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Arab–Islamic nationalism
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Arab–Islamic nationalism
Arab–Islamic nationalism (Arabic: القومية العربية الإسلامية) is a political and religious ideology that fuses Arab nationalism, which is otherwise generally secular in nature, with Islamism. It is prevalent among some Arab Muslims on the basis of the early Muslim conquests and the accompanying socio-cultural changes across West Asia and North Africa and beyond. It may be closely associated with pan-Arabism, as evidenced by the pan-Arab colours that are derived from the legacy of the caliphates during the spread of Islam: black and white for the Rashidun, Abbasids, and Umayyads; green for Islam; and red for the Hashemites.
Elements of the ideology emerged after the Muslim conquest of Persia. Many Arab Muslims, including some leaders, held nationalistic tendencies in their approach to the Persians. This continued during the First Fitna in 656, which replaced the Rashidun Caliphate with the Umayyad Caliphate. There were strong tensions between Arabs and Persians.
Mistreatment of non-Arabs became a general rule under the Umayyad Caliphate. They were denied any positions in the government under Umayyad rule. Non-Arab Muslims had to pay taxes which were not imposed on Arab Muslims. Al-Hajjaj ibn Yusuf ordered the non-Arabs to speak Arabic, and it was sometimes enforced.
After the Second Fitna, the Umayyads launched a campaign of simultaneous Islamization and Arabization. Arabic became the sole official language of the Umayyad state. Umar ibn Abdulaziz introduced some reforms to improve the situation of non-Arab Muslims, also referred to as mawali. Since non-Arabs who converted to Islam were no longer required to pay jizya, the Umayyads did not encourage conquered nations to accept Islam, and attempted to limit Islam to Arabs.
Non-Arab Muslims later joined the Abbasid Revolution, officially ending the Umayyad Caliphate. In the Umayyad hierarchy, Arab Muslims were first, followed by Non-Arab Muslims, followed by Dhimmis, followed by slaves. The Umayyads initiated Arabization campaigns in the Levant, Mesopotamia, Persia, the Maghreb, Iberia, and Central Asia.
The Umayyads later became a symbol of Arab nationalism. The white in pan-Arab colors represents the Umayyads.
The ideology officially emerged as an organized ideology towards the end of the Ottoman Empire. Early Arab nationalists believed that the Arabs existed as a nation prior to the rise of nationalism in the Ottoman Empire, and that the Arabic language and Islam were pillars of the Arab nation. In the 1860s, Arab nationalist literature in the Mashriq strongly criticised Ottoman Turks for "betraying Islam" and Arabs. They claimed that the Ottomans had deviated from Islam and thus suffered decline. They also criticized the Ottomans adopting certain Western policies, and accused the Ottomans of putting Islam in the bad situation it was in. Arab nationalist rejection of Ottoman authority was first seen in the 1860s, although it was limited since the ideology was small and new. Many Arab scholars viewed the Ottoman claim to the caliphate as an usurpation of Arab-Islamic leadership after the Ottomans captured Cairo from the Mamluks in 1517, abolishing the authority of the Abbasid Caliphate. Arab-Islamic nationalists regularly made similar claims about Turks. Sati' al-Husri, a pan-Arabist and a Muslim, wrote of how non-Arab peoples, especially the Turks, seized control of Islam after its initial Arab leadership. He claimed that the moment Turks converted to Islam, Islam became a tool of Turkish rule rather than Arab civilization. Michel Aflaq, despite being Christian, often claimed that the Islam practiced by Turks was incorrect, and that Turks did not understand Islam, using it only as a took of imperialism. Arab nationalists in the French Mandate of Syria regularly expressed regret over the Arab conquests of Central Asia, claiming that if Turks never converted to Islam, the caliphate would have still existed in Mecca. Iraqi educational texts during the rule of Saddam Hussein portrayed the Ottoman Turks as foreign imperialists who ruined Arab unity. In several cases, official rhetoric claimed that the Arabs should not have spread Islam to Turks, and that the Turks would later rule over the Arabs with tyranny and ignorance. Muhammad Jalal Kishk argued that Turkish domination over Islam after the Abbasid decline resulted in the spread of irrational Sufism, absolutism, and cultural stagnation, saying. He also stated that the moment Arabs lost the Islamic leadership, the Turks kept Islam alive by name yet destroyed its meaning.
The Association of Algerian Muslim Ulama, founded in 1931, also adhered to the ideology. Its motto was "Islam is our religion, Algeria is our homeland, Arabic is our language". It emphasized on Algeria being a fully Arab and Islamic nation. Its founder, Abdelhamid ibn Badis, stated that the three main components of the Algerian national character consisted of Islam, Arabism, and nationalism.
