the ruling coalition.[111]

On 28 May, Zelenskyy restored the Ukrainian citizenship of Mikheil Saakashvili.[112]

Zelenskyy's first major proposal to change the electoral system from a plurality voting system to proportional representation with closed party lists was strongly rejected by the Ukrainian parliament, who believed that closed lists would lead to more corruption in government.[113] Zelenskyy had earlier called for the introduction of open list election ballots, such as during his inauguration speech,[114] but his proposal would have held the 2019 Ukrainian parliamentary election with closed lists based on the reasoning that the 60-day term to the snap election did not "leave any chances for the introduction of this system."[115]

In addition, on 6 June, lawmakers refused to include Zelenskyy's key initiative on reintroducing criminal liability for illegal enrichment in the parliament's agenda, and instead included a similar bill proposed by a group of deputies.[116][117] In June 2019 it was announced that the president's third major initiative, which seeks to remove immunity from lawmakers, diplomats and judges, would be submitted after the July 2019 Ukrainian parliamentary election.[118] This initiative was completed on 3 September, when the new parliament passed a bill stripping lawmakers of legal immunity, delivering Zelenskyy a legislative victory by fulfilling one of his key campaign promises.[119]

On 8 July, Zelenskyy ordered the cancellation of the annual Kyiv Independence Day Parade on Maidan Nezalezhnosti, citing costs. Despite this, Zelenskyy highlighted that the day would "honor heroes" on Independence Day, however, the "format will be new."[120][121] He also proposed to spend the money that would have been used to finance the parade on veterans.[122]

In 2020, Zelenskyy's party proposed reforms to Ukraine's media laws with the intent to increase competition and loosen the dominance of Ukrainian oligarchs on television and radio broadcasters. Critics said it risked increasing media censorship in Ukraine[123] because its clause of criminal responsibility for the distribution of disinformation could be abused.[124]

In January 2020, Zelenskyy took a trip to Oman that was not published on his official schedule, appearing to combine a personal holiday with government business. His office said Zelenskyy paid for the entire trip himself. Nevertheless, he was criticized for a lack of transparency and critics pointed out he had once criticized his predecessor Poroshenko for taking an undisclosed vacation in the Maldives.[125][126]

In January 2021, parliament passed a bill updating and reforming Ukraine's referendum laws,[127] which Ukraine's Constitutional Court had declared unconstitutional in 2018.[128] Fixing the referendum law had been one of Zelenskyy's campaign promises.[127]

In June 2021, Zelenskyy submitted to the Verkhovna Rada a bill creating a public registry of Ukraine's oligarchs, banning them from participating in privatizations of state-owned companies and forbidding them from contributing financially to politicians. Opposition party leaders supported Zelenskyy's goal of reducing oligarchs' influence on politics in Ukraine but were critical of his approach, saying the public register would be both dangerous, as it concentrated power in the president; and ineffective, since oligarchs were merely a "symbol" of more deeply-rooted corruption.[129] The bill was passed into law in September 2021.[130] Critics of Zelenskyy's administration have claimed that, in taking power away from the Ukrainian oligarchs, he has sought to centralize authority and strengthen his position.[131]

Cabinets and administration

[edit]

Zelenskyy appointed Andriy Bohdan as head of the Presidential Administration of Ukraine. Before this, Bohdan had been the lawyer of Ukrainian oligarch Ihor Kolomoyskyi.[132] Under the rules of Lustration in Ukraine, introduced in 2014 following Euromaidan, Bohdan is not entitled to hold any state office until 2024 (because of his government post during the Second Azarov Government).[133] Bohdan, however, contended that because heading the presidential administration is not considered civil service work, lustration did not apply to him.[134] A number of the members of the Presidential Administration Zelenskyy appointed were former colleagues from his former production company, Kvartal 95,[132] including Ivan Bakanov, who became deputy head of the Ukrainian Secret Service (SBU).[135] Former deputy foreign minister Olena Zerkal declined an appointment as deputy head of the presidential administration, but did agree to serve as the Ukrainian representative of the international courts concerning Russia.[136] Zelenskyy's requests to replace the foreign minister, defence minister, chief prosecutor and head of Ukraine's security service were rejected by parliament.[137][138] Zelenskyy also dismissed and replaced 20 of the governors of Ukraine's 24 oblasts.[139]

Honcharuk government

[edit]

In the 21 July 2019 parliamentary election, Zelenskyy's political party, Servant of the People, won the first single-party majority in modern Ukrainian history in parliament, with 43 percent of the party-list vote. His party gained 254 of the 424 seats.[140]

Following the elections, Zelenskyy nominated Oleksiy Honcharuk as prime minister, who was quickly confirmed by parliament. Parliament also confirmed Andrii Zahorodniuk as defence minister, Vadym Prystaiko as foreign minister and Bakanov as head of the SBU.[141] Arsen Avakov, a controversial figure dogged by longstanding corruption allegations,[142] was kept on as interior minister, with Honcharuk arguing that the relatively inexperienced government needed experienced administrators and that Avakov had been "'drawn red lines' that cannot be crossed."[143]

Zelenskyy dismissed Bohdan as head of his presidential administration on 11 February 2020 and appointed Andriy Yermak as his successor the same day.[144]

Shmyhal government

[edit]

In March 2020, Honchurak resigned as prime minister following the leak of an audio recording in which he appeared to belittle Zelenskyy's economic management. Honchurak was replaced as prime minister Denys Shmyhal.[145] Honchurak's hasty departure caused disquiet both in Ukraine and abroad, with many economists and political observers warning it would bring instability.[146] In his 4 March address to the Rada,[147] Zelenskyy recommitted to reforms domestic and financial, and remarked that he "cannot always become a psychologist for people, a crisis manager for someone, a collector who requires honestly earned money, and a nanny of the ministry in charge."[citation needed] By September 2020, Zelenskyy's approval ratings had fallen to less than 32 percent.[148]

Zelenskyy and Turkish president Recep Tayyip Erdoğan on 16 October 2020

On 24 March 2021, Zelenskyy signed Decree 117/2021 approving the "strategy for de-occupation and reintegration of the temporarily occupied territory of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea and the city of Sevastopol."[149]

By October 2021, Zelenskyy's approval rating had fallen further to 24.7%, but was still above or on par with most of his predecessors' at the same point in their presidencies.[17]

Attempts to end the Donbas conflict

[edit]

One of Zelenskyy's central campaign promises had been to end the Russo-Ukrainian War and resolve the Russia-sponsored separatist movement there.[150] On 3 June, Zelenskyy appointed former president Leonid Kuchma as Ukraine's representative in the Tripartite Contact Group for a settlement in the conflict.[151] On 11 July 2019, Zelenskyy held his first telephone conversation with Russian president Vladimir Putin, during which he urged Putin to enter into talks mediated by EU.[152][153] The two leaders also discussed the exchange of prisoners held by both sides.[153] In October 2019, Zelenskyy announced a preliminary deal struck with the separatists, under which the Ukrainian government would respect elections held in the region in exchange for Russia withdrawing its unmarked troops.[150] The deal was met with heavy criticism and protests by both politicians and the Ukrainian public. Detractors noted that elections held in Donbas were unlikely to be free and fair, that the separatists had long driven most pro-Ukrainian residents out of the region to ensure a pro-Russia majority, and that it would be impossible to ensure Russia kept its end of the agreement.[150] Zelenskyy defended his negotiations, saying the elections would not be held before a Russian withdrawal.[154] The agreement failed to ease the conflict, as the separatists continued their attacks and Russia continued providing them with weapons and ammunition.[155] Several Ukrainian nationalist militias and former militias also refused to accept the agreement, including the far-right Azov fighters in the Luhansk region of Donbas. Zelenskyy met personally with some of these groups and tried to convince them to surrender their unregistered weapons and accept the peace accord. Andriy Biletsky, the leader of the far-right National Corps and first commander of Azov, accused Zelenskyy of being disrespectful to army veterans and of acting on behalf of the Kremlin by leaving Ukrainians vulnerable to Russian aggression.[156][157] Ultimately, the peace deal failed to reduce the violence, much less end the war.[155]

In December 2019, Russia and Ukraine agreed to resume talks mediated by France and Germany under the so-called Normandy Format, which had been abandoned in 2016; it was Zelenskyy's first face-to-face meeting with Vladimir Putin.[158] In July 2020, Zelenskyy announced a formal ceasefire with the separatists — the more than twentieth such attempt since the war began in 2014.[159] Although the ceasefire was frequently violated over the next few years and overall violence remained high, ceasefire violations in 2020 did decrease by over 50 percent compared to the previous year.[160]

UIA Flight 752

[edit]

On 8 January 2020, the Presidential Office announced that Volodymyr Zelenskyy was cutting short his trip to Oman owing to the Ukraine International Airlines Flight 752 plane crash in nearby Iran the same day.[161] Also on the same day, internet news site Obozrevatel.com released information that on 7 January 2020, Ukrainian politician of the Opposition Platform — For Life Medvedchuk – who has exclusive relations with the current president of Russia – may have arrived in Oman.[162][163] Soon, rumors began that Zelenskyy may have had some additional meetings beside the ones that were announced.[164] On 14 January 2020, Yermak dismissed the rumors as speculations and baseless conspiracy theories,[165] while Medvedchuk stated that the plane was used by his older daughter's family to fly from Oman to Moscow.[166] Later, Yermak contacted the on-line newspaper Ukrainian Truth and gave more details about the visit to Oman and the plane crash in Iran.[167]

Zelenskyy and Mohammed bin Rashid Al Maktoum, Prime Minister of the United Arab Emirates, on 15 February 2021

On 17 January 2020, the presidential appointee Minister of Foreign Affairs, Prystaiko, was unable to give answers during the "times of questions to the government" in parliament when the people's deputies of Ukraine asked him about the visit's official agenda, the invitation from Oman, officials of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs who were preparing the visit, as well as how the president actually crossed the border while visiting Oman.[168][169] On 20 January 2020, Prystaiko followed up by giving a briefing to the press in the Office of the president of Ukraine and saying that he would explain everything about the visit when the time came.[170]

Foreign relations

[edit]
Zelenskyy and Azerbaijan's president Ilham Aliyev, 17 December 2019
Zelenskyy with Israeli prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu, 24 January 2020
Zelenskyy at the Batumi International Conference with Georgian president Salomé Zourabichvili, Moldovan president Maia Sandu and European Council president Charles Michel, 19 July 2021
Zelenskyy and U.S. president Joe Biden, 1 September 2021

Zelenskyy's first official trip abroad as president was to Brussels in June 2019, where he met with EU and NATO officials.[171]

In August 2019, Zelenskyy promised to lift the moratorium on exhuming Polish mass graves in Ukraine after the previous Ukrainian government banned the Polish side from carrying out any exhumations of Polish victims of the Ukrainian Insurgent Army-perpetrated Volhynian massacres, following the removal of a memorial to the Ukrainian Insurgent Army in Hruszowice, southeastern Poland.[172]

In September 2019, it was reported that U.S. president Trump had allegedly blocked payment of a congressionally mandated $400-million military aid package to Ukraine to pressure Zelenskyy during a July phone call between the two presidents to investigate alleged wrongdoing by Joe Biden and his son Hunter Biden,[93][173] who took a board seat on Ukrainian natural gas company Burisma Holdings.[174] This report was the catalyst for the Trump–Ukraine scandal and the impeachment inquiry against Donald Trump. Zelenskyy has denied that he was pressured by Trump and declared that "he does not want to interfere in a foreign election."[175]

On a trip to the United States in September 2021, Zelenskyy engaged in talks and commitments with U.S. president Joe Biden,[176] Secretary of Defense Lloyd Austin, Secretary of Energy Jennifer Granholm,[177] and Secretary of State Antony Blinken.[178] President Zelenskyy and First Lady Olena Zelenska also took part in the opening of the Ukrainian House in Washington, D.C.[177] On the same trip, he met with Apple CEO Tim Cook[179] and with Ukrainians in senior positions at Silicon Valley tech companies,[180] and spoke at Stanford University.[181] While Zelenskyy was still in the U.S., just after delivering a speech at the United Nations, an assassination attempt was made in Ukraine on Shefir, his closest aide. Shefir was unhurt in the attack, although his driver was hospitalized with three bullet wounds.[182]

Russo-Ukrainian crisis (2021–2022)

[edit]

In April 2021, in response to Russian military build-up at the Ukrainian borders, Zelenskyy spoke to American president Joe Biden and urged NATO members to speed up Ukraine's request for membership.[183]

Zelenskyy in Donetsk Oblast in June 2021

On 26 November 2021, Zelenskyy accused Russia and Ukrainian oligarch Rinat Akhmetov of backing a plan to overthrow his government.[184] Russia denied any involvement in a coup plot and Akhmetov said in a statement that "the information made public by Volodymyr Zelenskiy about attempts to draw me into some kind of coup is an absolute lie. I am outraged by the spread of this lie, no matter what the president's motives are."[185][186] In December 2021, Zelenskyy called for preemptive action against Russia.[187] On 19 January 2022, Zelenskyy said in a video message that the country's citizens should not panic and appealed to the media to be "methods of mass information and not mass hysteria."[188][189] On 28 January, Zelenskyy called on the West not to create a "panic" in his country over a potential Russian invasion, adding that constant warnings of an "imminent" threat of invasion are putting the economy of Ukraine at risk.[190] Zelenskyy said that "we do not see a bigger escalation" than in early 2021 when Russia's military build-up started.[191] Zelenskyy and U.S. president Joe Biden disagreed on how imminent the threat was.[192][193]

On 19 February, as worries of a Russian invasion of Ukraine grew, Zelenskyy warned the Munich Security Conference that Western nations should abandon their "appeasement" attitude toward Moscow. "Ukraine has been granted security assurances in exchange for giving up the world's third-largest nuclear arsenal. We don't have any firearms. And there's no security... But we have a right to urge a transformation from an appeasement policy to one that ensures security and peace," he stated.[194]

In the early hours of 24 February, shortly before the start of the Russian invasion, Zelenskyy recorded an address to the citizens of both Ukraine and Russia. He disputed claims of the Russian government about the presence of neo-Nazis in the Ukrainian government and stated that he had no intention of attacking the Donbas region while highlighting his connections to the area.[195] In part of the address, he spoke in Russian to the people of Russia, appealing to them to pressure their leadership to prevent war:

Who will suffer the most from this? People. Who does not want this more than anyone? People. Who can prevent this? People.

Are these people present among you? I am sure there are. Public figures, journalists, musicians, actors, athletes, scientists, doctors, bloggers, stand-up comedians, Tik-Tokers and many more. Regular people. Regular, normal people. Men, women, the elderly, children, fathers, and most importantly, mothers. Just like people in Ukraine. Just like the authorities in Ukraine, no matter how much they try to convince you otherwise.

I know that they will not show this appeal of mine on Russian television. But the citizens of Russia must see it. They must know the truth. And the truth is that this needs to stop before it is too late. And if the Russian leadership does not want to sit down at the table with us for the sake of peace, then perhaps, they will sit down at the table with you.

Do Russians want war? I would very much like to answer this question. But the answer depends only on you, the citizens of the Russian Federation.

The speech was widely described as "emotional" and "astonishing."[196][197]

Russian invasion of Ukraine (2022–present)

[edit]
Verkhovna Rada chairman Ruslan Stefanchuk, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy and Ukrainian Prime Minister Denys Shmyhal after signing of the application for membership in the European Union during the war on 28 February 2022
President Volodymyr Zelenskyy visiting a military hospital for soldiers fighting in the Kyiv Oblast, 13 March

Phase 1: invasion of Ukraine 2022, 24 February – 7 April

[edit]

On the morning of 24 February, Putin announced that Russia was initiating a "special military operation" in the Donbas. Russian missiles struck a number of military targets in Ukraine, and Zelenskyy declared martial law.[198] Zelenskyy also announced that diplomatic relations with Russia were being severed, effective immediately.[199] Later in the day, he announced general mobilization.[200] On 25 February, Zelenskyy said that despite Russia's claim that it was targeting only military sites, civilian sites were also being hit.[201] In an early morning address that day, Zelenskyy said that his intelligence services had identified him as Russia's top target, but that he is staying in Kyiv and his family will remain in the country. "They want to destroy Ukraine politically by destroying the head of state," he said.[202] In the early hours of 26 February, during the most significant assault by Russian troops on the capital of Kyiv, the United States government and Turkish president Recep Tayyip Erdoğan urged Zelenskyy to evacuate to a safer location, and both offered assistance for such an effort. Zelenskyy turned down both offers and opted to remain in Kyiv with its defense forces, saying that "the fight is here [in Kyiv]; I need ammunition, not a ride."[203][204][205]

More than 90% of Ukrainians supported the actions of Zelenskyy,[206] including more than 90% in western and central Ukraine and more than 80% in Russian-speaking regions in eastern and southern Ukraine.[207] A Pew Research Center poll found that 72% of Americans had confidence in Zelenskyy's handling of international affairs.[208]

Zelenskyy has gained worldwide recognition as the wartime leader of Ukraine during the Russian invasion; historian Andrew Roberts compared him to Winston Churchill.[209][210] Harvard Political Review said that Zelenskyy "has harnessed the power of social media to become history's first truly online wartime leader, bypassing traditional gatekeepers as he uses the internet to reach out to the people."[211] He has been described as a national hero or a "global hero" by many commentators, including publications such as The Hill, Deutsche Welle, Der Spiegel and USA Today.[209][212][213][214] BBC News and The Guardian have reported that his response to the invasion has received praise even from previous critics.[205][215] During the invasion, Zelenskyy has been reportedly the target of more than a dozen assassination attempts; three were prevented by tips from Russian FSB employees who opposed the invasion. Two of those attempts were carried out by the Wagner Group, a Russian paramilitary force, and the third by the Kadyrovites, the personal guard of Chechen leader Ramzan Kadyrov.[216] While speaking about Ukrainian civilians who were killed by Russian forces, Zelenskyy said:[217]

We will not forgive. We will not forget. We will punish everyone who committed atrocities in this war... We will find every scum who was shelling our cities, our people, who was shooting the missiles, who was giving orders. You will not have a quiet place on this earth – except for a grave.

On 7 March 2022, Czech president Miloš Zeman decided to award Zelenskyy with the highest state award of the Czech Republic, the Order of the White Lion, for "his bravery and courage in the face of Russia's invasion."[218]

Zelenskyy with Polish Prime Minister Mateusz Morawiecki, Czech Prime Minister Petr Fiala, Slovenian Prime Minister Janez Janša and Deputy Prime Minister of Poland Jarosław Kaczyński, Kyiv, 15 March

Zelenskyy has repeatedly called for direct talks with Putin,[219] saying: "Good Lord, what do you want? Leave our land. If you don't want to leave now, sit down with me at the negotiating table. But not from 30 meters away, like with Macron and Scholz. I don't bite."[220] Zelenskyy said he was "99.9 percent sure" that Putin thought the Ukrainians would welcome the invading forces with "flowers and smiles."[221]

On 7 March 2022, as a condition for ending the invasion, the Kremlin demanded Ukraine's neutrality; recognition of Crimea, which had been annexed by Russia, as Russian territory; and recognition of the self-proclaimed separatist republics of Donetsk and Luhansk as independent states.[222] On 8 March, Zelenskyy expressed willingness to discuss Putin's demands.[219] Zelenskyy said he is ready for dialogue, but "not for capitulation."[223] He proposed a new collective security agreement for Ukraine with the United States, Turkey, France, Germany as an alternative to the country joining NATO.[224] Zelenskyy's Servant of the People party said that Ukraine would not give up its claims on Crimea, Donetsk and Luhansk.[225] However, Zelenskyy said that Ukraine was considering giving the Russian language protected minority status.[226]

Zelenskyy in the Kyiv Oblast following the recapture of the region by Ukraine, 4 April

On 15 March 2022, Polish Prime Minister Mateusz Morawiecki, together with Czech Prime Minister Petr Fiala and Slovenian Prime Minister Janez Janša, visited Kyiv to meet with Zelenskyy in a display of support for Ukraine.[227] On 16 March 2022, a deepfake appeared online of Zelenskyy calling on Ukrainian citizens to surrender to Russia. The attack was largely deemed to have failed at its intended goal.[228] The video is considered to be the first use of deepfake technology in a global-scale disinformation attack.[229]

Zelenskyy has made an effort to rally the governments of Western nations to isolate Russia. He has made numerous addresses to the legislatures of the EU,[230][231] UK,[232] Poland,[233] Australia,[234] Canada,[235] US,[236] Germany,[237] Israel,[238] Italy,[239] Japan,[240] the Netherlands,[241] Romania,[242] and the Nordic countries.[243][244][245]

On 23 March, Zelenskyy was calling on Russians to emigrate from Russia so as not to finance the war in Ukraine with their taxes.[246] In March 2022, Zelenskyy supported the suspension of 11 Ukrainian political parties with ties to Russia: the Socialist Party of Ukraine, Derzhava, Left Opposition, Nashi, Opposition Bloc, Opposition Platform — For Life, Party of Shariy, Progressive Socialist Party of Ukraine, Union of Leftists, and the Volodymyr Saldo Bloc.[247][248][249] The Communist Party of Ukraine, another pro-Russia party, had already been banned in 2015 because of its support to the Donbas separatists.[250] Zelenskyy has also supported consolidating all TV news stations into a single 24-hour news broadcast run by the state of Ukraine during martial law.[251][252]

Phase 2: South-Eastern front 2022, 8 April – 5 September

[edit]

In April 2022, Zelenskyy criticized Germany's ties with Russia.[253] In May 2022, Zelenskyy said that Ukrainian men of conscription age had a duty to remain in Ukraine.[254] As Zelenskyy ordered a general military mobilization in February 2022, he also banned men aged 18 to 60 from leaving Ukraine.[255][256]

Zelenskyy awarding a soldier near the front line in the Kharkiv Oblast, 29 May

Zelenskyy denounced suggestions by former US diplomat Henry Kissinger that Ukraine should cede control of Crimea and Donbas to Russia in exchange for peace.[257] On 25 May 2022, he said that Ukraine would not agree to peace until Russia agreed to return Crimea and the Donbas region to Ukraine.[258] However, he later said he did not believe that all the land seized by Russia since 2014, which includes Crimea, could be recaptured by force, saying that "If we decide to go that way, we will lose hundreds of thousands of people."[259] On 3 May 2022, Zelenskyy accused Turkey of having "double standards" by welcoming Russian tourists while attempting to act as an intermediary between Russia and Ukraine to end the war.[260] On 25 May 2022, Zelenskyy said that he was satisfied with China's policy of staying away from the conflict.[261] In August 2022, he said China had the economic leverage to pressure Putin to end the war, adding,

I'm sure that without the Chinese market for the Russian Federation, Russia would be feeling complete economic isolation. That's something that China can do – to limit the trade [with Russia] until the war is over.

According to Zelenskyy, since the beginning of the invasion, Chinese President Xi Jinping had refused to speak with him.[262]

Zelenskyy meeting with French President Macron, Italian Prime Minister Draghi, German Chancellor Scholz and Romanian President Iohannis, Kyiv, 16 June

On 30 May 2022, Zelenskyy criticized EU leaders for being too soft on Russia and asked, "Why can Russia still earn almost a billion euros a day by selling energy?"[263] The study published by the Centre for Research on Energy and Clean Air (CREA) calculates that the EU paid Russia about €56 billion for fossil fuel deliveries in the three months following the start of Russia's invasion.[264]

Zelenskyy visiting a school in Irpin in Bucha Raion on the occasion of Knowledge Day on 1 September 2022

On 20 June 2022, Zelenskyy addressed African Union (AU) representatives via videoconference. He invited African leaders to a virtual meeting, but only four of them attended.[265] On 20 July 2022, South America's Mercosur trade bloc refused Zelenskyy's request to speak at the trade bloc's summit in Paraguay.[266]

Phase 3: counteroffensive and annexations 2022, 6 September – 31 December

[edit]

Speaking about the 2022 Russian mobilization, Zelenskyy called on Russians to not submit to "criminal mobilization," saying: "Russian commanders do not care about the lives of Russians — they just need to replenish the empty spaces left" by killed and wounded Russian soldiers.[267] Following Putin's announcement of Russia annexing four regions of Ukrainian territory it had seized during its invasion, Zelenskyy announced that Ukraine would not hold peace talks with Russia while Putin was president.[268]

On 25 September 2022, Zelenskyy said that Putin's threats to use nuclear weapons "could be a reality." He added that Putin "wants to scare the whole world" with nuclear blackmail.[269] He also said that Putin is aware that the "world will never forgive" a Russian nuclear strike.[270] When asked what kind of relationship Ukrainians and Ukraine will have with Russia after the war, Zelenskyy replied that "They took too many people, too many lives. The society will not forgive them," adding that "It will be the choice of our society whether to talk to them, or not to talk at all, and for how many years, tens of years or more."[271] On 21 December 2022, Zelenskyy visited the United States on his first foreign trip since the war began.[272][273] He met with President Joe Biden and addressed Congress delivering his full speech in English. The United States announced they would supply Patriot missiles to Ukraine as had been requested.[274]

By 31 December the Battle of Soledar had been decided and on 16 January 2023 Russian forces secured control of the town.[275]

Phase 4: stalemate and shell hunger 2023, 1 January – 31 December

[edit]
Zelenskyy at the UN Security Council in New York City on 20 September 2023

In early 2023, Zelenskyy signed a new law declaring that desertion, or "failure to report for duty without a valid reason," would result in up to 12 years in prison.[276][277] Over a year later in late 2024, the Verkhovna Rada passed bills decriminalising soldiers' first instance of desertion or absence without leave if they returned to their duty station,[278] and allowing these soldiers to return to military service.[279]

In May 2023, he visited the International Criminal Court in The Hague and said he would like to see Putin stand trial for war crimes committed during the war in Ukraine,[280] including the crime of aggression.[281]

By 1 June the Battle of Bakhmut had been decided in Russia's favor.

