The Malari incident ([maˈlari]; Indonesian: Peristiwa Malari, short for Malapetaka Lima Belas Januari, lit. 'Fifteenth of January Disaster') was a student demonstration and riot that happened on 15 and 16 January 1974 in Jakarta, Indonesia. In reaction to a state visit by the Japanese Prime Minister, Kakuei Tanaka, students held a demonstration protesting corruption, high prices, and inequality in foreign investments. After provocation by suspected agent provocateurs, the demonstrations became riots, which eventually turned into a pogrom against Chinese Indonesians. By the end of the incident, eleven protesters had been killed and hundreds of cars and buildings destroyed.

The riots caused numerous changes. Suharto's New Order government enacted a series of economic reforms meant to improve Native Indonesian representation in partnerships with foreign investors, General Sumitro (then Deputy Chief of the Armed Forces), was forced to retire, and numerous repressive measures were enforced by the government.

At the beginning of Suharto's New Order in 1966 the policies of economic development were popularly supported. However, dissent soon surfaced. The formerly-powerful Indonesian Nationalist and Masyumi political parties were pressured to replace their old leadership. Civilian politicians began to be considered untrustworthy, and all branches of the government (except the executive branch) steadily diminished in importance. Suharto's Golkar party won the 1971 Indonesian legislative election by forcing government employees to vote for them and promising funds to supportive constituencies.

Disillusionment with the government continued to rise. The elimination of corruption, once hoped to be a priority of the New Order, was not worked towards; corruption instead became more institutionalized. Critics disagreed with the "financial generals", army staff who used their relationships with the ethnic Chinese Indonesians to become rich. One of them, Sujono Humardhani, was identified as the most prolific in convincing Japanese businesses to invest in Indonesia. When they did, they often took full ownership of the investments and partnered with Chinese Indonesians or senior military officers instead of with native Indonesians. The success of the 1973 Thai student demonstrations convinced Indonesian students that they could change policy.

On 14 January 1974, Japanese Prime Minister Kakuei Tanaka arrived for a state visit. Enraged by Japan's competitive pressures on local businesses, students burned effigies of Tanaka and Humardhani outside of Ali Murtopo's office. They faced no resistance from the Indonesian military.

The next morning, thousands of students demonstrated in the streets of Jakarta, calling for lower prices, an end to corruption, and the disbanding of Aspri, Suharto's clique of personal assistants. Although the demonstrations began peacefully, by the afternoon suspected Special Forces' agent provocateurs had turned it into a full riot. Hundreds of cars were burned, mainly of Japanese make. More stores were looted, including "the most visible symbol of Japanese presence in Indonesia", an Astra dealership selling Toyota-brand cars on Sudirman Street.

By the evening, the riot had been diverted into an anti-Chinese Indonesian pogrom. Stores in Glodok, owned by ethnic Chinese, were looted, vandalized, destroyed, and arsoned; the largest being the Senen shopping complex. The security forces did little to stop the looting, and it was reported that General Sumitro was seen speaking with the demonstrators in a friendly manner. However, some troops executed orders to shoot looters on sight.

Later that evening, Hariman Siregar, president of the Student Body of the University of Indonesia, called for an end to the riots via TVRI, saying "this wasn't our intent". It was later reported that Siregar had made the plea under duress.