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Arab–Islamic nationalism
Arab–Islamic nationalism (Arabic: القومية العربية الإسلامية) is a political and religious ideology that fuses Arab nationalism, which is otherwise generally secular in nature, with Islamism. It is prevalent among some Arab Muslims on the basis of the early Muslim conquests and the accompanying socio-cultural changes across West Asia and North Africa and beyond. It may be closely associated with pan-Arabism, as evidenced by the pan-Arab colours that are derived from the legacy of the caliphates during the spread of Islam: black and white for the Rashidun, Abbasids, and Umayyads; green for Islam; and red for the Hashemites.
Elements of the ideology emerged after the Muslim conquest of Persia. Many Arab Muslims, including some leaders, held nationalistic tendencies in their approach to the Persians. This continued during the First Fitna in 656, which replaced the Rashidun Caliphate with the Umayyad Caliphate. There were strong tensions between Arabs and Persians.
Mistreatment of non-Arabs became a general rule under the Umayyad Caliphate. They were denied any positions in the government under Umayyad rule. Non-Arab Muslims had to pay taxes which were not imposed on Arab Muslims. Al-Hajjaj ibn Yusuf ordered the non-Arabs to speak Arabic, and it was sometimes enforced.
After the Second Fitna, the Umayyads launched a campaign of simultaneous Islamization and Arabization. Arabic became the sole official language of the Umayyad state. Umar ibn Abdulaziz introduced some reforms to improve the situation of non-Arab Muslims, also referred to as mawali. Since non-Arabs who converted to Islam were no longer required to pay jizya, the Umayyads did not encourage conquered nations to accept Islam, and attempted to limit Islam to Arabs.
Non-Arab Muslims later joined the Abbasid Revolution, officially ending the Umayyad Caliphate. In the Umayyad hierarchy, Arab Muslims were first, followed by Non-Arab Muslims, followed by Dhimmis, followed by slaves. The Umayyads initiated Arabization campaigns in the Levant, Mesopotamia, Persia, the Maghreb, Iberia, and Central Asia.
The Umayyads later became a symbol of Arab nationalism. The white in pan-Arab colors represents the Umayyads.
The ideology officially emerged as an organized ideology towards the end of the Ottoman Empire. Early Arab nationalists believed that the Arabs existed as a nation prior to the rise of nationalism in the Ottoman Empire, and that the Arabic language and Islam were pillars of the Arab nation. In the 1860s, Arab nationalist literature in the Mashriq strongly criticised Ottoman Turks for "betraying Islam" and Arabs. They claimed that the Ottomans had deviated from Islam and thus suffered decline. They also criticized the Ottomans adopting certain Western policies, and accused the Ottomans of putting Islam in the bad situation it was in. Arab nationalist rejection of Ottoman authority was first seen in the 1860s, although it was limited since the ideology was small and new. Many Arab scholars viewed the Ottoman claim to the caliphate as an usurpation of Arab-Islamic leadership after the Ottomans captured Cairo from the Mamluks in 1517, abolishing the authority of the Abbasid Caliphate. Arab-Islamic nationalists regularly made similar claims about Turks. Sati' al-Husri, a pan-Arabist and a Muslim, wrote of how non-Arab peoples, especially the Turks, seized control of Islam after its initial Arab leadership. He claimed that the moment Turks converted to Islam, Islam became a tool of Turkish rule rather than Arab civilization. Michel Aflaq, despite being Christian, often claimed that the Islam practiced by Turks was incorrect, and that Turks did not understand Islam, using it only as a took of imperialism. Arab nationalists in the French Mandate of Syria regularly expressed regret over the Arab conquests of Central Asia, claiming that if Turks never converted to Islam, the caliphate would have still existed in Mecca. Iraqi educational texts during the rule of Saddam Hussein portrayed the Ottoman Turks as foreign imperialists who ruined Arab unity. In several cases, official rhetoric claimed that the Arabs should not have spread Islam to Turks, and that the Turks would later rule over the Arabs with tyranny and ignorance. Muhammad Jalal Kishk argued that Turkish domination over Islam after the Abbasid decline resulted in the spread of irrational Sufism, absolutism, and cultural stagnation, saying. He also stated that the moment Arabs lost the Islamic leadership, the Turks kept Islam alive by name yet destroyed its meaning.
The Association of Algerian Muslim Ulama, founded in 1931, also adhered to the ideology. Its motto was "Islam is our religion, Algeria is our homeland, Arabic is our language". It emphasized on Algeria being a fully Arab and Islamic nation. Its founder, Abdelhamid ibn Badis, stated that the three main components of the Algerian national character consisted of Islam, Arabism, and nationalism.