On 19 September 2023, in a speech to the UN General Assembly, Zelenskyy called on neutral countries in Latin America, Africa and Asia to abandon their neutrality and support Ukraine.[282] In October 2023, after the Hroza missile attack, he criticized countries supporting Russia, saying "all those who help Russia circumvent sanctions are criminals."[283]

Phase 5: indecisive allies 2024, January–July

[edit]

On 8 February 2024 Zelenskyy decommissioned General Valery Zaluzhny as Commander-in-Chief of the Ukrainian Armed Forces, and promoted General Oleksandr Syrskyi in his stead.[284] On 17 February Syrskyi declared he would hold Avdiivka no longer.[285][286][287][288][289]

On 25 June 2024 Zelenskyy decommissioned Lt. Gen. Yuriy Sodol, who had been promoted in February to Syrskyi's now-vacant position. He installed Brig. Gen. Andriy Hnatov to replace Sodol.[290]

Phase 6: Kursk incursion 2024, August–present

[edit]
Zelenskyy with French President Emmanuel Macron and U.S. President-elect Donald Trump in Paris on 7 December 2024

In April 2024, Zelenskyy signed a new mobilization law to increase the number of troops.[291][292] He also signed into law a measure lowering Ukraine's army mobilization age from 27 to 25.[293]

In June 2024, Zelenskyy said that China's support for Russia would prolong the war in Ukraine. According to Zelenskyy, Russia used Chinese diplomats to undermine the Ukraine peace summit in Switzerland.[294]

In July 2024, Zelenskyy criticized Narendra Modi's meeting with Putin on the same day that Russian missile strikes hit the children's hospital Okhmatdyt in Kyiv,[295] saying "It is a huge disappointment and a devastating blow to peace efforts to see the leader of the world's largest democracy hug the world's most bloody criminal in Moscow on such a day."[296][297][298]

On 30 August 2024, Zelenskyy decommissioned Lt Gen Mykola Oleshchuk, who had headed the Ukrainian Air Force since 2021, shortly after the death of F-16 pilot Col Oleksiy Mes during a Russian missile attack. Politician Maryana Bezuhla claimed the pilot's jet had been shot down by the friendly fire of an anti-aircraft missile, and the death is under investigation.[299] Zelenskyy did not specify a reason for the dismissal, but said "we must...take care of all our warriors."[300][299] Zelenskyy also said: "I have decided to replace the commander of the Air Forces... I am eternally grateful to all our military pilots," the next day after the pilot's death.[301]

In October 2024, Zelenskyy unveiled the Victory Plan for Ukraine.[302] The plan included five points: one geopolitical, two military, one economical and one related to national defense and safety.[303]

In December 2024, Zelenskyy resisted pressure from the Biden administration to lower the conscription age to 18 to replace Ukraine's battlefield losses.[304] In February 2025, he said that Ukraine would introduce special military contracts for volunteers aged 18 to 24.[305]

On 4 September 2024, most of the Shmyhal Government cabinet tendered their resignations while Zelenskyy considered his reshuffle.[306][307]

2025 United States Oval Office meeting

[edit]
The full meeting (disagreements begin after 39:10)

In February 2025, Zelenskyy met with U.S. President Trump at the White House to discuss a proposed agreement which would give the United States the right to extract rare minerals from Ukrainian soil. The meeting soon turned into a heated exchange with Trump and Vice President J.D. Vance against Zelenskyy. The planned lunch, discussions, and signing were all cancelled and Zelenskyy was evicted from the White House.[308][309]

In the aftermath of the meeting, the Trump administration suspended the provision of intelligence and military aid to Ukraine for around a week. The provision of aid to Ukraine was resumed after Zelenskyy agreed to an unconditional 30-day ceasefire, contingent on Russian approval (as Russia rejected the proposal, the ceasefire did not actually materialize).[citation needed]

In June 2025, after talks with Zelenskyy at The Hague NATO summit, Trump said he was considering sending more Patriot missile batteries to Ukraine to protect Kyiv from Russian attacks.[310]

2025 anti-corruption protests

[edit]

On 22 July 2025, despite calls to veto, Zelenskyy signed a controversial law that removed independence from two Ukrainian anti-corruption bodies, the National Anti-Corruption Bureau of Ukraine (NABU) and Specialized Anti-Corruption Prosecutor's Office (SAPO), and gave more power to the government's Prosecutor General,[311] Zelenskyy loyalist Ruslan Kravchenko.[312] Critics of the law have said it may hurt Ukraine's efforts to join the European Union,[313] while EU officials have called the law a "step back".[314]

After widespread protest across multiple cities, Zelenskyy submitted a new draft law aimed at restoring the independence of NABU and SAPO. He stated the new bill would protect the agencies from Russian influence while preserving their independence, though no details were given. According to NABU, the proposal restores both bodies' full powers and safeguards.[315] The new bill was adopted by parliament and signed by Zelenskyy on 31 July 2025; Zelenskyy said it was "very important that the state listens to public opinion".[316]

In an interview published on 25 September, Zelenskyy said he would not seek a second term after the war ends.[317]

2025 Budapest Summit

[edit]

On October 17, Donald Trump indicated interest in meeting Zelenskyy at the 2025 Budapest Summit in Hungary, but that their meeting would be separate from Trump's meeting with Putin as Trump noted, "These two leaders do not like each other, and we want to make it comfortable for everybody."[318] On Meet the Press, Zelenskyy confirmed that he was interested in joining the summit meeting, emphasizing the importance of Ukraine as being part the dialogue in order "to have just and lasting peace."[319]

Political views

[edit]

Economic issues

[edit]

In a mid-June interview with BIHUS info [uk], a representative of the president of Ukraine at the Cabinet of Ministers, Andriy Herus stated that Zelenskyy had never promised to lower communal tariffs, but that a campaign video in which Zelenskyy stated that the price of natural gas in Ukraine could fall by 20–30 percent or maybe more was not a direct promise but actually "half-hinting" and "joking".[320] Zelenskyy's election manifesto mentioned tariffs only once — that money raised from a capital amnesty would go towards "lowering the tariff burden on low-income citizens".[321][322]

Foreign policy

[edit]
Zelenskyy and British Prime Minister Boris Johnson pay tribute to fallen Ukrainian soldiers in Kyiv on 17 June 2022
Zelenskyy with Rishi Sunak on 15 May 2023
Zelenskyy with Keir Starmer on 10 July 2024

During his presidential campaign, Zelenskyy said that he supported Ukraine's becoming a member of the EU and NATO, but he said Ukrainian voters should decide on the country's membership of these two organisations in referendums.[323] At the same time, he believed that the Ukrainian people had already chosen "eurointegration."[323][324] Zelenskyy's close advisor Bakanov also said that Zelenskyy's policy is supportive of membership of both the EU and NATO, and proposes holding referendums on membership.[325] Zelenskyy's electoral programme claimed that Ukrainian NATO membership is "the choice of the Maidan and the course that is enshrined in the Constitution, in addition, it is an instrument for strengthening our defense capability."[326] The program states that Ukraine should set the goal to apply for a NATO Membership Action Plan in 2024.[326] The programme also states that Zelenskyy "will do everything to ensure" that Ukraine can apply for European Union membership in 2024.[327] Two days before the second round, Zelenskyy stated that he wanted to build "a strong, powerful, free Ukraine, which is not the younger sister of Russia, which is not a corrupt partner of Europe, but our independent Ukraine."[328] In October 2020, he spoke in support of Azerbaijan in regard to the Nagorno-Karabakh war between Azerbaijan and ethnic Armenians over the disputed region of Nagorno-Karabakh. Zelenskyy said,

We support Azerbaijan's territorial integrity and sovereignty just as Azerbaijan always supports our territorial integrity and sovereignty.[329]

Zelenskyy has tried to position Ukraine as a neutral party in the political and trade tensions between the United States and China. In January 2021, Zelenskyy said in an interview with Axios that he does not perceive China as a geopolitical threat and that he does not agree with the United States assertions that it represents one.[330]

In February 2022, he applied for Ukraine to join the EU.[331][332]

Zelenskyy condemned Hamas' 7 October 2023 attack on Israel, and expressed his support of Israel's right to self-defense.[333] As the Gaza war continued, Zelenskyy also affirmed Ukraine's support for the two-state solution and recognition of the State of Palestine; called for international law to be followed; and expressed Ukraine's readiness to provide humanitarian aid to Gaza and desire to prevent civilian suffering.[334][335]

Zelenskyy and U.S. President Donald Trump at NATO summit in The Hague, 25 June 2025

Zelenskyy condemned the attempted assassination of Donald Trump.[336]

Russo-Ukrainian War

[edit]

Zelenskyy supported the Euromaidan movement in late 2013 and early 2014. During the war in Donbas, he actively supported the Ukrainian army.[44] Zelenskyy helped fund a volunteer battalion fighting in Donbas.[337] In a 2014 interview with Komsomolskaya Pravda v Ukraine, Zelenskyy said that he would have liked to pay a visit to Crimea, but would avoid it because "armed people are there."[338] In August 2014, Zelenskyy performed for Ukrainian troops in Mariupol and later his studio donated ₴1 million to the Ukrainian army.[339] Regarding the 2014 Russian annexation of Crimea, Zelenskyy said that, speaking realistically, it would be possible to return Crimea to Ukrainian control only after a regime change in Russia.[340]

In an interview in December 2018 with Ukrainska Pravda, Zelenskyy stated that as president he would try to end the ongoing war in Donbas by negotiating with Russia.[341] As he considered the leaders of the Donetsk People's Republic and the Luhansk People's Republic (DPR and LPR) to be Russia's "puppets," it would "make no sense to speak with them."[341] He did not rule out holding a referendum on the issue.[341] In an interview published three days before the 2019 presidential election (on 21 April), Zelenskyy stated that he was against granting the Donbas region "special status."[342] In the interview he also said that if he were elected president he would not sign a law on amnesty for the militants of the DPR and LPR.[342]

Zelenskyy, French president Emmanuel Macron and Russian president Vladimir Putin meeting in Paris on 9 December 2019 in the "Normandy Format" aimed at ending the war in Donbas.

In response to suggestions to the contrary, he stated in April 2019 that he regarded Putin "as an enemy."[343] On 2 May 2019, Zelenskyy wrote on Facebook that "the border is the only thing Russia and Ukraine have in common."[344]

Zelenskyy opposes the Nord Stream 2 natural gas pipeline between Russia and Germany, calling it "a dangerous weapon, not only for Ukraine but for the whole of Europe."[345]

On 25 May 2022, two months after the full-scale Russian invasion, Zelenskyy said "Ukraine will fight until it regains all its territories."[346]

Zelenskyy has described the extensive environmental damage from the war as "an environmental bomb of mass destruction" and "an ecocide" (a crime in Ukraine) and has met with prominent European politicians and others to discuss the environmental damage.[347][348][349][350][351][excessive citations]

In September 2025, Zelenskyy argued that China had the leverage to force Russia to end the invasion—"without China, Putin’s Russia is nothing"—but that China had too often remained silent instead of acting for peace.[352]

Government reform

[edit]
Zelenskyy with NATO secretary general Jens Stoltenberg in June 2019

During the 2019 presidential campaign, Zelenskyy promised bills to fight corruption, including removal of immunity from the president, members of the Verkhovna Rada (Ukraine's national parliament) and judges, a law about impeachment, reform of election laws, and providing efficient trial by jury. He promised to bring the salary for military personnel "to the level of NATO standards."[353]

Although Zelenskyy had earlier stated that he prefers elections with open list election ballots (such as in his inauguration speech[114]), after he called the snap 2019 Ukrainian parliamentary election, his draft law "On amendments to some laws of Ukraine in connection with the change of the electoral system for the election of people's deputies" proposed to hold the election with closed lists because the 60-day term to the snap election did not "leave any chances for the introduction of this system."[115] However, this bill was rejected by parliament.[113]

Social issues

[edit]
Zelenskyy and Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi at the COP26 climate summit in Glasgow, November 2021

Zelenskyy opposed targeting the Russian language in Ukraine and banning artists for their political opinions (such as those viewed by the Government as anti-Ukrainian).[354][355] In April 2019, he stated that he was not against a Ukrainian language quota (on radio and TV), although he noted they could be tweaked.[356] He also said that Russian artists "who have turned into (anti-Ukrainian) politicians" should remain banned from entering Ukraine.[342]

In response to a petition demanding equal rights for same-sex couples, Zelenskyy affirmed that democracies were measured by how they ensure equal rights for all citizens, that "all people are free and equal in their dignity and rights",[357] and that the family "consists of persons who live together, are connected by common life, have mutual rights and obligations";[358] he asked the Prime Minister of Ukraine to review civil partnerships for same-sex couples and called this "part of the work on establishing and ensuring human rights and freedoms".[358] However, he said that same-sex marriage could not be introduced during wartime as this would require amending the Constitution of Ukraine, which defines marriage as "based on the free consent of a woman and a man", and the Constitution cannot be changed during martial law.[357][359][360] Civil rights organizations such as Kyiv Pride praised the statement,[360] though Holos MP Inna Sovsun criticized the lack of details about legal proposals for civil partnerships.[357]

On 2 December 2022, Zelenskyy said his administration would enter a bill in the Verkhovna Rada that would ban "religious organizations affiliated with centers of influence in the Russian Federation", referring to the Ukrainian Orthodox Church (Moscow Patriarchate) (UOC-MP), from operating in Ukraine.[361] The bill was passed by parliament and signed by Zelenskyy in August 2024,[362] after opposition parties protested the bill's delay.[363] The law treats each parish individually and gives it nine months to cut ties with the UOC-MP, following which a special commission will inspect individual parishes and file lawsuits against non-compliant ones; the court can then decide on a ban in each case.[364]

Personal life

[edit]
Volodymyr Zelenskyy and Olena Zelenska voting in the 2019 parliamentary election

In September 2003, Zelenskyy married Olena Kiyashko, with whom he had attended school and university.[365][366] Kiyashko worked as a scriptwriter at Kvartal 95.[367] The couple's first daughter, Oleksandra, was born in July 2004. Their son, Kyrylo, was born in January 2013. In Zelenskyy's 2014 movie 8 New Dates, their daughter played Sasha, the daughter of the protagonist. In 2016, she participated in the show Make the Comedian Laugh: Kids and won ₴50,000.[27] The family lives in Kyiv.[366]

Zelenskyy's assets were worth about ₴37 million (about US$1.5 million) in 2018.[368]

Zelenskyy's first language is Russian, and he is also fluent in Ukrainian and English.[369][370][371][372] Since becoming president, he has hired a Ukrainian-language tutor and improved his command of the language.[373]

Achievements, awards, and recognition

[edit]

Teletriumph Awards

[edit]

The Teletriumph Awards are the national television awards of Ukraine. Zelenskyy has won this award over 30 times, in multiple categories, in multiple years.[374] However, Teletriumph 2018 remains the most recent award year; the awards were cancelled in 2019 due to reorganizational efforts,[375] and again the following year due to COVID-19. In 2021, Zelenskyy served on the "Expert Council" of the Ukrainian Television Academy (UTVA), to oversee the restructuring efforts of the awards and the discussions for a new nomination process.[376] As the television academy was finalizing its award nominations for 2022, Russia invaded Ukraine, and much of the celebrity class of Ukraine enlisted into the military. The awards are not considered permanently cancelled, but indefinitely suspended.

Year Nominee Category Result Ref.
2016 Servant of the People, (Kvartal 95 Studio) Best Feature Series Winner [377]
Production team for Servant of the People Best Producer of a TV Series/Film Winner [378]
Screenwriting team for Evening Quarter Best Screenwriter of a TV series Winner [378]
2015 Volodymyr Zelensky for Evening Quarter Best Host of entertainment program Winner [379]
2013 Volodymyr Zelenskyy for Evening Quarter [UK] Best host of an entertainment program Winner [380]
Production group of Fairytale Rus (Skazochnaya Rus) Best producer (production group) of a television program Winner [381]
Scriptwriting team of Evening Quarter Best screenwriter (screenwriting group) of a television program Winner
2011 Production team for Matchmakers 4 Best producer of a television series Nominee [382]
Screenwriting team for Evening Quarter Best screenwriter of a TV program Nominee
2012 Volodymyr Zelenskyy and Valeriy Zhidkov for Evening Quarter Best host of an entertainment program Winner [383]
Scriptwriting team of Evening Quarter Best screenwriter (screenwriting group) of a television program Winner
2010 Screenwriting team of Svaty Best screenwriter of a television program Winner [384]
Production group of Svaty Best producer (production group) of a television film/series Winner

Awards and decorations

[edit]

In 2022, British newspaper Financial Times[385] and US magazine Time both selected Zelenskyy as Person of the Year.[386]

Species named after Zelenskyy

[edit]

Ausichicrinites zelenskyyi, an extinct species of feather star described on 20 July 2022 by a group of Polish paleontologists, is named after Zelenskyy "for his courage and bravery in defending free Ukraine."[409][410]

Other media

[edit]

In 2023, American country music singer Brad Paisley released a song titled "Same Here", which features Zelenskyy in a spoken-word interlude.[411]

Selected filmography

[edit]
The film premiere of I, You, He, She

Films

[edit]
Year Title Role
2004 Three Musketeers writer; d'Artagnan
2008 Horton Hears a Who! (Ukrainian dub) Mayor Ned McDodd
2009 Love in the Big City Igor
2010 Love in the Big City 2 Igor
2011 Office Romance. Our Time Anatoly Efremovich Novoseltsev
2012 Rzhevsky Versus Napoleon Napoleon
8 First Dates Nikita Sokolov
2014 Love in Vegas Igor Zelenskyy
Paddington (Ukrainian dub) Paddington Bear (voice)[412]
2015 8 New Dates Nikita Andreevich Sokolov
2016 8 Best Dates Nikita Andreevich Sokolov
Servant of the People 2 Vasyl Petrovych Holoborodko
The Angry Birds Movie (Ukrainian dub) Red (voice)[413]
2017 Paddington 2 (Ukrainian dub) Paddington Bear (voice)[412]
2018 I, You, He, She Maksym Tkachenko
2023 Superpower himself; short interviews with Sean Penn
2024 Turn in the Wound himself; documentary film by Abel Ferrara

Television shows and appearances

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Year Title Role Notes
2006 Dancing with the Stars (Ukraine) as contestant
2008–2012 Svaty ("In-Laws") as producer
Multiple Teletriumph Awards Award winner Earned this award multiple times prior to 2022
2015–2019 Servant of the People Vasyl Petrovych Holoborodko
2022 64th Annual Grammy Awards Guest appearance Special message, as President of Ukraine
2023 12th NFL Honors Guest appearance Special message, as President of Ukraine[414]

Publications

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  • Zelensky, Volodymyr (2022). A Message From Ukraine: Speeches, 2019–2022. London: Hutchinson Heinemann. ISBN 978-1-52-915354-5. OCLC 1374537388. A collection of sixteen of Zelenskyy's speeches.

Notes

[edit]

References

[edit]

Further reading

[edit]
[edit]
Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
Volodymyr Oleksandrovych Zelenskyy (Ukrainian: Володимир Олександрович Зеленський; born 25 January 1978), where "Volodymyr" is the official English transliteration from Ukrainian (Володимир), distinct from the Russian variant "Vladimir" (Владимир)—with "Valdmir" being a misspelling lacking standard usage—is a Ukrainian politician, former actor, and comedian serving as the sixth president of Ukraine since 20 May 2019.[1][2] Zelenskyy co-founded the comedy studio Kvartal 95 in 2003, which produced sketch shows, films, and live performances.[2] He achieved widespread recognition starring in the television series Servant of the People from 2015 to 2019, portraying a high school teacher elected president after a viral anti-corruption rant.[2] Following the series' popularity, he formed the Servant of the People party, registered in March 2018. In the 2019 presidential election, Zelenskyy won the runoff against incumbent Petro Poroshenko with 73.22% of the vote.[3] Zelenskyy's presidency has centered on governance reforms and foreign policy amid escalating tensions with Russia. A pivotal event was Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine on 24 February 2022, to which he has led the national response. Zelenskyy declared martial law the same day (on 24 February 2022),[4] under which general mobilization has been enacted, most military-age men (aged 18–60) have been prohibited from leaving the country, and elections have been suspended, extending his presidential term beyond 20 May 2024.[5] He has coordinated Ukraine's defense efforts, including civilian resilience initiatives and coercive military mobilization measures imposed on Ukrainian men.[6] Zelenskyy has also pursued international diplomacy to obtain military assistance, economic support, and political backing from global allies.[7]

Early life

Family background and childhood

Childhood photographs of Volodymyr Zelenskyy
Photographs showing Volodymyr Zelenskyy as a young child
Volodymyr Zelenskyy was born on 25 January 1978 in Kryvyi Rih, an industrial city in the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic, to Jewish parents Oleksandr and Rymma Zelenskyy. His father, Oleksandr, worked as a professor of computer science and mathematics, eventually heading the cybernetics department at the Kryvyi Rih Institute of Economics.[8][9] His mother, Rymma, was an engineer in the local metallurgy industry.[10] The family lived modestly in the working-class environment of Kryvyi Rih, a Russophone hub dominated by Soviet-era heavy industry, with no notable political involvement from either parent.[8] Zelenskyy's early childhood included a period abroad, as his family resided in Erdenet, Mongolia, for about five years due to his father's professional assignment there, before returning to Kryvyi Rih around 1983 owing to his mother's health issues from the harsh climate.[8][2] Raised in a secular Soviet Jewish household amid official atheism, Zelenskyy spoke Russian at home and experienced limited overt religious practice, though family lore included Holocaust losses among relatives, such as his great-grandparents killed by Nazis in Ukraine.[11][9] Kryvyi Rih's pre-war Jewish community had been largely decimated, leaving scant institutional ties, and while regional anti-Semitism persisted in subtle forms during the late Soviet and post-1991 independence eras, Zelenskyy's direct childhood engagement with Jewish cultural networks was minimal.[12][8] The familial emphasis on technical education and professional stability shaped Zelenskyy's formative years in this monolingual Russian-speaking, proletarian setting, where Soviet constraints limited ethnic or religious expressions but fostered a pragmatic worldview attuned to everyday resilience in an industrial monoculture.[10] Parents' academic and engineering roles provided stability without affluence, underscoring modest circumstances amid the economic transitions following Ukraine's 1991 independence, when Zelenskyy was 13.[8][9]

Education and early influences

Zelenskyy enrolled at the Kryvyi Rih Economic Institute, a regional campus of Kyiv National Economic University, in 1995 and graduated in 2000 with a degree in law.[1][13] Although licensed to practice law upon graduation, he did not pursue a career in the legal profession, forgoing rigorous application of his analytical training in favor of other ventures.[14] During his studies, Zelenskyy engaged in the institute's theater program, where he developed performative skills that complemented his formal education in law and economics.[15] This extracurricular involvement highlighted an early blend of structured reasoning with creative expression, foreshadowing his pivot away from conventional paths.[16] His university years coincided with Ukraine's post-Soviet transition, a era of liberalization following independence in 1991, which exposed young adults in industrial regions like Kryvyi Rih to emerging market dynamics and Western cultural influences amid skepticism of legacy Soviet-era institutions.[17] This context, combined with his aversion to corruption noted in biographical accounts, nurtured an outsider perspective emphasizing pragmatism over entrenched elite norms.[16]

Entertainment career

Comedy beginnings and Kvartal 95

Kvartal 95 performers in a comedic dance sketch wearing high heels
Scene from a Kvartal 95 comedy video showing troupe members in an absurd dance routine, typical of their early satirical sketches
Volodymyr Zelenskyy co-founded the Kvartal 95 comedy team in 1997 as a student at the Kryvyi Rih Economic Institute, organizing a group of university peers to compete in KVN, a longstanding Soviet-era improvisational humor contest popular across post-Soviet states. Named after the Kryvyi Rih district where Zelenskyy grew up, the team initially performed live sketches satirizing Ukrainian societal quirks, including bureaucratic inefficiencies and everyday absurdities, often drawing from local post-independence challenges.[12] [18] The troupe achieved early breakthroughs by winning the Ukrainian KVN league and advancing to the international final in Moscow by late 1997, where over 200 teams competed. Their routines, delivered primarily in Russian to appeal to broader audiences, toured Ukrainian cities and extended to Russian-speaking regions, including performances in Russia, emphasizing relatable humor on corruption and social hypocrisies without endorsing specific political parties or ideologies. This non-partisan approach helped build a wide fanbase amid Ukraine's turbulent 1990s transition.[19] [20] [21]
Volodymyr Zelenskyy performing on stage with Vecherniy Kvartal backdrop
Zelenskyy during a live performance of Vecherniy Kvartal, the flagship TV show of Kvartal 95 Studio
In 2003, leveraging momentum from KVN successes and live tours, Zelenskyy partnered with Serhii Shefir and Borys Shefir to formalize operations as Kvartal 95 Studio, a production entity focused on entertainment content. The studio's debut TV project that December—a cycle of holiday concerts—aired on Ukraine's 1+1 channel, signaling a shift to broadcast media. Follow-up deals with the Inter channel in 2004 culminated in the 2005 launch of Vecherniy Kvartal, a variety program that secured the "Golden Feather" award for best entertaining TV show in 2006.[22] These ventures demonstrated Zelenskyy's business foresight, as ticket sales from early tours and initial TV revenues funded studio growth, fostering relative independence from oligarch funding in the group's nascent phase and enabling diversification into original programming by the mid-2000s.[23]

Servant of the People and media empire

Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a bathroom scene from Servant of the People
Zelenskyy in a casual domestic scene from the satirical TV series Servant of the People, which he created and starred in
Zelenskyy, listed on IMDb as an actor, comedian, screenwriter, producer, and director,[24] achieved prominence through the political satire series Servant of the People (2015–2019), best known for starring in and producing the series, in which he played Vasyl Holoborodko, a high school history teacher unexpectedly elected president after a profane viral rant against government corruption—a fictional Ukrainian president before becoming the real one in 2019.[25] The series premiered on Ukraine's 1+1 channel on November 16, 2015, depicting Holoborodko's efforts to dismantle elite corruption and oligarchic influence without relying on established political structures.[26] Produced under his company Kvartal 95, the show aired primarily in Russian during its initial seasons, aligning with the bilingual viewing habits prevalent in Ukraine at the time.[27]
Volodymyr Zelenskyy performing a high kick at a podium in Servant of the People
Zelenskyy in a comedic podium scene from Servant of the People, highlighting the series' satirical take on political corruption
The narrative emphasized populist anti-establishment themes, portraying direct confrontation with corrupt officials and subtle advocacy for people-driven governance over institutional reforms, though it avoided detailed policy blueprints or explicit endorsements of foreign alignments like NATO membership.[28] Critics noted its resonance with public disillusionment toward entrenched power, fostering Zelenskyy's image as an outsider capable of upending systemic graft.[29] Kvartal 95, cofounded by Zelenskyy in 2003, expanded this success into a broader media portfolio, including feature films such as I, You, He, She (2018) and online sketches that amplified satirical content across platforms.[30] This media output generated substantial revenue, with Zelenskyy's pre-political wealth derived largely from production royalties and related ventures estimated at $20–30 million by 2019.[31] Documents from the Pandora Papers revealed that Zelenskyy and Kvartal 95 partners established an offshore network in the British Virgin Islands and Cyprus starting in 2012, through which dividends from Ukrainian media assets, including Servant of the People, were funneled—structures later transferred to associates before his 2019 candidacy.[30] These arrangements, while legal, underscored the opacity in monetizing entertainment success amid Ukraine's oligarch-dominated media landscape, contributing to his financial independence prior to entering politics.

