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1984 Israeli legislative election
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1984 Israeli legislative election
Legislative elections were held in Israel on 23 July 1984 to elect the eleventh Knesset. Voter turnout was 78.8%. The results saw the Alignment return to being the largest party in the Knesset, a status it had lost in 1977. However, the party could not form a government with any of the smaller parties, resulting in a grand coalition government with Likud, with both party leaders, Shimon Peres and Yitzhak Shamir, holding the post of Prime Minister for two years each.
The table below lists the parliamentary factions represented in the 10th Knesset.
Since the previous election, hyperinflation increased to 350%. Up to election week, opinion polls (among those with telephones) showed a clear lead for the Alignment, scoring 42% over the Likud's 28%.
1984 became an important year for the Arab vote. Turnout went from 68% in 1981 to 76% in 1984, thanks to the rise of the Progressive List for Peace. The new party was especially successful in getting younger Arab voters to the ballot box. Hadash called for voters to 'eliminate' the Progressives. The Progressives claimed that the actions of Hadash were akin to 'fascism, Nazism, and the Gush Emunim'. Hadash accused the Progressives of being set up on the command of the PLO, as well as being CIA agents. The Electoral Commission briefly banned the Progressives from running due to the alleged ties to the PLO that Hadash had raised. Nayef Hawatmeh of the Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine condemned the Progressives for 'serving' the Likud and the Alignment.
Infighting also happened within the Jewish left. Ratz advised people not to vote for Aryeh Eliav's list, claiming it would fail to surpass the threshold, and that "several hundred, and perhaps, God forbid, several thousand votes from good people" would be burnt. Ratz had previously offered to place Eliav second on their list. This came after the disintegration of Eliav's Sheli party, which Ratz had absorbed many remnants of. When a poll was published showing Eliav over the electoral threshold, he wrote to Ratz leader Shulamit Aloni, “I’m glad we’re both clearing the electoral threshold; see you in the next Knesset". Eliav only received 0.74% of votes, which did not win him a seat in the Knesset.
Ratz and Shinui had a public spat when a report in Haaretz claimed that Ratz had received IS40,000 to support its election campaign in exchange for abstaining on a vote around the parliamentary immunity of Aharon Abuhatzira. David Zucker of Ratz denied this. Ratz then published a leaflet criticising Shinui for its surplus agreement with the centrist Yahad, and for supporting the government on the 1982 Lebanon War.
Morasha and Mafdal's conflict was also made public; the two parties enlisted the support of multiple rabbis to try and gain the upper hand over each other.
Two parties could make an agreement so that they were considered to be running on a joint list when leftover seats were distributed. The Bader–Ofer method favors larger lists, meaning that a joint list is more likely to receive leftover seats than each list would individually. If such a joint list were to receive a leftover seat, the Bader–Ofer method would be applied a second time to determine which of the parties that make up the joint list would receive it. The following agreements were signed by parties prior to the election:
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1984 Israeli legislative election
Legislative elections were held in Israel on 23 July 1984 to elect the eleventh Knesset. Voter turnout was 78.8%. The results saw the Alignment return to being the largest party in the Knesset, a status it had lost in 1977. However, the party could not form a government with any of the smaller parties, resulting in a grand coalition government with Likud, with both party leaders, Shimon Peres and Yitzhak Shamir, holding the post of Prime Minister for two years each.
The table below lists the parliamentary factions represented in the 10th Knesset.
Since the previous election, hyperinflation increased to 350%. Up to election week, opinion polls (among those with telephones) showed a clear lead for the Alignment, scoring 42% over the Likud's 28%.
1984 became an important year for the Arab vote. Turnout went from 68% in 1981 to 76% in 1984, thanks to the rise of the Progressive List for Peace. The new party was especially successful in getting younger Arab voters to the ballot box. Hadash called for voters to 'eliminate' the Progressives. The Progressives claimed that the actions of Hadash were akin to 'fascism, Nazism, and the Gush Emunim'. Hadash accused the Progressives of being set up on the command of the PLO, as well as being CIA agents. The Electoral Commission briefly banned the Progressives from running due to the alleged ties to the PLO that Hadash had raised. Nayef Hawatmeh of the Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine condemned the Progressives for 'serving' the Likud and the Alignment.
Infighting also happened within the Jewish left. Ratz advised people not to vote for Aryeh Eliav's list, claiming it would fail to surpass the threshold, and that "several hundred, and perhaps, God forbid, several thousand votes from good people" would be burnt. Ratz had previously offered to place Eliav second on their list. This came after the disintegration of Eliav's Sheli party, which Ratz had absorbed many remnants of. When a poll was published showing Eliav over the electoral threshold, he wrote to Ratz leader Shulamit Aloni, “I’m glad we’re both clearing the electoral threshold; see you in the next Knesset". Eliav only received 0.74% of votes, which did not win him a seat in the Knesset.
Ratz and Shinui had a public spat when a report in Haaretz claimed that Ratz had received IS40,000 to support its election campaign in exchange for abstaining on a vote around the parliamentary immunity of Aharon Abuhatzira. David Zucker of Ratz denied this. Ratz then published a leaflet criticising Shinui for its surplus agreement with the centrist Yahad, and for supporting the government on the 1982 Lebanon War.
Morasha and Mafdal's conflict was also made public; the two parties enlisted the support of multiple rabbis to try and gain the upper hand over each other.
Two parties could make an agreement so that they were considered to be running on a joint list when leftover seats were distributed. The Bader–Ofer method favors larger lists, meaning that a joint list is more likely to receive leftover seats than each list would individually. If such a joint list were to receive a leftover seat, the Bader–Ofer method would be applied a second time to determine which of the parties that make up the joint list would receive it. The following agreements were signed by parties prior to the election: