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Catherine the Great
Catherine the Great
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Catherine II[a] (born Princess Sophia Augusta Frederica; 2 May 1729 – 17 November 1796),[b] most commonly known as Catherine the Great,[c] was the reigning empress of Russia from 1762 to 1796. She came to power after a coup d'etat against her husband, Peter III. Her long reign helped Russia thrive under a golden age under the Enlightenment. This renaissance led to the founding of many new cities, universities, and theatres, along with large-scale immigration from the rest of Europe and the recognition of Russia as one of the great powers of Europe.

Key Information

After overthrowing her husband and her subsequent rule of the Russian Empire, Catherine often relied on noble favourites such as Count Grigory Orlov and Grigory Potemkin. Assisted by highly successful generals such as Alexander Suvorov and Pyotr Rumyantsev and admirals such as Samuel Greig and Fyodor Ushakov, she governed at a time when the Russian Empire was expanding rapidly by conquest and diplomacy. In the west, she installed her former lover to the throne of Poland, which was eventually partitioned. In the south, the Crimean Khanate was annexed following victories over the Bar Confederation and the Ottoman Empire in the Russo-Turkish War. With the support of Great Britain, Russia colonised the territories of New Russia along the coasts of the Black and Azov Seas. In the east, Russians became the first Europeans to colonise Alaska, establishing Russian America.

Many cities and towns were founded on Catherine's orders in the newly conquered lands, most notably Yekaterinoslav, Kherson, Nikolayev, and Sevastopol. An admirer of Peter the Great, Catherine continued to modernise Russia along Western European culture. However, military conscription and the economy continued to depend on serfdom, and the increasing demands of the state and of private landowners intensified the exploitation of serf labour. This was one of the chief reasons behind rebellions, including Pugachev's Rebellion of Cossacks, nomads, peoples of the Volga, and peasants.

The Manifesto on Freedom of the Nobility, issued during the short reign of Peter III and confirmed by Catherine, freed Russian nobles from compulsory military or state service. The construction of many mansions of the nobility in the classical style endorsed by the empress changed the face of the country. She is often included in the ranks of the enlightened despots.[d] Catherine presided over the age of the Russian Enlightenment and established the Smolny Institute of Noble Maidens, the first state-financed higher education institution for women in Europe.

Early life

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Catherine in her childhood, by Anna Rosina de Gasc, 1742
Catherine in the year of her marriage by Antoine Pesne, 1745

Catherine was born on 2 May 1729 in the Castle of the Dukes of Pomerania, Stettin, Province of Pomerania, Kingdom of Prussia, as Princess Sophia Augusta Frederica (or Sophie Auguste Friederike) von Anhalt-Zerbst-Dornburg.[2] Her mother was Joanna Elisabeth of Holstein-Gottorp. Her father, Christian August, Prince of Anhalt-Zerbst, belonged to the ruling German family of Anhalt.[3] He failed to become the duke of Courland and Semigallia and, at the time of his daughter's birth, he held the rank of a Prussian general in his capacity as governor of the city of Stettin. However, because her second cousin Charles Peter Ulrich converted to Eastern Orthodox Christianity, her mother's brother, Adolf Frederick, became the heir to the Swedish throne[4] and two of her first cousins, Gustav III and Charles XIII, became Kings of Sweden.[5]

In accordance with the prevailing custom among the ruling dynasties of Germany, she received her education chiefly from a French governess and from tutors. According to her memoirs, Sophie was considered a tomboy and trained herself to master a sword.[citation needed]

Catherine found her childhood to be uneventful; she once wrote to her correspondent Baron Grimm, "I see nothing of interest in it".[6] Although Sophie was born a princess, her family had little money; her rise to power was supported by her mother Joanna's wealthy relatives, who were both nobles and royal relations.[4] The more than 300 sovereign entities of the Holy Roman Empire, many of them small and powerless, made for a highly competitive political system in which the various princely families competed for advantages over one another, often by way of political marriages.[7]

For smaller German princely families, an advantageous marriage was one of the best means of advancing their interests. To improve the position of her house, Sophie was groomed throughout her childhood to become the wife of a powerful ruler. In addition to her native German, Sophie became fluent in French, the lingua franca of European elites in the 18th century.[8] The young Sophie received the standard education for an 18th-century German princess, concentrating on etiquette, French, and Lutheran theology.[9]

In 1739, when Catherine was 10, she met her second cousin who would later become her future husband and Peter III of Russia. She later wrote that she immediately found Peter detestable and that she stayed at one end of the castle and Peter at the other.[10] She disliked his pale complexion and his fondness for alcohol.

Marriage and succession

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Portrait of the Grand Duchess Ekaterina Alekseyevna (the future Catherine the Great) around the time of her wedding, by Georg Christoph Grooth, 1745

The choice of Sophie as wife of the future emperor was a result of the Lopukhina affair, in which Count Jean Armand de Lestocq and King Frederick the Great of Prussia took an active part. The objective was to strengthen the friendship between Prussia and Russia, to weaken the influence of Austria, and to overthrow the chancellor Alexey Bestuzhev-Ryumin, a known partisan of the Austrian alliance on whom the reigning Russian Empress Elizabeth relied. The diplomatic intrigue failed, largely due to the intervention of Sophie's mother, Joanna Elisabeth.[11]

Contemporary and later accounts present Joanna as a figure of strong will and ambition, often involved in court affairs. Her efforts to secure her daughter’s advantageous marriage in Russia brought her into conflict with Empress Elizabeth, who ultimately expelled her from the country amid allegations of espionage on behalf of King Frederick. Elizabeth knew the family well and had intended to marry Joanna's brother Charles Augustus (Karl August von Holstein). He died of smallpox in 1727, before the wedding could take place.[11] Despite Joanna's interference, Elizabeth took a strong liking to Sophie, and Sophie and Peter were eventually married in 1745.