Entry into politics

Formation of political party

In December 2018, Volodymyr Zelenskyy announced his presidential candidacy under the Servant of the People party, which his production company Kvartal 95 had registered earlier that year, deliberately naming it after the eponymous television series to evoke its narrative of an ordinary citizen upending corrupt elites.[2] The registration capitalized on the series' popularity, which had aired since 2015 and portrayed Zelenskyy as a principled teacher-turned-president, fostering an authentic grassroots image despite the party's origins in his entertainment enterprise.[7] The party's formation prioritized rapid assembly of candidates lacking prior political involvement, with Zelenskyy explicitly filtering out experienced politicians to signal a rupture from Ukraine's entrenched system and promise untainted reform.[29] Initial funding derived from profits of Zelenskyy's media production firm, though critics alleged underlying oligarchic influence, particularly from Ihor Kolomoisky—whose 1+1 channel broadcast the series and provided extensive exposure—raising questions about the extent of behind-the-scenes elite backing despite the anti-oligarch rhetoric.[32][33] Servant of the People's platform eschewed ideological rigidity, centering on anti-corruption initiatives like confiscating assets from convicted officials and advancing decentralization to empower local governance, while remaining vague on foreign policy to maintain broad centrist-populist appeal among youth and reform seekers.[34] The organizational setup employed tech-savvy methods, including online platforms for engagement, which helped cultivate a modern, non-traditional image unburdened by partisan baggage.[35]

2019 presidential campaign and election

Volodymyr Zelenskyy announced his presidential candidacy on December 31, 2018, positioning himself as an anti-corruption outsider unaffiliated with Ukraine's entrenched political elite.[2] His campaign capitalized on widespread voter disillusionment with incumbent President Petro Poroshenko's administration, criticized for persistent corruption, economic stagnation, and inconclusive handling of the Donbas conflict.[36] In the first round of voting on March 31, 2019, Zelenskyy secured 30.24% of the vote among 39 candidates, advancing to the runoff against Poroshenko, who received 15.95%, with a turnout of approximately 63%.[37][3] Zelenskyy's platform emphasized eradicating corruption including targeting political "plantings," achieving peace in Donbas through negotiations starting with "just stop shooting," economic growth via lower tariffs and family welfare initiatives, people's power through referendums and direct participation, digitalization such as business registration in an hour and online services, alongside alleviating poverty via broader economic reforms, though it offered limited detailed policy proposals and relied heavily on his relatable persona from the television series Servant of the People.[38][39][40][41] The campaign leveraged social media and viral videos over traditional rallies, appealing to younger and rural voters frustrated with oligarch influence.[42] Zelenskyy advocated for land reform to boost agriculture and threatened impeachment or dissolution of parliament against corrupt officials, framing himself as a fresh alternative to establishment figures.[43]
Volodymyr Zelenskyy on stage making hand gestures
Zelenskyy during the presidential debate at the stadium
Tensions escalated over debates; Zelenskyy skipped a televised confrontation on April 14, 2019, prompting Poroshenko to address an empty podium, but the rivals clashed in a raucous stadium event on April 19 before 22,000 spectators, focusing on war, corruption, and leadership fitness.[44][45] In the April 21 runoff, Zelenskyy won decisively with 73.22% of the vote to Poroshenko's 24.45%, achieving a landslide amid 61.37% turnout and sweeping all regions except Lviv Oblast.[46][3] This reflected populist momentum against perceived elite failures rather than ideological divides.
Volodymyr Zelenskyy walking and pointing in parliament
Zelenskyy in the Verkhovna Rada during his inauguration session
Zelenskyy was inaugurated on May 20, 2019, before Ukraine's Constitutional Court and parliament, where he immediately dissolved the Verkhovna Rada to trigger snap legislative elections.[47] His Servant of the People party, named after his TV series, dominated the July 21, 2019, parliamentary vote, capturing 43.16% of the proportional vote and 254 of 450 seats—an absolute majority enabling unchecked legislative control.[48] Post-election polls indicated Zelenskyy's approval exceeding 70%, buoyed by his outsider image and reform pledges.[49]

Presidency

Cabinets and administrative structure

Zelenskyy's initial cabinet was led by Prime Minister Oleksiy Honcharuk, appointed on August 29, 2019, shortly after the Servant of the People party secured a parliamentary majority. The government prioritized youthful, technocratic ministers—nearly all under 50—with expertise in deregulation and efforts to meet International Monetary Fund conditions for financial assistance.[50][51] Honcharuk's resignation offer in January 2020 followed leaked audio recordings depicting him criticizing Zelenskyy's grasp of economics and implying undue oligarch sway over policy. Zelenskyy temporarily declined the offer to project unity, but parliament dismissed the cabinet on March 4, 2020, amid persistent instability and performance critiques.[52][53][54] Denys Shmyhal succeeded as prime minister on March 4, 2020, maintaining some prior personnel for continuity while shifting toward pragmatic economic management. His administration featured repeated ministerial reshuffles, often to enforce loyalty to Zelenskyy's directives and adapt to evolving priorities.[55][56][57]
Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine in session
The Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine convened under Prime Minister Yuliia Svyrydenko
Shmyhal's tenure concluded in July 2025 when he assumed the defense minister role, with Yuliia Svyrydenko—previously a deputy prime minister and perceived Zelenskyy ally—confirmed as prime minister on July 17, 2025, underscoring persistent turnover for alignment and operational resilience.[58][59][60] Parallel to these changes, Zelenskyy's governance emphasized centralization within the Office of the President, curtailing prime ministerial discretion and elevating advisory coordination, particularly under head Andriy Yermak, to streamline decision-making over distributed cabinet autonomy.[61][62][63]

Domestic policies and reforms

Upon assuming the presidency in May 2019, Zelenskyy prioritized anti-corruption measures, establishing or bolstering institutions like the National Anti-Corruption Bureau (NABU) and Specialized Anti-Corruption Prosecutor's Office (SAPO), which led to initial high-profile investigations.[64] However, progress stalled amid scandals, culminating in July 2025 legislation signed by Zelenskyy on July 22 that subordinated NABU and SAPO to the Prosecutor General's Office, ostensibly to purge "Russian influence" but criticized for undermining their independence.[65] [66] This prompted widespread protests in Kyiv, Odesa, Lviv, and Dnipro starting July 22, 2025, marking the first major anti-government demonstrations since the war's onset, with partial reversals following public and international pressure by early August.[67] [68] Judicial reforms advanced unevenly, with partial vetting of judges and the creation of new anti-corruption courts, but core issues persisted, including delays in Constitutional Court appointments and incomplete High Council of Justice restructuring.[69] By mid-2025, only about 43% of EU-mandated judicial benchmarks under the Ukraine Facility were met, hindering aid disbursement and reflecting stalled vetting processes amid wartime pressures.[70] High-profile arrests, such as those of defense officials in 2023-2024, faltered without convictions, eroding public trust in systemic change.[71] Economic policies included the July 2021 land reform law enabling private agricultural land sales, a long-delayed liberalization aimed at boosting investment, though implementation was limited by war disruptions.[72] The Russian invasion caused a 29% GDP contraction in 2022 to $162 billion, followed by partial rebounds of 5.3% in 2023 and 3.6% in 2024, with 2025 forecasts at 2-3% growth amid export slumps and energy infrastructure damage from sabotage.[73] [74] Public debt approached 110% of GDP by late 2025, with inflation at 11.9% year-over-year in September, straining fiscal capacity despite digital efficiencies.[75] [76] Social initiatives featured the Diia app, launched pre-presidency but expanded under Zelenskyy to over 21.7 million users by 2024, offering 66 mobile services including document access and wartime aid distribution, enhancing governance resilience.[77] [78] Yet, mobilization demands exacerbated welfare pressures, with internal displacement and service sector strains contributing to heightened poverty risks, though exact 2025 rates remain contested amid data gaps from conflict zones.[79]

Foreign relations pre-invasion

Upon assuming office in May 2019, Zelenskyy continued Ukraine's pro-Western foreign policy orientation, emphasizing aspirations for eventual membership in NATO and the European Union while prioritizing resolution of the Donbas conflict through diplomatic channels.[80] However, NATO allies maintained skepticism about near-term accession due to Ukraine's incomplete reforms in areas such as anti-corruption measures and democratic governance, with no Membership Action Plan granted prior to 2022.[81] Similarly, EU integration efforts advanced through association agreements, but financial aid was explicitly tied to verifiable progress on judicial independence and oligarch influence reduction, reflecting Western concerns over systemic corruption inherited from prior administrations.[82] Relations with the United States under President Donald Trump quickly became strained following a July 25, 2019, telephone conversation, during which Trump urged Zelenskyy to investigate alleged corruption linked to Joe Biden and Hunter Biden's involvement with Ukrainian energy firm Burisma Holdings, stating, "I would like you to do us a favor though."[83] This exchange occurred amid a temporary hold on approximately $391 million in U.S. military assistance to Ukraine, which had been approved by Congress but paused by the administration; the aid was released in September 2019 after congressional pressure.[84] The call's disclosure via a whistleblower complaint led to Trump's impeachment by the House of Representatives on December 18, 2019, on charges of abuse of power and obstruction of Congress, though he was acquitted by the Senate in February 2020; Zelenskyy publicly denied experiencing any pressure, asserting the discussion focused on mutual interests without quid pro quo.[85][86] In dealings with Russia, Zelenskyy pursued de-escalation via the Normandy Format, involving Ukraine, Russia, France, and Germany, but achieved only marginal results such as prisoner swaps and a July 2020 ceasefire agreement that both sides repeatedly violated, with over 20,000 ceasefire breaches reported by OSCE monitors in the following year.[87] A key summit on December 9, 2019, in Paris marked Zelenskyy's first direct meeting with Vladimir Putin, yielding commitments to disengage forces in Donbas but no substantive implementation of the Minsk agreements, as Russia conditioned progress on Ukraine's constitutional changes granting special status to occupied regions—a demand Kyiv viewed as undermining sovereignty.[88] Zelenskyy's initial campaign promises of peace shifted toward firmer resistance by 2021 amid stalled talks and escalating Russian rhetoric.[80] European neighbors like Poland provided diplomatic backing against Russian aggression, with joint statements condemning the 2014 Crimea annexation, though bilateral ties occasionally frayed over historical issues without derailing strategic alignment.[89] At the United Nations, Zelenskyy consistently highlighted Russia's 2014 annexation of Crimea and support for Donbas separatists in speeches, such as his September 25, 2019, address to the General Assembly, where he demanded restoration of Ukraine's territorial integrity and criticized international inaction.[90] Overall, pre-invasion diplomacy yielded no major breakthroughs, as Western aid remained conditional and Russian intransigence persisted, setting the stage for heightened tensions by late 2021.[91]

