The Revolutionary Armed Forces of the People (Portuguese: Forças Armadas Revolucionárias do Povo, abbr. FARP) is the national military of Guinea-Bissau. It consists of an army, a navy, an air force, and paramilitary forces. In 2022 the World Bank estimated that there were around 4,000 personnel in the armed forces. The estimated military expenditure is $23.3 million, and military spending as a percentage of GDP is 1.7%.

The World Fact Book reports that the military service age is 18–25 years of age for selective compulsory military service, and 16 years of age or younger for voluntary service, with parental consent.

Unlike other European powers during the cold war which engaged in the policy of decolonization the Portuguese Estado Novo instead adopted the policy of Lusotropicalism, arguing that Portugal's colonies in Africa; Angola, Cape Verde, Guinea, Mozambique, and São Tomé and Príncipe, where integral parts of Portugal, inseparable from the mainland. As such, each of Portugal's colonial possessions suffered from major insurgencies in the form of the Portuguese Colonial Wars, as African Nationalist and Socialist groups where backed by the Soviet Union, Cuba, and other Communist states to secure their independence, and their geopolitical allegiance to the Second World. These African forces in Guinea and Cape Verde collaborated, forming the African Party for the Independence of Guinea and Cape Verde (PAIGC), with a militant wing, the Revolutionary Armed Forces of the People (FARP), seeking the independence of both nations as a unified state Guiné e Cabo Verde. However, the Guinea-Bissau War of Independence was fought exclusively in Guinea-Bissau, as Cape Verde remained a major Portuguese base supporting their armed forces fighting on the mainland.

The colonial war's unpopularity, and extensive cost in both men and materials on the Portuguese state, eventually led to the Carnation Revolution in Lisbon which saw the Estado Novo overthrown in favor of a socialist government, as such, one of the new government's first acts was to end the colonial wars by surrendering to the liberation movements. Despite their political and military leadership being united, PAIGC's goal of a unified state between Guinea-Bissau and Cape Verde failed as Portugal granted both colonies independence, Guinea-Bissau in 1974, and Cape Verde in 1975. PAIGC would rule both Guinea-Bissau and Cape Verde until a coup in Guinea-Bissau in 1980 where FARP elements there argued that the government was dominated by Cape Verde interests. As such, the Cape Verde wing of PAIGC would split, forming the African Party for the Independence of Cape Verde (PAICV) with its militant wing becoming the Cape Verdean Armed Forces effectively ending any prospective unification of the two states while PAIGC and FARP continued to rule in Guinea-Bissau.

Following independence in 1974, Luís Cabral, the half brother of PAIGC leader Amílcar Cabral who was assassinated just months prior to independence, became the first President of Guinea-Bissau. A Cape Verdean and a mestiço, Cabral's rule would be resented by black nationalist elements of the FARP who viewed Cabral as the embodiment of mestiço economic and political dominance over black Guineans who retained leadership of FARP. João Bernardo Vieira, a black FARP officer who had been named Prime Minister in 1978, staged a bloodless coup against Cabral and seize control over Guinea-Bissau with FARP elements loyal to him. Vieira's new government would quickly be recognized by other West African nations, as a nine-member military Council of the Revolution approved a new constitution restoring governance back to PAIGC in 1984. A single-party "election" where only the PAIGC members could stand was held shortly after to establish a new civilian government. As a result of the coup Cape Verde cut ties and any prospective talk of unification with Guinea-Bissau on January 20, 1981. Aristides Pereira, President of Cape Verde, formally split from PAIGC forming the PAICV alongside several former high-ranking members of PAIGC's political bureau.

Following independence, both FARP and PAIGC operated on a decentralized structure, with local units exerting control over their neighborhoods. This network heavily favored the Balanta by virtue of them being the single largest ethnic group in the country. However Vieira, who was a Papel, sought to upend this Balanta-centric system and sought to reduce their political and military autonomy. In 1981 Vieira restructured PIAGC to be more centralized around the capital of Bissau, a Papal stronghold, which prompted extensive Balanta discontent. A Balanta war hero from the independence war, Paulo Correia, convinced the Bra tank battalion, stationed in Bissau's outskirts, to attempt a coup against the government. The battalion failed to secure the capital due to the presence of other FARP forces, and their commander was executed. Correia, who at the time was serving as the minister of the armed forces was dismissed and made the minister of rural development to minimize his influence on the army. However, Correia would ultimately attempt another coup in 1985 which also failed, resulting in him, and his allies, being executed.

A food shortage would rock Guinea-Bissau in 1983 and by June Vieira had no choice but to reduce the rice ration for FARP soldiers. Anger quickly mounted within FARP, with a clique of young officers threatening Vieira with a coup if he was unable to improve the situation. Meanwhile, Vieira also had military barriers installed across Bissau and invited a Soviet warship to dock in the city, keeping it stationed there for twice as long as it was authorized in case intervention against a coup attempt was needed. Commander Joao de Silva emerged as a leader for the young officers, and was removed from his post. In an attempt to appease the plotters he promised them new uniforms and political privileges, such as first call on rice, and priority over the rest of the population for oil and butter. de Silva and his supporters would be arrested thwarting the coup attempt.

Vieira restructured the political situation in the country around himself and his loyalists, replacing the "Revolutionary Council", the military Junta he established in 1980, with a civilian "Central Committee", however, this committee would also be stuffed with pro-Vieria loyalists. Pro-Balanta sentiments in the country, meanwhile, had not faded despite the foiled 1982 coup, with many Balanta officers still seeking an advancement of Balanta political power in the republic. Vieira sought to hold one-party PAIGC elections, however, would be routinely thwarted by Balanta underlings, namely Victor Saúde Maria who had been his foreign minister since 1981, and then prime minister since 1982. Saúde Maria and other Balanta officials viewed these one party elections as a brazen attempt to solidify power around Vieira and his Papel loyalists, but where unable to stop them being held in 1984. After the election Vieira accused Saúde Maria and high ranking Balanta FARP officers of plotting a coup and had them arrested, abolishing the office of vice-president and arresting Saúde Maria who would ultimately be allowed to flee the country in exile.