When Sophie arrived in Russia in 1744 at age 15, she spared no effort to ingratiate herself not only with Elizabeth, but also with Elizabeth's lover Alexei Razumovsky and with the Russian people at large. She zealously applied herself to learning the Russian language, rising late at night to repeat her lessons in her bedroom. She became ill with pneumonia, but survived and recovered. In her memoirs, she wrote that she made the decision then to do whatever was necessary and to profess to believe whatever was required of her to become qualified to wear the crown. Although she was able to learn Russian, she spoke with a heavy accent, and made grammatical errors. In most circumstances Catherine II spoke French in her court.[12][13] In fact the use of French as the main language of the Russian imperial court continued until 1812, when it became politically incorrect to speak French in court due to the French invasion of Russia.

An equestrian portrait of Grand Duchess Ekaterina Alekseyevna from before 1749

Sophie recalled in her memoirs that as soon as she arrived in Russia, she fell ill with a pleuritis that almost killed her. She credited her survival to frequent bloodletting; in a single day, she received four phlebotomies. Her mother's opposition to this practice brought her the Empress's disfavour. When Sophie's situation looked desperate, her mother wanted her confessed by a Lutheran pastor. Awaking from her delirium, however, Sophie said, "I don't want any Lutheran; I want my Orthodox father [clergyman]". This increased her popularity with the Empress and her court as a whole. Elizabeth doted on Sophie and their relationship grew stronger after this.

Sophie's father, a devout German Lutheran, opposed his daughter's conversion to Eastern Orthodoxy. Despite his objections, on 28 June 1744, the Russian Orthodox Church received Sophie as a member. It was then that she took the baptismal name Catherine (Yekaterina or Ekaterina) and the (artificial) patronymic Алексеевна (Alekseyevna, daughter of Aleksey), so that she was in all respects the namesake of Catherine I, the mother of Elizabeth and the grandmother of Peter III. The following year, on 21 August 1745, the long-planned dynastic marriage between Catherine and Peter finally took place in the Cathedral of Our Lady of Kazan, St Petersburg. Catherine had recently turned 16. Her father did not travel to Russia for the wedding.

The bridegroom, then known as Peter von Holstein-Gottorp, had become Duke of Holstein-Gottorp (located in the north-west of present-day Germany near the border with Denmark) in 1739. The newlyweds settled in the palace of Oranienbaum, which remained the residence of the "young court" for many years. From there, they governed the small duchy to obtain experience to govern Russia.

In all other aspects, the marriage proved unsuccessful; it remained unconsummated for years due to Peter III's mental immaturity.[citation needed] After Peter took a mistress, Catherine became involved with other prominent court figures. She soon became popular with several powerful political groups that opposed her husband. Unhappy with her marriage, Catherine became an avid reader of books, mostly in French.[14] She disparaged her husband for his devotion to reading on the one hand "Lutheran prayer-books, the other the history of and trial of some highway robbers who had been hanged or broken on the wheel".[9]

It was during this period that she first read Voltaire and the other philosophes of the French Enlightenment. As she learned Russian, she became increasingly interested in the literature of her adopted country. Finally, it was the Annals by Tacitus that caused what she called a "revolution" in her teenage mind as Tacitus was the first intellectual she read who understood power politics as they are, not as they should be. She was especially impressed with his argument that people do not act for their professed idealistic reasons, and instead she learned to look for the "hidden and interested motives".[15]

According to Alexander Hertzen, who edited a version of Catherine's memoirs, Catherine had her first sexual relationship with Sergei Saltykov while living at Oranienbaum, as her marriage to Peter had not yet been consummated, as Catherine later claimed.[16][17] Nonetheless, Catherine would eventually leave the final version of her memoirs to her son, the future Paul I, in which she explained why Paul had been Peter's son. Saltykov was used to make Peter jealous, and she did not desire to have a child with him; Catherine wanted to become empress herself, and did not want another heir to the throne; however, Empress Elizabeth allegedly blackmailed Peter and Catherine to produce this heir. Peter and Catherine had both been involved in a 1749 military plot to crown Peter (together with Catherine) in Elizabeth's stead. As a result of this plot, Elizabeth likely wished to deny both Catherine and Peter any rights to the Russian throne. Elizabeth, therefore, allowed Catherine to have sexual lovers only after a new legal heir, Catherine and Peter's son Paul, born in 1754, survived and appeared to be strong.[18]

After this, Catherine carried on sexual liaisons over the years with many men, including Stanislaus Augustus Poniatowski, Grigory Grigoryevich Orlov, Alexander Vasilchikov, Grigory Potemkin, Ivan Rimsky-Korsakov and others.[19] She became acquainted with Princess Ekaterina Vorontsova-Dashkova, the sister of her husband's official mistress. In Dashkova's opinion, she had introduced Catherine to several powerful political groups that opposed her husband; however, Catherine had been involved in military schemes against Elizabeth with the likely goal of subsequently getting rid of Peter III since at least 1749.

Peter III's temperament became quite unbearable for those who resided in the palace. He would announce trying drills in the morning to male servants, who later joined Catherine in her room to sing and dance until late hours.[20]

In 1759, Catherine became pregnant with her second child, Anna, who only lived to 14 months. Due to various rumours of Catherine's promiscuity, Peter was led to believe he was not the child's biological father and is known to have proclaimed, "Go to the devil!" when Catherine angrily dismissed his accusation. She therefore spent much of this time alone in her private boudoir to hide away from Peter's abrasive personality.[21] In the first version of her memoirs, edited and published by Alexander Hertzen, Catherine strongly implied that the real father of her son Paul was not Peter, but rather Saltykov.[22]

Catherine recalled in her memoirs her optimistic and resolute mood before her accession to the throne:

I used to say to myself that happiness and misery depend on ourselves. If you feel unhappy, raise yourself above unhappiness, and so act that your happiness may be independent of all eventualities.[23]

Emperor Peter III and his wife, the future Catherine the Great. He reigned only six months, and died on 17 July 1762.