Handling of the Russo-Ukrainian War

In the months preceding the full-scale Russian invasion, Zelenskyy downplayed repeated Western intelligence warnings of an imminent attack, cautioning that excessive alarmism could trigger economic instability and capital flight without concrete proof of invasion intent.[92][93][94] On February 24, 2022, as Russian forces crossed the border on multiple fronts, Zelenskyy rejected a US offer to evacuate him from Kyiv, declaring in a video address, "I need ammunition, not a ride," and positioned himself as a symbol of defiance to rally domestic and international support for resistance. Despite these personal risks, Russia has attempted to assassinate Zelenskyy multiple times since the 2022 invasion, but these efforts have failed due to effective Ukrainian intelligence countermeasures, enhanced presidential security including bunkers—such as the one beneath the Presidential Office on Bankova Street in Kyiv, which Zelenskyy revealed in a video address marking the fourth anniversary of Russia's invasion in February 2026—and mobility, and operational shortcomings in Russian special services. As of February 2026, Zelenskyy remains based in Kyiv, operating from secure facilities, with the Mariinsky Palace serving as the official presidential residence hosting meetings under heightened security measures such as bomb shelters and drone monitoring due to ongoing threats. Foiled plots have involved Chechen units, Wagner mercenaries, sleeper agents early in the war, and a 2024 attempt timed for Putin's inauguration. Ukrainian officials report dozens of such attempts thwarted. In contrast, U.S. targeted killings, such as those of Qasem Soleimani or Osama bin Laden, typically target non-state actors or military figures in asymmetric warfare using precision drones, whereas eliminating a sitting head of state in a conventional conflict risks escalation, martyrdom effects, and lacks assured success absent superior on-ground intelligence.[95][96][97] In a social media post that day, he compared Russia's attack to Nazi Germany's actions in World War II, stating, "Russia treacherously attacked our state in the morning, as Nazi Germany did in #2WW years."[98][99][100] Since the onset of Russia's full-scale invasion in February 2022, Zelenskyy has consistently worn military-inspired civilian attire—typically solid-color olive green or black sweatshirts, polos, tactical jackets, cargo pants, and boots—eschewing suits, formal regalia, or actual military uniforms. He has stated he will return to suits only after the war ends. This choice avoids camouflage patterns, which Ukrainian cultural norms reserve strictly for active-duty soldiers; civilians wearing camouflage is considered dishonorable, equivalent to stolen valor. Zelenskyy opts for solid tactical colors from brands like M-TAC to signal alignment with the military without impersonating a frontline combatant. He also refrains from a full general's uniform (with ranks, insignia, or medals), which could seem like a "costume" or elitist detachment. Instead, the simple, relatable "everyman" or off-duty soldier aesthetic underscores solidarity with ordinary Ukrainians and troops enduring the conflict, while visually reminding international audiences of Ukraine's ongoing emergency state during diplomatic engagements.
Volodymyr Zelenskyy walking with Ukrainian soldiers in Kherson
Zelenskyy visits Kherson after its liberation from Russian forces
Ukrainian forces under Zelenskyy's martial law declarations successfully defended Kyiv in the initial phase, forcing Russian withdrawal from northern regions by early April 2022 through urban guerrilla tactics, Javelin missile strikes on armor, and rapid mobilization of territorial defense units.[101] Later in 2022, Ukrainian counteroffensives in September recaptured most of Kharkiv Oblast, advancing over 12,000 square kilometers, while November operations liberated Kherson city south of the Dnipro River, though Russian forces retreated across the river to entrenched positions.[101] These gains relied on HIMARS precision strikes and Western-supplied artillery but highlighted logistical strains, as Russian forces shifted to defensive attrition warfare.
Volodymyr Zelenskyy and military commanders reviewing a map in a command post
Zelenskyy reviewing military operations with commanders during the war
The 2023 counteroffensive, launched in June with high expectations and backed by NATO-trained brigades equipped with Leopard tanks and Bradley vehicles, achieved only modest advances of about 200 square miles in Zaporizhzhia and Donetsk, stalled by dense Russian minefields, drone surveillance, and fortified Surovikin lines that prioritized depth over speed in Ukrainian assaults.[102][103] By year's end, despite over $100 billion in cumulative Western military aid, the operation exposed absorption bottlenecks, including delayed F-16 deliveries and insufficient air superiority, contributing to high Ukrainian losses without breaking the Donbas stalemate.[104] In 2024, frontlines remained largely static with Russian incremental gains in Donetsk via manpower-intensive assaults, while Ukraine's August incursion into Russia's Kursk Oblast captured up to 1,000 square kilometers initially, aiming to divert Russian reserves and secure bargaining leverage, but resulted in limited sustained control amid fierce counterattacks and North Korean troop reinforcements by late year.[105][106] Zelenskyy's strategy emphasized offensive pressure to counter Russian advances, yet aid dependencies persisted, with total Western commitments exceeding $400 billion by 2025 but effectiveness curtailed by training gaps and equipment maintenance issues.[104] Into 2025, Zelenskyy intensified appeals for unrestricted long-range missiles to strike Russian oil refineries and logistics hubs, alongside pushing for comprehensive US sanctions on Russia's oil sector in October amid intensified infrastructure strikes that left millions without power.[107][108] Ceasefire initiatives, including a March US-Ukraine proposal for a 30-day truce to enable talks, were rejected by Russia, which conditioned any pause on Ukrainian territorial concessions and demilitarization.[109][110] Ukrainian military casualties surpassed 400,000 by mid-year per analyst estimates, driven by attritional defenses, prompting Zelenskyy to enact mobilization extensions barring demobilization until war's end and amnesty incentives for deserters, though desertion rates climbed amid fatigue and uneven enforcement. Under martial law, general mobilization requires conscription of men aged 18-60, with bans on their departure from Ukraine, enforced by Territorial Recruitment Centers (TCC) through street-level checks and summons. Reports document aggressive recruitment tactics, including physical apprehension of draft-eligible men, alongside allegations of excessive force or brutality by TCC personnel during enforcement, though such claims are often disputed. Public resistance has included widespread draft evasion, with authorities uncovering hundreds of criminal networks facilitating evasion schemes, and isolated protests against mobilization pressures. A notable case involved the death of Ukrainian-Hungarian József Sebestyén in July 2025 shortly after conscription proceedings, prompting Hungarian allegations of beating denied by Ukrainian officials and contradicted by medical examinations showing no signs of trauma.[111][112][113] In December 2025, Zelenskyy met with French President Emmanuel Macron, UK Prime Minister Keir Starmer, and German Chancellor Friedrich Merz in London to discuss ongoing peace negotiations and European support for Ukraine, including a US-proposed 28-point peace plan featuring territorial adjustments, military limits, and elements echoing Russian demands from the 2022 Istanbul talks. Ukrainian officials criticized the plan for potentially rewarding the aggressor, with Zelenskyy stressing the need to protect Ukraine's sovereignty without concessions.[114][115][116][117][118] In January 2026, Zelenskyy visited Nicosia, Cyprus, for the launch of its presidency of the Council of the European Union, meeting President Nikos Christodoulides to discuss Ukraine's EU accession progress, including opening negotiation clusters, strengthening sanctions against Russia, reinforcing air defense, drone production and supply, and Cyprus's participation in the PURL initiative and SAFE instrument; Cypriot leaders reaffirmed commitment to Ukraine's sovereignty and prioritized support during the presidency.[119][120] On January 8, 2026, following a report from Defense Minister Rustem Umerov on negotiations in France, Zelenskyy stated that a bilateral document on security guarantees for Ukraine with the United States was essentially ready for finalization at the highest level with U.S. President Donald Trump. Ukraine presented options to the United States for finalizing the framework to end the war and awaits feedback from Russia via the U.S. The discussions covered postwar reconstruction, economic development, and war-ending proposals, with Zelenskyy noting that the US side would engage Russia for feedback on Moscow's willingness to end the conflict and emphasizing the need for continued pressure on Russia.[121][122] On the same day, amid harsh winter conditions, Zelenskyy warned of an impending massive Russian aerial attack on Ukraine's energy infrastructure, stating that Russia was prioritizing ballistic missile strikes during winter over diplomacy with the United States and President Trump; he instructed the government to assist affected people and urged adherence to air raid alerts and sheltering. The U.S. Embassy in Kyiv also issued a warning of a potentially significant air attack in the coming days.[123][124] On January 10, 2026, Zelenskyy stated that Russian production of missiles and drones cannot exist without foreign components, emphasizing that blocking these supplies and expanding sanctions is a key priority for Ukraine and its partners. He highlighted renewed momentum in the U.S. Congress for tougher sanctions targeting Russian oil. Zelenskyy also affirmed that Ukraine is monitoring Russian attempts to undermine relations with partners through lobbyists and operations, vowing tangible countermeasures via special services, intelligence agencies, political cooperation, and sanctions.[125] On January 11, 2026, Zelenskyy stated that Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine has lasted 1,418 days, matching the duration of the Soviet Union's war against Nazi Germany on the Eastern Front, while Russian forces continue attempting to seize Donbas. He stated that Russian forces have been suffering no fewer than 1,000 deaths daily since December, describing it as the price Russia pays to prolong the invasion, emphasizing that the war can only be stopped by combined efforts of Ukraine, Europe, and the United States.[126] Separately, Slovakia's President Peter Pellegrini, Prime Minister Robert Fico, and Parliament Speaker Richard Raši agreed to end military aid to Ukraine, refuse troop deployment, and not participate in EU guarantees for a 90-billion-euro loan to Kyiv.[127] On January 13, 2026, Zelenskyy expressed support for regime change in Iran, stating that a regime which has lasted so many years and killed so many people does not deserve to exist, drawing parallels to the bloodshed started and prolonged by Russia in Ukraine, while emphasizing the protection of life where possible.[128] On January 15, 2026, in response to U.S. President Donald Trump's claim that Ukraine obstructs peace talks, Zelenskyy stated that "Ukraine has never been and will never be a stumbling block to peace," attributing obstacles to ongoing Russian aggression. He cited a recent Russian missile and drone strike on a Kharkiv energy facility that left approximately 400,000 people without electricity and heating. Zelenskyy discussed the attacks with NATO Secretary General Mark Rutte, requesting enhanced air defenses through the PURL initiative, and held talks with IMF Managing Director Kristalina Georgieva on economic support amid the infrastructure damage. He also initiated daily meetings to restore power supplies and plan for increased electricity imports.[129][130][131][132] On February 14, 2026, at the Munich Security Conference, Zelenskyy expressed hope that the upcoming US-brokered peace talks with Russia in Geneva would be substantive, while criticizing the United States for too often pressuring Ukraine, rather than Russia, for concessions.[133][134] In early March 2026, facing shortages of air defense missiles, Zelenskyy offered Gulf states low-cost Ukrainian interceptor drones, costing $3,000–$5,000 each with over 60% success rate against threats like Iranian Shahed drones, in exchange for systems such as Patriot PAC-3 missiles. The US Pentagon and Gulf countries were in talks to purchase these Ukrainian drones for defense against Iranian drone campaigns, though no finalized deal or specific timeline extending to March 2026 was confirmed.[135][136][137]

Authoritarian tendencies and governance shifts

Following Russia's full-scale invasion on February 24, 2022, President Volodymyr Zelenskyy declared martial law, which prohibits elections and has been extended by the Verkhovna Rada every 90 days, most recently through January 2026 as of October 2025.[138][139] This has postponed presidential and parliamentary elections originally scheduled for 2024, extending Zelenskyy's term beyond its May 20, 2024 expiration despite constitutional provisions limiting such deferrals to wartime necessities.[140][141] Ukrainian law explicitly bars elections under martial law to prioritize defense continuity, though critics, including former President Petro Poroshenko, argue this enables indefinite power retention absent verifiable threats to polling infrastructure.[142] Zelensky has expressed willingness to hold elections following the expiration of his mandate, stating in December 2025 that Ukraine could conduct them within 60-90 days if international partners provide security guarantees during the voting process and parliament amends laws to enable measures such as online voting.[143][144]
Protesters holding a split poster of Zelenskyy and signs at a demonstration
Ukrainian protesters demonstrate against President Zelenskyy amid governance concerns
In March 2022, Zelenskyy's National Security and Defense Council suspended activities of 11 opposition parties with alleged Russian ties, including the Opposition Platform—For Life and the Socialist Party of Ukraine, later enacting a permanent ban on pro-Russian parties via legislation signed in May 2022.[145][146] Concurrently, media controls intensified: in February 2021, Zelenskyy sanctioned three pro-Russian channels (112 Ukraine, NewsOne, ZIK) for spreading Kremlin propaganda, and post-invasion, major broadcasters were consolidated into a single state-run "United News" telemarathon to unify wartime messaging, reducing independent outlets' airtime.[147][148] These measures, defended as countering disinformation amid occupation risks, have drawn accusations of suppressing dissent, with reports of journalist expulsions and oligarch asset sanctions further curtailing opposition voices.[149] Martial law empowered Zelenskyy to rule extensively by decree, bypassing parliamentary debate on key issues and marginalizing the Verkhovna Rada, whose sessions have dwindled amid member attrition and no elections to refresh composition.[150][61] This centralization included the February 8, 2024 dismissal of popular Commander-in-Chief Valerii Zaluzhnyi, attributed by Zelenskyy to the need for strategic renewal and personnel refresh amid stalled counteroffensives, though analysts cite underlying tensions over military autonomy and public favorability disparities.[151][152] Despite these shifts, polls in 2025 indicate Zelenskyy's approval at 63-65%, reflecting sustained wartime support tempered by fatigue over mobilization and economic strains.[153][154]

Controversies

Corruption allegations and scandals

Prior to his presidency, Volodymyr Zelenskyy maintained close financial and professional ties to oligarch Ihor Kolomoisky, whose 1+1 media group broadcast Zelenskyy's comedy series Servant of the People and provided campaign support.[33] The 2021 Pandora Papers investigation revealed that Zelenskyy and his associates established an offshore network in the British Virgin Islands and Cyprus starting in 2012, which included shell companies used to purchase London real estate and facilitated loans from Kolomoisky-linked entities totaling millions.[30] Zelenskyy transferred his shares in the offshore firm Film Heritage to an aide shortly before his 2019 election victory, a move his office described as ensuring transparency, though critics argued it contradicted his anti-oligarch platform by entangling him with Kolomoisky's alleged fraud schemes, for which the oligarch faced U.S. sanctions in 2021 and Ukrainian arrest in 2023.[155] [156] Under Zelenskyy's administration, Ukraine's defense sector has been plagued by procurement scandals, including a December 2023 case where officials were accused of embezzling nearly $40 million (1.5 billion hryvnia) through inflated contracts for 100,000 mortar shells that were never delivered.[157] Additional probes uncovered graft in purchases of overpriced winter jackets from firms linked to parliamentary relatives and faulty munitions via international initiatives, with internal audits in 2025 revealing dozens of non-competitive contracts for artillery, drones, and jamming systems that bypassed lowest bidders.[158] [159] These incidents, amid billions in Western military aid, prompted U.S. calls for audits and highlighted persistent institutional corruption despite Zelenskyy's 2019 pledges for reform, with the Security Service of Ukraine (SBU) reporting recoveries but few high-level convictions by late 2025.[160] In July 2025, Zelenskyy signed legislation curbing the independence of key anti-corruption bodies like the National Anti-Corruption Bureau (NABU) and Specialized Anti-Corruption Prosecutor's Office (SAPO) by imposing stricter asset declaration rules and oversight, sparking nationwide protests in Kyiv, Lviv, and other cities demanding a veto.[161] The move, defended by Zelenskyy's office as targeting undeclared wartime income to prevent foreign influence, drew EU criticism and led to the withholding of €1.5 billion ($1.7 billion) in aid until a corrective bill restoring agency autonomy passed parliament on July 31.[162] [163] In November 2025, investigations by NABU uncovered alleged embezzlement of around $100 million in Ukraine's energy sector, particularly at state-owned nuclear firm Energoatom, through rigged procurement and contracts involving Zelenskyy's inner circle, including Kvartal 95 co-founder Timur Mindich. The scandal prompted resignations from the energy and justice ministers, as well as Chief of Staff Andriy Yermak, with Zelenskyy condemning the corruption, dismissing officials, vowing an overhaul of state energy companies, and stressing accountability.[164][165] Allegations of personal enrichment remain unproven, with claims of family luxury purchases like yachts or sports cars repeatedly debunked as disinformation, though broader elite asset freezes exceeding $40 million in related probes underscore ongoing elite-level graft under wartime opacity.[166] In February 2026, a US congressional report on corruption at Energoatom involving Zelenskyy's associates prompted calls for his resignation in Ukraine's Verkhovna Rada on February 20, led by deputy Oleksiy Honcharenko. No assassination attempt, killing, resignation, or overthrow of Zelenskyy occurred that month, and he remains in office.[167]