After the death of the Empress Elizabeth on 5 January 1762 (OS: 25 December 1761), Peter succeeded to the throne as Emperor Peter III and Catherine became his empress. The imperial couple moved into the new Winter Palace in Saint Petersburg. The Emperor's eccentricities and policies, including his great admiration for the Prussian King Frederick II, alienated the same groups that Catherine had cultivated as allies. Russia and Prussia had fought each other during the Seven Years' War (1756–1763) and Russian troops had occupied Berlin in 1761.

Profile portrait of Grand Duchess Catherine Alexeievna by Vigilius Eriksen, c. 1762

Peter's support for Frederick II eroded much of his support among the nobility. Peter ceased Russian operations against Prussia, and Frederick suggested the partition of Polish territories with Russia. Peter also intervened in a dispute between his Duchy of Holstein and Denmark over the province of Schleswig (see Count Johann Hartwig Ernst von Bernstorff). As Duke of Holstein-Gottorp, Peter planned war against Denmark, Russia's traditional ally against Sweden.

In July 1762, barely six months after becoming emperor, Peter lingered in Oranienbaum with his Holstein-born courtiers and relatives, while Catherine lived in another palace nearby. On the night of 8 July 1762 (OS: 27 June 1762),[24] Catherine was given the news that one of her co-conspirators had been arrested by her estranged husband and that the coup they had been planning would have to take place at once. The next day, she left the palace and departed for the Izmailovsky Regiment, where she delivered a speech asking the soldiers to protect her from her husband. Catherine then left with the Izmailovsky Regiment to go to the Semenovsky Barracks, where the clergy was waiting to ordain her as the sole occupant of the Russian throne and began her reign as Empress of Russia as Catherine II.

She had her husband arrested and forced him to sign a document of abdication, leaving none to dispute her accession to the throne.[25][26]

On 17 July 1762—eight days after the coup that amazed the outside world[27] and just six months after his accession to the throne—Peter III died at Ropsha, possibly at the hands of Alexei Orlov (younger brother to Grigory Orlov, then a court favourite and a participant in the coup). Peter supposedly was assassinated, but it is unknown how he died. The official cause, after an autopsy, was a severe attack of haemorrhoidal colic and an apoplexy stroke.[28]

At the time of Peter III's overthrow, other potential rivals for the throne included Ivan VI (1740–1764), who had been confined at Schlüsselburg in Lake Ladoga from the age of six months and was thought to have been insane. Ivan was assassinated during an attempt to free him as part of a failed coup against Catherine. Like Elizabeth before her, Catherine had given strict instructions that Ivan was to be killed in the event of any such attempt. The woman later known as Princess Tarakanova (с. 1745–1775) was another potential rival.

Catherine succeeded her husband as empress regnant, following the legal precedent of Empress Catherine I, who had succeeded her husband Peter I in 1725. Historians debate Catherine's technical status, whether as a regent or as a usurper, tolerable only during the minority of her son, Grand Duke Paul.

Reign (1762–1796)

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Coronation (1762)

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Catherine II on a balcony of the Winter Palace on 9 July [O.S. 28 June] 1762, the day of the coup
Catherine II in coronation robes by Vigilius Eriksen, 1778-1779

Catherine was crowned at the Assumption Cathedral in Moscow on 22 September 1762.[29] Her coronation marks the creation of one of the main treasures of the Romanov dynasty, the Great Imperial Crown of Russia, designed by Swiss-French court diamond jeweller Jérémie Pauzié. Inspired by Byzantine design, the crown was constructed of two half spheres, one gold and one silver, representing the Eastern and Western Roman Empires, divided by a foliate garland and fastened with a low hoop.[30]

The crown contains 75 pearls and 4,936 Indian diamonds forming laurel and oak leaves, the symbols of power and strength, and is surmounted by a 398.62-carat ruby spinel and a diamond cross. The crown was produced in a record two months and weighed 2.3 kg (5.1 lbs).[30] From 1762, the Great Imperial Crown was the coronation crown of all Romanov emperors until the monarchy's abolition in 1917. It is one of the main treasures of the Romanov dynasty and is now on display in the Moscow Kremlin Armoury Museum.[31]

Foreign affairs

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Alexander Bezborodko, the chief architect of Catherine's foreign policy after the death of Nikita Panin

During her reign, Catherine extended the borders of the Russian Empire by some 520,000 square kilometres (200,000 sq mi), absorbing New Russia, Crimea, the North Caucasus, right-bank Ukraine, Belarus, Lithuania, and Courland at the expense, mainly, of two powers—the Ottoman Empire and the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth.[32]

King Gustav III of Sweden and Empress Catherine II of Russia in Fredrikshamn in 1783

Catherine's foreign minister, Nikita Panin (in office 1763–1781), exercised considerable influence from the beginning of Catherine's reign. A shrewd statesman, Panin dedicated much effort and millions of rubles to setting up a "Northern Accord" between Russia, Prussia, Poland, and Sweden to counter the power of the BourbonHabsburg League. When it became apparent that his plan could not succeed, Panin fell out of favour with Catherine and she had him replaced with Ivan Osterman (in office 1781–1797).[33]

Catherine agreed to a commercial treaty with Great Britain in 1766, but stopped short of a full military alliance. Although she could see the benefits of friendship with Britain, Catherine was wary of Britain's increased power following its victory in the Seven Years' War, which threatened the European balance of power.[34]

Russo-Turkish Wars

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Equestrian portrait of Catherine in the Preobrazhensky Regiment's uniform, by Vigilius Eriksen

Peter the Great had gained a foothold in the south, on the edge of the Black Sea, during the Azov campaigns. Catherine completed the conquest of the south, making Russia the dominant power in the Balkans following the Russo-Turkish War of 1768–1774. Russia inflicted some of the heaviest defeats ever suffered by the Ottoman Empire, including at the Battle of Chesma (5–7 July 1770) and the Battle of Kagul (21 July 1770). In 1769, a last major Crimean–Nogai slave raid, which ravaged the Russian held territories in Ukraine, saw the capture of up to 20,000 slaves for the Crimean slave trade.[35][36]

Russia's victory brought the Yedisan between the rivers Bug and Dnieper, and Crimea into the Russian sphere of influence. Though a series of victories accrued by the Russian Empire led to substantial territorial conquests, including direct conquest over much of the Pontic–Caspian steppe, less Ottoman territory was directly annexed than might otherwise be expected due to a complex struggle within the European diplomatic system to maintain a balance of power that was acceptable to other European states and avoided direct Russian hegemony over Eastern Europe.[37] Nonetheless, Russia took advantage of the weakened Ottoman Empire, the end of the Seven Years' War, and the withdrawal of France from Polish affairs to assert itself as one of the continent's primary military powers.[38] The war left the Russian Empire in a strengthened position to expand its territory and maintain hegemony over the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth, eventually leading to the First Partition of Poland. Turkish losses included diplomatic defeats which led to its decline as a threat to Europe, the loss of its exclusive control over the Orthodox millet, and the beginning of European bickering over the Eastern Question that would feature in European diplomacy until the dissolution of the Ottoman Empire in the aftermath of World War I.

The Russian victories procured access to the Black Sea and allowed Catherine's government to incorporate present-day southern Ukraine, where the Russians founded the new cities of Odessa, Nikolayev, Yekaterinoslav (literally: "the Glory of Catherine") and Kherson. The Treaty of Küçük Kaynarca, signed 21 July 1774 (OS: 10 July 1774), gave the Russians territories at Azov, Kerch, Yenikale, Kinburn and the small strip of Black Sea coast between the rivers Dnieper and Bug. The treaty also removed restrictions on Russian naval and commercial traffic in the Azov Sea, granted Russia the position of protector of Orthodox Christians in the Ottoman Empire and made Crimea a protectorate of Russia.[39]

In 1770, Russia's State Council announced a policy in favour of eventual Crimean independence. Catherine named Şahin Giray, a Crimean Tatar leader, to head the Crimean state and maintain friendly relations with Russia. His period of rule proved disappointing after repeated effort to prop up his regime through military force and monetary aid. Finally, Catherine annexed Crimea in 1783. The palace of the Crimean Khanate passed into the hands of the Russians. In 1787, Catherine conducted a triumphal procession in the Crimea, which helped provoke the next Russo-Turkish War.[39]

Monument to the founders of Odessa: Catherine and her companions José de Ribas, François Sainte de Wollant, Platon Zubov and Grigory Potemkin
Catherine extended the borders of the Russian Empire southward to absorb the Crimean Khanate

The Ottomans restarted hostilities with Russia in the Russo-Turkish War of 1787–1792. During the Russian-Turkish War of 1787–1792, on 25 September 1789, a detachment of the Imperial Russian Army under Alexander Suvorov and Ivan Gudovich, took Khadjibey and Yeni Dünya for the Russian Empire. In 1794, Odessa replaced Khadjibey by a decree of the Russian Empress Catherine the Great. Russia formally gained possession of the Sanjak of Özi (Ochakiv Oblast) in 1792 and it became a part of Yekaterinoslav Viceroyalty. The Russian Empire retained full control of Crimea, as well as land between the Southern Bug and the Dniester. This war was another catastrophe for the Ottomans, ending with the Treaty of Jassy (1792).

Russo-Persian War

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The last decades of the 18th century were marked by continual strife between rival claimants to the Peacock Throne. Catherine took advantage of the disorder to consolidate her control over the weak polities of the Caucasus, which was, for swaths of it, an integral Persian domain. The kingdom of Georgia, a subject of the Persians for many centuries, became a Russian protectorate in 1783, when King Erekle II signed the Treaty of Georgievsk, whereby the Empress promised to defend him in the case of Iranian attack. The shamkhals of Tarki followed this lead and accepted Russian protection three years later.

In the Treaty of Georgievsk (1783), Russia agreed to protect Georgia against any new invasions and further political aspirations of their Persian suzerains. Catherine waged a new war against Persia in 1796 after they, under the new king Agha Mohammad Khan, again invaded Georgia and established rule in 1795, expelling the newly established Russian garrisons in the Caucasus. The ultimate goal for the Russian government, however, was to topple the anti-Russian shah (king), and to replace him with his pro-Russian half-brother Morteza Qoli Khan, who had defected to Russia.[40][41]

It was widely expected that a 13,000-strong Russian corps would be led by the seasoned general Ivan Gudovich, but the Empress followed the advice of her lover, Prince Zubov, and entrusted the command to his youthful brother, Count Valerian Zubov. The Russian troops set out from Kizlyar in April 1796 and stormed the key fortress of Derbent on 21 May (OS: 10 May). The event was glorified by the court poet Derzhavin in his famous ode; he later commented bitterly on Zubov's inglorious return from the expedition in another famous poem.[42]

By mid-June 1796, Zubov's troops easily overran most of the territory of modern-day Azerbaijan, including three principal cities—Baku, Shemakha, and Ganja. By November, they were stationed at the confluence of the Aras and Kura Rivers, poised to attack mainland Iran. In this month, Catherine died, and her son and successor Paul I, who detested that the Zubovs had other plans for the army, ordered the troops to retreat to Russia. This reversal aroused the frustration and enmity of the powerful Zubovs and other officers who took part in the campaign; many of them would be among the conspirators who arranged Paul's murder five years later.[43]

Relations with Western Europe

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A 1791 caricature by James Gillray of an attempted mediation between Catherine the Great (on the right, supported by Austria and France) and the Ottoman Empire. William Pitt the Younger is shown in armour riding George III, his horse.

Catherine longed for recognition as an enlightened sovereign. She refused the Duchy of Holstein-Gottorp, which had ports on the coast of the Atlantic Ocean and refrained from having a Russian army in Germany. Instead, she pioneered for Russia the role that Britain later played through most of the 19th and early 20th centuries as an international mediator in disputes that could, or did, lead to war. She acted as mediator in the War of the Bavarian Succession (1778–1779) between the German states of Prussia and Austria. In 1780, she established a League of Armed Neutrality, designed to defend neutral shipping from being searched by the British Royal Navy during the American Revolutionary War.