Military strategy and war prolongation

Zelenskyy rejected a potential settlement during the March–April 2022 Istanbul negotiations, where preliminary drafts outlined Ukrainian neutrality, limits on military size, and deferred resolutions on Crimea and Donbas in exchange for security guarantees, terms that would have frozen early territorial losses with far fewer casualties than subsequent fighting incurred.[168] [169] This stance aligned with his public commitment to restoring Ukraine's 1991 borders fully, as articulated in his November 2022 ten-point peace formula demanding complete territorial liberation, which realists argue transformed a potentially containable conflict into prolonged attrition against a demographically and industrially superior adversary.[170] [171]
Volodymyr Zelenskyy signing artillery shells at a military facility
Zelenskyy signs messages on artillery munitions during a visit to a defense site
Under Zelenskyy's direction, Ukraine prioritized a 2023 summer counteroffensive aimed at breaching Russian defenses near Zaporizhzhia and retaking significant territory, but it yielded only incremental advances—such as small gains around Robotyne—while failing to alter the front lines substantially, at the cost of heavy equipment losses and stalled momentum due to delayed Western weapon deliveries like F-16s and ATACMS.[172] [103] This approach exemplified a reliance on offensive maximalism over defensive consolidation, exacerbating manpower shortages as Ukrainian forces faced entrenched Russian positions fortified with mines and artillery.[102]
Volodymyr Zelenskyy with Ukrainian soldiers at the front line
Zelenskyy visits troops in a frontline combat area
By 2024–2025, Zelenskyy's strategy shifted toward diversions like the August 2024 Kursk incursion, which initially captured over 1,000 square kilometers but delivered symbolic rather than decisive leverage, as Russian counteroffensives reclaimed most territory by early 2025 amid ongoing advances in Donbas, where Moscow captured key positions like Vuhledar at a grinding pace comparable to Ukraine's own prior stalled efforts.[173] [174] These operations diverted resources from the eastern front, contributing to cumulative Ukrainian military fatalities exceeding 46,000 killed by February 2025 per Zelenskyy's own disclosure, with total casualties approaching 400,000 killed or wounded.[175] [176] Critics, including realist scholar John Mearsheimer, contend that Zelenskyy's rejection of compromise—coupled with Western security pledges—has extended the war by incentivizing unattainable goals, fostering aid fatigue in the U.S. and EU where public support for military assistance has waned amid perceptions of endless escalation without victory.[177] [178] [179] Empirical data on asymmetric losses and static fronts underscore the causal realism: Ukraine's insistence on total restoration, without viable paths to enforce it militarily, has prioritized symbolic resistance over pragmatic de-escalation, prolonging civilian and military suffering in a conflict where Russia's positional advantages enable sustained pressure.[180][181] Under the martial law framework extended repeatedly by Zelenskyy, including to May 2026, general mobilization has imposed bans on men of military age leaving Ukraine and intensified recruitment by Territorial Recruitment Centers (TCC). TCC officers reportedly use press-ganging practices, arresting or abducting males in the streets (or, in some cases, raiding restaurants, clubs or bars) and abducting them into vans ("busification") to forcefully conscript them amid manpower shortages. There are reports of forceful detentions and physical violence by TCC officers against males, in some cases deadly.[182] In some small towns, conscription has hollowed out the male population.[183] Ukrainian courts have ruled certain street conscriptions illegal, with allegations of abuses by TCC officers, including violence leading to fatalities such as the 2025 case of József Sebestyén, a Hungarian citizen allegedly beaten with metal rods during mobilization efforts, with the beating allegedly leading to his death.[184] Efforts to evade conscription have resulted in dozens of drownings in the Tisza River while attempting to cross borders. These practices, aimed at addressing manpower shortages, have fueled public criticism over proportionality and human rights concerns.[185][186] One source notes that Ukraine's travel ban on males violates their human rights.[187] Ukraine has suspended recognition of conscientious objection to military service under martial law, with the Ministry of Defence announcing in August 2022 that the right no longer applies, leading to criminal prosecutions of objectors for draft evasion.[188][189]

Suppression of dissent and media control

In March 2022, shortly after Russia's full-scale invasion, President Zelenskyy signed a decree suspending the activities of 11 political parties accused of ties to Russia, including the Opposition Platform—For Life, the largest opposition group with parliamentary representation.[145][190] In June 2022, a Ukrainian court upheld the ban on the Opposition Platform—For Life, effectively dissolving it on grounds of promoting Russian interests.[191] These measures, enacted under martial law, eliminated significant opposition voices, with critics arguing they extended beyond security needs to consolidate power, though Ukrainian authorities maintained they targeted entities collaborating with the aggressor.[148] Prominent opposition figure Viktor Medvedchuk, godfather to one of Vladimir Putin's children and leader of the banned Opposition Platform—For Life, faced arrest in April 2022 on treason charges after briefly escaping house arrest imposed in 2021 for alleged collusion with Russia in coal schemes from occupied territories.[192][193] Medvedchuk's prosecution, which included asset seizures and a 2023 trial resulting in a life sentence upheld on appeal, further diminished pro-Russian political influence but raised concerns among international observers about selective application against domestic rivals.[194][195] Similarly, sanctions imposed on former President Petro Poroshenko in early 2025, including asset freezes, disrupted his European Solidarity party, limiting opposition fundraising and visibility amid wartime restrictions on political activity.[140] Media control intensified with the launch of the "United News" telethon on February 26, 2022, merging broadcasts from major private channels—1+1 Media, Starlight Media, Inter Media Group, and Ukraine—into a single state-supervised platform to counter Russian propaganda and ensure unified messaging. This wartime consolidation, while credited with stabilizing information flow, has been criticized by journalists and the European Commission for eroding pluralism, as it sidelined independent analysis and alternative viewpoints on the war, with channels required to air identical content lacking debate.[196][197] By 2024, Reporters Without Borders (RSF) documented increased state pressure on media autonomy, contributing to Ukraine's drop to 62nd place in the 2025 World Press Freedom Index with a score of 24.57 out of 100, reflecting economic fragility and political interference amid funding shortages for outlets.[198][199] Wartime legislation enabled blocks on pro-Russian Telegram channels and media outlets disseminating content deemed collaborative or justificatory of aggression, with the government citing national security; for instance, restrictions targeted channels spreading disinformation aiding Russia, though Telegram remained widely accessible for civilians until a September 2024 ban on its use for official state devices due to espionage risks.[200] These actions, alongside the absence of independent war-reporting platforms outside the telethon, chilled investigative journalism, prompting RSF to warn of a "shrinking" press environment where critical coverage of military setbacks or policy failures risked accusations of aiding the enemy.[199][201] In July 2025, widespread protests erupted in Kyiv, Odesa, Lviv, and other cities against a bill signed by Zelenskyy that critics said undermined anti-corruption bodies, drawing thousands without reported use of force but prompting presidential calls for unity and a subsequent policy reversal.[202][161] Such demonstrations highlighted tensions over dissent, though martial law provisions deferred elections and restricted rallies, effectively marginalizing organized opposition during the conflict.[203]

Political views

Views on Russia and security

Prior to his presidency, Volodymyr Zelenskyy campaigned in 2019 on ending the conflict in Donbas, promising to negotiate peace and fulfill voter expectations for de-escalation after years of stalemate under previous administrations.[204][38][205] However, his approach to the Minsk Agreements, intended to resolve the Donbas war through ceasefires, elections, and special status for separatist areas, showed ambivalence; he urged unblocking the process but proposed revisions and international guarantees, signaling reluctance for full implementation without stronger security assurances.[80][206] This stance aligned with a preference for military strengthening over concessions, as Ukraine used the period to build capabilities rather than advance political resolutions, contributing to unfulfilled 2019 pledges amid ongoing hostilities.[207][208]
Volodymyr Zelenskyy greeting a European leader on red carpet
Zelenskyy arrives for signing of bilateral security agreements with Germany and France
Following Russia's full-scale invasion in February 2022, Zelenskyy's rhetoric hardened into no-compromise positions, rejecting permanent neutrality as a precondition for peace despite early negotiation offers to discuss it in exchange for Russian withdrawal.[209][210] He has critiqued Russian irredentism—claims to historical territories like Crimea and Donbas—as aggressive expansionism, while emphasizing Ukraine's sovereignty and alliances with Baltic states for collective containment, including shared calls to restrict Russian maritime access in the Baltic Sea amid drone threats.[211][212] This includes bolstered military and diplomatic ties with Lithuania, Latvia, and Estonia, who provide aid and advocate for Ukraine's NATO path as a deterrent.[213][214]
Volodymyr Zelenskyy seated with European leaders at conference table
Zelenskyy in multilateral talks with European leaders in Paris
Zelenskyy has persistently advocated Ukraine's NATO membership as a security guarantee against Russian revanchism, though acknowledging practical hurdles like Article 5's collective defense clause, which would not initially apply to occupied territories such as Crimea and Donbas without full territorial recovery.[215][216] He has downplayed domestic far-right elements, including the Azov Brigade's nationalist origins, refuting Russian "de-Nazification" narratives as propaganda while integrating such units into Ukraine's armed forces for frontline defense.[217][218] In January 2026, Zelenskyy stated that regimes like Iran's, which have lasted many years and killed many people, do not deserve to exist, drawing parallels to the need for changes in Europe to end the bloodshed started and prolonged by Russia; he described protests in Iran as an uprising signaling challenges for Russia's war support and urged international backing for the Iranian people against the regime.[219][220][221] By 2025, Zelenskyy expressed conditional openness to ceasefires tied to sustained Western sanctions on Russia, but insisted on the full return of Crimea and no territorial concessions, positions analysts view as unrealistic given Russia's entrenched control since 2014 and military realities.[222][223][224] This reflects a causal prioritization of deterrence over compromise, prioritizing long-term alliances despite the unlikelihood of regaining annexed regions without escalation.[225]

Economic and social policies

Zelenskyy's government implemented pro-market reforms shortly after taking office, including the passage of land reform legislation in July 2020 that lifted a longstanding moratorium on agricultural land sales, a measure demanded by the International Monetary Fund to stimulate investment and economic growth.[226][227] Large-scale privatization efforts were also prioritized, with plans announced in October 2019 to divest dozens of state-owned assets and a law signed in October 2024 expanding privatization of state banks to improve efficiency and attract foreign capital.[228][229] These initiatives aimed to reduce state control over the economy but faced delays due to corruption allegations and wartime disruptions that eroded potential gains.[230] In November 2021, Zelenskyy signed the anti-oligarch law, which established a registry of oligarchs based on criteria like asset value and media influence, prohibiting them from funding political parties or candidates to curb undue economic-political entwinement.[231][232] Enforcement has proven uneven, with critics noting selective application that spared allies while targeting rivals, and minimal reduction in oligarchic sway despite war-induced wealth erosion for some.[233][234] Social policies under Zelenskyy have emphasized countering demographic decline, exacerbated by low birth rates and emigration, with a government strategy approved in October 2024 projecting a population fall to 25 million by 2051 and calling for incentives like expanded family support.[235] Zelenskyy publicly urged Ukrainian families to have at least three children to sustain national viability amid these trends. On other social fronts, his positions reflect Ukraine's conservative norms, including ambivalence toward LGBTQ matters; while pledging in 2021 to combat discrimination and opening the door to civil partnerships in 2022 for inheritance and medical rights, Zelenskyy earlier described LGBTQ individuals as "deviant" and opposed related "propaganda," prioritizing traditional values during national mobilization.[236][237][238] Pre-war decentralization reforms devolved fiscal and administrative powers to local communities, enhancing resilience, but these have stalled under martial law, with wartime centralization overriding local autonomy to streamline crisis response.[239][240] Conscription policies, expanded since 2022, impose heavy burdens on working-age men, particularly youth, with welfare expansions reliant on international aid straining resources while exemptions for certain elites and officials draw criticism for inequity.[241][242]

Public perception and legacy

Wartime public image

Zelenskyy's wartime attire has become a defining element of his public image. Opting for practical, non-formal military-style clothing (solid olive or black tactical wear) over camouflage or officer uniforms reflects Ukrainian norms prohibiting civilians from wearing camouflage patterns, seen as disrespectful to serving soldiers. Avoiding decorated general's regalia prevents perceptions of elitism or theatricality, instead projecting equality with the troops and a refusal to normalize the war through peacetime formality.