From 1788 to 1790, Russia fought a war against Sweden instigated by Catherine's cousin, King Gustav III of Sweden, who expected to overrun the Russian armies still engaged in war against the Ottomans and hoped to strike Saint Petersburg directly. But Russia's Baltic Fleet checked the Royal Swedish navy in the tied Battle of Hogland (July 1788), and the Swedish army failed to advance. Denmark declared war on Sweden in 1788 (the Theatre War). After the decisive defeat of the Russian fleet at the Battle of Svensksund in 1790, the parties signed the Treaty of Värälä (14 August 1790), returning all conquered territories to their respective owners and confirming the Treaty of Åbo. Russia was to stop any involvement in the internal affairs of Sweden. Large sums were paid to Gustav III and peace ensued for 20 years even in spite of the assassination of Gustav III in 1792.[44]

Partitions of Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth

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The Partitions of Poland carried out by Russia, Prussia, and Austria in 1772, 1793, and 1795

In 1764, Catherine placed Stanislaus Augustus Poniatowski, her former lover, on the Polish throne. Although the idea of partitioning Poland came from Frederick II of Prussia, Catherine took a leading role in its execution in the 1790s. In 1768, she formally became the protector of the political rights of dissidents and peasants of the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth, which provoked an anti-Russian uprising in Poland, the Confederation of Bar (1768–1772), supported by France. After the rebels, their French and European volunteers, and their allied Ottoman Empire had been defeated, she established in the Commonwealth a system of government fully controlled by the Russian Empire through a Permanent Council, under the supervision of her ambassadors and envoys.[45] Empress Catherine was also satisfied despite the loss of Galicia to the Habsburg monarchy. By this "diplomatic document" Russia gained Polish Livonia, and lands in eastern Belarus embracing the counties of Vitebsk, Polotsk and Mstislavl.[46]

In the War in Defense of the Constitution, pro-Russian conservative Polish magnates, the Confederation of Targowica, fought against Polish forces supporting the constitution, believing that Russians would help them restore the Golden Liberty. Abandoned by their Prussian allies, Polish pro-constitution forces, faced with Targowica units and the regular Russian army, were defeated. Prussia signed a treaty with Russia, agreeing that Polish reforms would be revoked, and both countries would receive chunks of Commonwealth territory. In 1793, deputies to the Grodno Sejm, last Sejm of the Commonwealth, in the presence of the Russian forces, agreed to Russian territorial demands. In the Second Partition, Russia and Prussia helped themselves to enough land so that only one-third of the 1772 population remained in Poland. Prussia named its newly gained province South Prussia, with Poznań (and later Warsaw) as the capital of the new province.Targowica confederates, who did not expect another partition, and the king, Stanisław August Poniatowski, who joined them near the end, both lost much prestige and support. The reformers, on the other hand, were attracting increasing support, and in 1794 the Kościuszko Uprising began.

Fearing that the May Constitution of Poland (1791) might lead to a resurgence in the power of the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth and the growing democratic movements inside the Commonwealth might become a threat to the European monarchies, Catherine decided to refrain from her planned intervention into France and to intervene in Poland instead. She provided support to a Polish anti-reform group known as the Targowica Confederation. Kosciuszko's ragtag insurgent armies won some initial successes, but they eventually fell before the superior forces of the Russian Empire.

The partitioning powers, seeing the increasing unrest in the remaining Commonwealth, decided to solve the problem by erasing any independent Polish state from the map. On 24 October 1795, their representatives signed a treaty, dividing the remaining territories of the Commonwealth between their three countries. One of Russia's chief foreign policy authors, Alexander Bezborodko, advised Catherine II on the Second and Third Partitions of Poland.[47] The Russian part included 120,000 km2 (46,332 sq mi) and 1.2 million people with Vilnius. After defeating Polish loyalist forces in the Polish–Russian War of 1792 and in the Kościuszko Uprising (1794), Russia completed the partitioning of Poland, dividing all of the remaining Commonwealth territory with Prussia and Austria (1795).[48]

Relations with China

[edit]

The Qianlong Emperor of China was committed to an expansionist policy in Central Asia and saw the Russian Empire as a potential rival, making for difficult and unfriendly relations between Beijing and Saint Petersburg.[49] In 1762, he unilaterally abrogated the Treaty of Kyakhta, which governed the caravan trade between the two empires.[50] Another source of tension was the wave of Dzungar Mongol fugitives from the Qing Empire who took refuge with the Russians.[51]

The Dzungar genocide which was committed by the Qing Empire had led many Dzungars to seek sanctuary in the Russian Empire, and it was also one of the reasons for the abrogation of the Treaty of Kyakhta. Catherine perceived that the Qianlong Emperor was an unpleasant and arrogant neighbour, once saying: "I shall not die until I have ejected the Turks from Europe, suppressed the pride of China and established trade with India".[51] In a 1790 letter to Baron de Grimm written in French, she called the Qianlong Emperor "mon voisin chinois aux petits yeux" ("my Chinese neighbour with small eyes").[49]

Relations with Japan

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In the Far East, Russians became active in fur trapping in Kamchatka and the Kuril Islands. This spurred Russian interest in opening trade with Japan to the south for supplies and food. In 1783, storms drove a Japanese sea captain, Daikokuya Kōdayū, ashore in the Aleutian Islands, at that time Russian territory. Russian local authorities helped his party, and the Russian government decided to use him as a trade envoy. On 28 June 1791, Catherine granted Daikokuya an audience at Tsarskoye Selo. Subsequently, in 1792, the Russian government dispatched a trade mission to Japan, led by Adam Laxman. The Tokugawa shogunate received the mission, but negotiations failed.[52]

The evaluation of foreign policy

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Nicholas I, her grandson, evaluated the foreign policy of Catherine the Great as a dishonest one.[53] Catherine failed to reach any of the initial goals she had put forward. Her foreign policy lacked a long-term strategy and from the very start was characterised by a series of mistakes. She lost the large territories of the Russian protectorate of the Commonwealth of Poland and Lithuania and left its territories to Prussia and Austria. The Commonwealth had become the Russian protectorate since the reign of Peter I, but he did not intervene into the problem of political freedoms of dissidents advocating for their religious freedoms only. Catherine did turn Russia into a global great power, not only a European one, but with quite a different reputation from what she initially had planned as an honest policy. The global trade of Russian natural resources and Russian grain provoked famines, starvation and fear of famines in Russia. Her dynasty lost power because of this and of a war with Austria and Germany, impossible without her foreign policy.[54]

Economics and finance

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1764, Rouble Catherine II ММД - Krasny Mint
A 5-kopeck coin bearing the monogram of Catherine the Great and the Imperial coat of arms, dated 1791

Russian economic development was well below the standards in western Europe. Historian François Cruzet writes that Russia under Catherine:

had neither a free peasantry, nor a significant middle class, nor legal norms hospitable to private enterprise. Still, there was a start of industry, mainly textiles around Moscow and ironworks in the Ural Mountains, with a labour force mainly of serfs, bound to the works.[55]

Catherine imposed a comprehensive system of state regulation of merchants' activities. It was a failure because it narrowed and stifled entrepreneurship and did not reward economic development.[56] She had more success when she strongly encouraged the migration of the Volga Germans, farmers from Germany who settled mostly in the Volga River Valley region. They indeed helped modernise the sector that totally dominated the Russian economy. They introduced numerous innovations regarding wheat production and flour milling, tobacco culture, sheep raising, and small-scale manufacturing.[57]

In 1768, the Assignation Bank was given the task of issuing the first government paper money. It opened in Saint Petersburg and Moscow in 1769. Several bank branches were afterwards established in other towns, called government towns. Paper notes were issued upon payment of similar sums in copper money, which were also refunded upon the presentation of those notes. The emergence of these assignation roubles was necessary due to large government spending on military needs, which led to a shortage of silver in the treasury (transactions, especially in foreign trade, were conducted almost exclusively in silver and gold coins). Assignation roubles circulated on equal footing with the silver rouble; a market exchange rate for these two currencies was ongoing. The use of these notes continued until 1849.[58]

Catherine paid a great deal of attention to financial reform, and relied heavily on the advice of Prince A. A. Viazemski. She found that piecemeal reform worked poorly because there was no overall view of a comprehensive state budget. Money was needed for wars and necessitated the junking of the old financial institutions. A key principle was responsibilities defined by function. It was instituted by the Fundamental Law of 7 November 1775. Vaizemski's Office of State Revenue took centralised control and by 1781, the government possessed its first approximation of a state budget.[58]

Public health

[edit]

Catherine made public health a priority. She made use of the social theory ideas of German cameralism and French physiocracy, as well as Russian precedents and experiments such as foundling homes. In 1764, she launched the Moscow Foundling Home and lying-in hospital. In 1763, she opened Paul's Hospital, also known as Pavlovskaya Hospital. She had the government collect and publish vital statistics. In 1762, she called on the army to upgrade its medical services. She established a centralised medical administration charged with initiating vigorous health policies. Catherine decided to have herself inoculated against smallpox by English doctor Thomas Dimsdale. While this was considered a controversial method at the time, she succeeded. Her son Pavel later was inoculated as well.[59]

Catherine then sought to have inoculations throughout her empire and stated: "My objective was, through my example, to save from death the multitude of my subjects who, not knowing the value of this technique, and frightened of it, were left in danger".[59] By 1800, approximately 2 million inoculations (almost 6% of the population) were administered in the Russian Empire. Historians regard her efforts as a success and one of her most significant contributions to Russia.[60]

Serfs

[edit]

According to a census taken from 1754 to 1762, Catherine owned 500,000 serfs. A further 2.8 million belonged to the Russian state.[61]

Rights and conditions

[edit]
Punishment with a knout

At the time of Catherine's reign, the landowning noble class owned the serfs, who were bound to the land they tilled. Children of serfs were born into serfdom and worked the same land their parents had. Even before the rule of Catherine, serfs had very limited rights, but they were not exactly slaves. While the state did not technically allow them to own possessions, some serfs were able to accumulate enough wealth to pay for their freedom.[62] The understanding of law in Imperial Russia by all sections of society was often weak, confused, or nonexistent, particularly in the provinces where most serfs lived. This is why some serfs were able to do things such as to accumulate wealth. To become serfs, people conceded their freedoms to a landowner in exchange for their protection and support in times of hardship. In addition, they received land to till, but were taxed a certain percentage of their crops to give to their landowners. These were the privileges a serf was entitled to and that nobles were bound to carry out. All of this was true before Catherine's reign, and this is the system she inherited.

Catherine did initiate some changes to serfdom. If a noble did not live up to his side of the deal, the serfs could file complaints against him by following the proper channels of law.[63] Catherine gave them this new right, but in exchange they could no longer appeal directly to her. She did this because she did not want to be bothered by the peasantry, but did not want to give them reason to revolt. In this act, she gave the serfs a legitimate bureaucratic status they had lacked before.[64] Some serfs were able to use their new status to their advantage. For example, serfs could apply to be freed if they were under illegal ownership, and non-nobles were not allowed to own serfs.[65] Some serfs did apply for freedom and were successful. In addition, some governors listened to the complaints of serfs and punished nobles, but this was by no means universal.