Social media presence

Zelenskyy has maintained an active presence on social media, which has been integral to his communication strategy during the Russo-Ukrainian War. His official account on X (formerly Twitter), @ZelenskyyUa, serves as his primary platform for posting updates, video addresses to the nation and international audiences, diplomatic announcements, and real-time responses to events. As of March 2026, this account remains highly active, with frequent posts in Ukrainian and English on topics such as military cooperation, international meetings, and appeals for support. Zelenskyy also has a presence on Bluesky under the handle zelenskyy-ua.bsky.social, but activity there appears limited or primarily consists of reposts and mirrors rather than original content posted directly by him or his team. Related Ukrainian government or initiative accounts, such as UNITED24 (@u24.gov.ua), are active on Bluesky for fundraising and support efforts. Overall, like most world leaders, Zelenskyy relies predominantly on X for broad global reach and real-time impact, while Bluesky serves as a secondary option with smaller audience engagement for official communications.

Domestic approval ratings and protests

Following Russia's full-scale invasion in February 2022, President Volodymyr Zelenskyy's domestic approval ratings surged to approximately 90%, reflecting national unity amid the existential threat.[243] This peak, driven by his leadership in coordinating resistance and international appeals, began eroding as the war protracted, with Gallup reporting a drop to 84% shortly after the invasion and further stabilization at 67% by August 2025.[243] Contributing factors included mounting civilian and military casualties exceeding 500,000 combined by mid-2025, widespread power blackouts from infrastructure attacks, and economic strain from disrupted agriculture and industry.[244] [245] By late 2025 and into early 2026, approval hovered between 60% and 70%, per multiple polls: the Kyiv International Institute of Sociology (KIIS) recorded 60% trust in October 2025 and 61% trust in January 2026, while earlier surveys showed 63% in February.[246][247] [153] Gallup noted this as the lowest since the war's onset, attributing declines to war fatigue, with support for fighting until total victory falling from 73% in 2022 to 24% in 2025.[243] [248] Regional disparities emerged, with higher approval in western Ukraine (around 75%) versus skepticism in the east and south, where Russian-speaking populations reported greater disillusionment over unfulfilled promises of quick resolution and perceived favoritism in resource allocation.[249]
Crowd of protesters holding signs and shouting at night during a demonstration in Ukraine
Ukrainian protesters rally against legislation weakening anti-corruption agencies in Kyiv
Protests in 2025 highlighted legitimacy strains, particularly over corruption and mobilization. In July, thousands demonstrated in Kyiv and other cities against a bill signed by Zelenskyy that curtailed the independence of anti-corruption bodies like the National Anti-Corruption Bureau, marking the first major wartime protests targeting the government.[161] [250] Facing backlash, Zelenskyy reversed course within days, submitting legislation to restore agency autonomy, though critics argued the initial move reflected pressure to consolidate power amid fiscal shortfalls.[251] Mobilization efforts sparked smaller but recurrent unrest, with reports of draft evasion and public frustration over unequal enforcement and high losses, exacerbating war weariness in urban centers.[244]
Young woman shouting while holding a sign that reads 'КОРУПЦІЯ АПЛОДУЄ' during a protest
A protester in Ukraine demonstrates against perceived corruption and government overreach
Polls indicated majority opposition to holding elections under martial law—extended 16 times since 2022, postponing the presidential vote until at least November 2025—but rising concerns over autocratic drifts, including media restrictions and dissent suppression, correlated with approval dips, such as a post-July scandal low around 58-60%.[252] [249] Despite these, Zelenskyy retained a plurality lead in hypothetical election scenarios, credited to lack of viable alternatives and sustained external aid bolstering perceived competence.[252]

International recognition and critiques

Zelenskyy received widespread international acclaim for his leadership following Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, including designation as Time magazine's Person of the Year for demonstrating resilience amid the conflict.[253] He was awarded the Charlemagne Prize in May 2023 for Ukraine's contributions to European unity and democracy. Other honors include the Atlantic Council's Global Citizen Award in 2023 and the JFK Library's Profile in Courage Award in 2022, recognizing his defense of democratic institutions.[254][255] In a gesture of symbolic recognition, paleontologists named a Jurassic-era fossil feather star species, Ausichicrinites zelenskyyi, after him in 2022, citing his wartime resolve.[256]
Volodymyr Zelenskyy and Joe Biden standing together at the White House
Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy with U.S. President Joe Biden during a White House visit
Western governments provided substantial military and financial support, with the United States allocating approximately $175 billion in aid to Ukraine from 2022 through 2025, primarily for security assistance and regional stability.[257] The European Union committed up to €50 billion ($54 billion) through the Ukraine Facility until 2027 for recovery and reform efforts, with the European Council pledging in October 2025 to address Ukraine's financial needs for 2026-2027, including defense spending.[258][259] Zelenskyy engaged in high-level diplomacy, such as the October 2025 London summit with European leaders to secure missile supplies and sanctions against Russia, the December 2025 London meeting with French President Emmanuel Macron, German Chancellor Friedrich Merz, and UK Prime Minister Keir Starmer to discuss US-proposed peace initiatives and European responses, and multiple U.S. Oval Office meetings, including contentious ones in February and August 2025 with President Trump.[260][114][261][262]
Volodymyr Zelenskyy and Donald Trump seated during a meeting with U.S. and Ukrainian flags
Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy meeting with U.S. President Donald Trump
Critiques emerged from realist perspectives and U.S. political figures, particularly Trump administration allies, who argued that aid has prolonged the war without decisive Ukrainian gains and accused Zelenskyy of ingratitude, as in the February 2025 Oval Office clash where Trump stated Ukraine showed insufficient thanks for U.S. support.[263] These views portray Zelenskyy as overly dependent on Western funding—termed a "beggar" in some analyses—contrasting with mainstream Western media depictions of him as a heroic figure, amid concerns over aid efficacy given ongoing territorial losses.[264] Russian narratives question his legitimacy due to postponed elections, but Ukraine's constitution prohibits voting under martial law, enacted February 24, 2022, to maintain governance continuity during active combat, a provision upheld without constitutional amendment.[265][140] Mainstream sources, often aligned with institutional biases favoring interventionist policies, emphasize Zelenskyy's democratic mandate, while realists highlight fiscal burdens and diplomatic frictions, such as delays in missile deliveries attributed to Ukrainian demands.[141]

Personal life

Family and relationships

Volodymyr Zelenskyy and Olena Zelenska in traditional Ukrainian attire
Volodymyr Zelenskyy and his wife Olena Zelenska
Volodymyr Zelenskyy married Olena Zelenska (née Kiyashko), whom he met during their university years, on September 6, 2003.[266] Olena contributed as a screenwriter to Kvartal 95, the comedy studio Zelenskyy co-founded, blending their professional collaboration with personal partnership prior to his political ascent.[267]
Volodymyr Zelenskyy, Olena Zelenska and their children in a garden
The Zelenskyy family with daughter Oleksandra and son Kyrylo
The couple has two children: daughter Oleksandra, born on July 15, 2004, and son Kyrylo, born on January 21, 2013.[1] Pre-war, the family resided in Kyiv and enjoyed a relatively affluent lifestyle, including the purchase of a luxury penthouse apartment in 2019 by Olena at a price below half the market value from a business tycoon, raising questions about the transaction's terms amid Zelenskyy's anti-oligarch campaign rhetoric.[268] Following Russia's full-scale invasion in February 2022, Zelenskyy remained in Kyiv to lead the defense, while Olena and the children relocated to undisclosed safe locations for several months, enduring separation that Olena later described as among the most harrowing periods of her life.[269][270] The family publicly affirmed support for Zelenskyy's decision to stay, prioritizing national leadership over personal safety.[271] As First Lady, Olena Zelenska has engaged in cultural diplomacy and soft power initiatives, emphasizing Ukraine's international advocacy through forums on mental health, education, and artistic outreach to garner global sympathy and support during the conflict.[272][273] While no major personal scandals have emerged, Zelenskyy's asset declarations have faced scrutiny, including revelations from the 2021 Pandora Papers of offshore holdings linked to him and associates predating his presidency, though he disclosed some related entities publicly.[30] Zelenskyy was raised in a secular Jewish family shaped by Soviet-era constraints, with limited observance of religious traditions due to state suppression of faith, though family narratives include Holocaust losses among relatives.[9]

Health, lifestyle, and Jewish heritage

Zelenskyy has no publicly confirmed major illnesses, despite persistent unverified rumors of drug use, depression, or severe fatigue circulated primarily in Russian-aligned media since the 2022 invasion. These claims lack substantiation from medical sources or independent verification, and are contradicted by his sustained operational tempo, including limited sleep of two to four hours nightly and infrequent outdoor excursions for security reasons during the early war phase. By October 2025, he continued high-profile engagements, such as meetings with European leaders on October 24 to strategize against Russia and public responses to missile attacks on October 25, demonstrating resilience amid prolonged stress.[274][275][276] His lifestyle prior to and during the war emphasizes physical fitness and sobriety. In June 2021, he advocated for national adoption of active habits, urging morning exercises in parks regardless of age or build to promote health. He has supported legislative measures against drug and alcohol addiction, participating in related events as president in May 2019. Wartime conditions imposed bunker-based routines with minimal rest, yet he maintained a disciplined approach, avoiding alcohol publicly and focusing on endurance to lead Ukraine's defense.[277][278]
Volodymyr Zelenskyy with Chabad rabbis holding a menorah
Zelenskyy meets Chabad rabbis ahead of Rosh Hashanah
Zelenskyy was born in 1978 to Jewish parents in Kryvyi Rih, Ukraine, in an ordinary Soviet Jewish family where religious practice was suppressed under atheism, rendering observance nominal or absent. His great-grandparents perished when Nazis burned their village during the Holocaust, while his grandfather survived as a Red Army soldier fighting the invaders. Pre-invasion, he downplayed his Jewish identity in public life, aligning with secular Soviet-era assimilation among Ukrainian Jews. Following Russia's 2022 full-scale invasion and its "denazification" pretext—which invoked his heritage mockingly—Zelenskyy referenced family Holocaust history more prominently to underscore the irony and cultural ties, though he remains non-observant.[9][279][280][281][282]

Creative works

Filmography highlights

Volodymyr Zelenskyy co-founded the production company Kvartal 95 in 2003 with Serhiy Shefir and Borys Shefir, initially as a continuation of their comedy team from the KVN contest. The studio produced over 30 projects, including television sketches, films, and animated series, often featuring light satirical comedy aimed at Russian-speaking markets before 2014.[24] Zelenskyy contributed as actor, screenwriter, director, and producer across these works, with the company's output generating significant revenue through television programming and theatrical releases prior to geopolitical shifts reducing their average per-hour TV revenue from $200,000 to $30,000.[22] In film, Zelenskyy debuted in a leading role in the 2009 romantic comedy Love in the Big City, co-writing the script, and appeared as Napoleon Bonaparte in the 2012 historical parody Rzhevsky vs. Napoleon.[283] He starred in the 2013 sequel 8 New Dates, a romantic comedy continuing themes from the earlier 8 First Dates (2012), portraying characters in domestic relational scenarios.[284] These productions, often co-produced with Russian entities, emphasized humorous takes on everyday life and relationships. Zelenskyy's most prominent television role was in Servant of the People (2015–2019), a satirical series produced by Kvartal 95, where he played Vasyl Holoborodko, a history teacher unexpectedly elected president after a viral anti-corruption rant.[25] The show ran for three seasons, with 23 episodes in season 1 (2015), 16 in season 2 (2016), and 16 in season 3 (2017–2019), blending comedy with political themes.[285] He also provided voice acting in animations like The Stolen Princess (2018), contributing to Kvartal 95's expansion into family-oriented content.[24] Since assuming the presidency in 2019, Zelenskyy's on-screen appearances have been limited to archival footage or minor post-election references, with no major new acting or producing credits.[24]

Publications and other media

Zelenskyy produced no major books or essays prior to his 2019 election, with his pre-presidential career centered on television production rather than writing.[286] His publications since then consist mainly of compiled speeches, often framed as firsthand accounts of Ukraine's challenges under Russian pressure, emphasizing themes of national endurance and requests for external support. These texts have been critiqued by some observers as prioritizing rhetorical appeals for aid over detailed strategic analysis, functioning more as instruments of public diplomacy than introspective policy discourse.[287] In October 2022, Penguin Random House released A Message from Ukraine, a volume Zelenskyy personally curated featuring 16 speeches delivered between 2019 and mid-2022, including his post-invasion addresses to global audiences. The book includes a new introduction by Zelenskyy recounting Ukraine's defensive efforts and portraying the conflict as an existential fight against authoritarian expansion, with proceeds partly directed toward humanitarian aid.[288] [289] Subsequent compilations, such as War Speeches I: February–March 2022 and When You Attack Us You Will See Our Faces: Speeches of President Zelenskyy, similarly aggregate early wartime orations, highlighting daily resistance and moral imperatives for allied intervention.[290] Zelenskyy has authored occasional op-eds in Western outlets, such as a July 2, 2023, piece in The Wall Street Journal titled "Happy Birthday, America," which drew parallels between U.S. independence and Ukraine's sovereignty struggle, critiquing Russian denial of exceptionalism while urging sustained transatlantic solidarity.[291] These contributions, spanning 2022–2025, recurrently underscore victim narratives and resilience without delving into operational limitations or concessions, aligning with broader efforts to sustain foreign military and financial backing amid battlefield stalemates.[292] Other media outputs remain sparse, with no authored memoirs, podcasts, or extended essays identified beyond speech anthologies and brief statements on platforms like the Ukrainian presidential website.[293] This limited scope reflects a focus on performative communication suited to his entertainment background, rather than traditional literary or analytical works.[294]

References

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