Other than these, the rights of a serf were very limited. A landowner could punish his serfs at his discretion, and under Catherine the Great gained the ability to sentence his serfs to hard labour in Siberia, a punishment normally reserved for convicted criminals.[66] The only thing a noble could not do to his serfs was to kill them. The life of a serf belonged to the state. Historically, when the serfs faced problems they could not solve on their own (such as abusive masters), they often appealed to the autocrat, and continued doing so during Catherine's reign, but she signed legislation prohibiting it.[63] Although she did not want to communicate directly with the serfs, she did create some measures to improve their conditions as a class and reduce the size of the institution of serfdom. For example, she took action to limit the number of new serfs; she eliminated many ways for people to become serfs, culminating in the manifesto of 17 March 1775, which prohibited a serf who had once been freed from becoming a serf again.[67]

While the majority of serfs were farmers bound to the land, a noble could have his serfs sent away to learn a trade or be educated at a school as well as employ them at businesses that paid wages.[68] This happened more often during Catherine's reign because of the new schools she established. Only in this way—apart from conscription to the army—could a serf leave the farm for which he was responsible, but this was used for selling serfs to people who could not own them legally because of absence of nobility abroad.

Captured Russian officials and aristocrats being tried by Pugachev

Attitudes towards Catherine

[edit]
A satire on Catherine's morals and on the Russo-Turkish war, from 1791

The attitude of the serfs toward their autocrat had historically been a positive one,[69] usually choosing to blame the nobles for blocking off communication with Catherine[70] Additionally, because the serfs had no political power, they frequently rioted to convey their message. They were suspicious of Catherine upon her accession because she had annulled an act by Peter III that essentially freed the serfs belonging to the Russian Orthodox Church.[71] People far away from the capital were confused as to the circumstances of her accession to the throne.[72]

The peasants were discontented because of many other factors as well, including crop failure and epidemics, especially a major epidemic in 1771. The nobles were imposing a stricter rule than ever, reducing the land of each serf and restricting their freedoms further beginning around 1767.[73] Their discontent led to widespread outbreaks of violence and rioting during Pugachev's Rebellion of 1774. The serfs most likely followed someone who was pretending to be the true empress because of their feelings of disconnection to Catherine and her policies empowering the nobles, but this was not the first time they followed a pretender under Catherine's reign.[74]

Pugachev had made stories about himself acting as a real emperor should, doing noble things like helping the common people, listening to their problems, praying for them, and generally acting saintly, and this helped rally the peasants and serfs, with their already moral values, to his cause.[75] Under the peasants' dislike of Catherine, she overall ruled for 10 years before their anger boiled over into a rebellion as extensive as Pugachev's. The rebellion ultimately failed as Catherine was pushed away from the idea of serf liberation following the violent uprising. Despite Catherine's enlightened ideals, the serfs were generally unhappy and discontented under her rule.

Arts and culture

[edit]
Marble statue of Catherine II in the guise of Minerva (1789–1790), by Fedot Shubin
Portrait of Catherine the Great by Marie-Anne Collot, marble, 1769, The State Hermitage Museum, Saint-Petersburg

Catherine was a patron of the arts, literature, and education. The Hermitage Museum, which now occupies the whole Winter Palace, began as Catherine's personal collection. The empress was a great lover of art and books, and ordered the construction of the Hermitage in 1770 to house her expanding collection of paintings, sculpture, and books.[76] By 1790, the Hermitage was home to 38,000 books, 10,000 gems and 10,000 drawings. Two wings were devoted to her collections of "curiosities".[77]

She ordered the planting of the first English landscape garden at Tsarskoye Selo in May 1770.[76] In a letter to Voltaire in 1772, she wrote: "Right now I adore English gardens, curves, gentle slopes, ponds in the form of lakes, archipelagos on dry land, and I have a profound scorn for straight lines, symmetric avenues. I hate fountains that torture water in order to make it take a course contrary to its nature: Statues are relegated to galleries, vestibules etc.; in a word, Anglomania is the master of my plantomania".[78]

The throne of Empress Catherine II in the Winter Palace

Catherine shared in the general European craze for all things Chinese, and made a point of collecting Chinese art and buying porcelain in the popular Chinoiserie style.[79] Between 1762 and 1766, she had built the "Chinese Palace" at Oranienbaum which reflected the chinoiserie style of architecture and gardening.[79] The Chinese Palace was designed by the Italian architect Antonio Rinaldi who specialised in the chinoiserie style.[79] In 1779, she hired the Scottish architect Charles Cameron to build the Chinese Village at Tsarskoye Selo.[79] Catherine had at first attempted to hire a Chinese architect to build the Chinese Village, and on finding that was impossible, settled on Cameron, who likewise specialised in the chinoiserie style.[79]

She made a special effort to bring leading intellectuals and scientists to Russia, and she wrote her own comedies, works of fiction, and memoirs. She worked with Voltaire, Diderot, and d'Alembert—all French encyclopedists who later cemented her reputation in their writings. The leading economists of her day, such as Arthur Young and Jacques Necker, became foreign members of the Free Economic Society, established on her suggestion in Saint Petersburg in 1765. She recruited the scientists Leonhard Euler and Peter Simon Pallas from Berlin and Anders Johan Lexell from Sweden to the Russian capital.[80][81]

Catherine enlisted Voltaire to her cause, and corresponded with him for 15 years, from her accession to his death in 1778. He lauded her accomplishments, calling her "The Star of the North" and the "Semiramis of Russia" (in reference to the legendary Queen of Babylon, a subject on which he published a tragedy in 1768). Although she never met him face to face, she mourned him bitterly when he died. She acquired his collection of books from his heirs, and placed them in the National Library of Russia.[82]

The inauguration of the Imperial Academy of Arts in Saint Petersburg in 1757

Catherine read three sorts of books, namely those for pleasure, those for information, and those to provide her with a philosophy.[83] In the first category, she read romances and comedies that were popular at the time, many of which were regarded as "inconsequential" by the critics both then and since.[83] She especially liked the work of German comic writers such as Moritz August von Thümmel and Christoph Friedrich Nicolai.[83] In the second category fell the work of Denis Diderot, Jacques Necker, Johann Bernhard Basedow and Georges-Louis Leclerc, Comte de Buffon.[84] Catherine expressed some frustration with the economists she read for what she regarded as their impractical theories, writing in the margin of one of Necker's books that if it was possible to solve all of the state's economic problems in one day, she would have done so a long time ago.[84] For information about particular nations that interested her, she read Jean Baptiste Bourguignon d'Anville's Memoirs de Chine to learn about the vast and wealthy Chinese empire that bordered her empire; François Baron de Tott's Memoires de les Turcs et les Tartares for information about the Ottoman Empire and the Crimean khanate; the books of Frederick the Great praising himself to learn about Frederick just as much as to learn about Prussia; and pamphlets written by Benjamin Franklin denouncing the British Crown to understand the reasons behind the American Revolution.[84] In the third category fell the work of Voltaire, Friedrich Melchior, Baron von Grimm, Ferdinando Galiani, Nicolas Baudeau and Sir William Blackstone.[85] For philosophy, she liked books promoting what has been called "enlightened despotism", which she embraced as her ideal of an autocratic but reformist government that operated according to the rule of law, not the whims of the ruler, hence her interest in Blackstone's legal commentaries.[85]

Within a few months of her accession in 1762, having heard the French government threatened to stop the publication of the famous French Encyclopédie on account of its irreligious spirit, Catherine proposed to Diderot that he should complete his great work in Russia under her protection. Four years later, in 1766, she endeavoured to embody in legislation the principles of Enlightenment she learned from studying the French philosophers. She called together at Moscow a Grand Commission—almost a consultative parliament—composed of 652 members of all classes (officials, nobles, burghers, and peasants) and of various nationalities. The commission had to consider the needs of the Russian Empire and the means of satisfying them. The empress prepared the "Instructions for the Guidance of the Assembly", pillaging (as she frankly admitted) the philosophers of Western Europe, especially Montesquieu and Cesare Beccaria.[86][87]

Catherine II by Rototov, 1780s

As many of the democratic principles frightened her more moderate and experienced advisors, she refrained from immediately putting them into practice. After holding more than 200 sittings, the so-called Commission dissolved without getting beyond the realm of theory.

Catherine began issuing codes to address some of the modernisation trends suggested in her Nakaz. In 1775, the empress decreed a Statute for the Administration of the provinces of the Russian Empire. The statute sought to efficiently govern Russia by increasing population and dividing the country into provinces and districts. By the end of her reign, 50 provinces and nearly 500 districts were created, government officials numbering more than double this were appointed, and spending on local government increased sixfold. In 1785, Catherine conferred on the nobility the Charter to the Nobility, increasing the power of the landed oligarchs. Nobles in each district elected a Marshal of the Nobility, who spoke on their behalf to the monarch on issues of concern to them, mainly economic ones. In the same year, Catherine issued the Charter of the Towns, which distributed all people into six groups as a way to limit the power of nobles and create a middle estate. Catherine also issued the Code of Commercial Navigation and Salt Trade Code of 1781, the Police Ordinance of 1782, and the Statute of National Education of 1786. In 1777, the empress described to Voltaire her legal innovations within a backward Russia as progressing "little by little".[88]

The Bolshoi Theatre in the early 19th century

During Catherine's reign, Russians imported and studied the classical and European influences that inspired the Russian Enlightenment. Gavrila Derzhavin, Denis Fonvizin and Ippolit Bogdanovich laid the groundwork for the great writers of the 19th century, especially for Alexander Pushkin. Catherine became a great patron of Russian opera. Alexander Radishchev published his Journey from St. Petersburg to Moscow in 1790, shortly after the start of the French Revolution. He warned of uprisings in Russia because of the deplorable social conditions of the serfs. Catherine decided it promoted the dangerous poison of the French Revolution. She had the book burned and the author exiled to Siberia.[89][90]

Catherine also received Elisabeth Vigée Le Brun at her Tsarskoye Selo residence in St Petersburg, by whom she was painted shortly before her death. Madame Vigée Le Brun vividly describes the empress in her memoirs:[91]

the sight of this famous woman so impressed me that I found it impossible to think of anything: I could only stare at her. Firstly I was very surprised at her small stature; I had imagined her to be very tall, as great as her fame. She was also very fat, but her face was still beautiful, and she wore her white hair up, framing it perfectly. Her genius seemed to rest on her forehead, which was both high and wide. Her eyes were soft and sensitive, her nose quite Greek, her colour high and her features expressive. She addressed me immediately in a voice full of sweetness, if a little throaty: "I am delighted to welcome you here, Madame, your reputation runs before you. I am very fond of the arts, especially painting. I am no connoisseur, but I am a great art lover."

Madame Vigée Le Brun also describes the empress at a gala:[91]

The double doors opened and the Empress appeared. I have said that she was quite small, and yet on the days when she made her public appearances, with her head held high, her eagle-like stare and a countenance accustomed to command, all this gave her such an air of majesty that to me she might have been Queen of the World; she wore the sashes of three orders, and her costume was both simple and regal; it consisted of a muslin tunic embroidered with gold fastened by a diamond belt, and the full sleeves were folded back in the Asiatic style. Over this tunic she wore a red velvet dolman with very short sleeves. The bonnet which held her white hair was not decorated with ribbons, but with the most beautiful diamonds.

Russia's second ballet school, Moscow State Academy of Choreography, commonly known as The Bolshoi Ballet Academy, was founded during Catherine's reign on 23 December 1773.[92] It entered into a contract with the Italian teacher-choreographer Filippo Becari, who must was "the most capable of dancing" children to learn "to dance with all possible precision and to show themselves publicly in all pantomime ballets".[93]

Education

[edit]
Catherine visits Russian scientist Mikhail Lomonosov, by Ivan Kuzmich Fedorov, 1880s

Catherine held western European philosophies and culture close to her heart, and she wanted to surround herself with like-minded people within Russia.[94] She believed a 'new kind of person' could be created by inculcating Russian children with European education. Catherine believed education could change the hearts and minds of the Russian people and turn them away from backwardness. This meant developing individuals both intellectually and morally, providing them knowledge and skills, and fostering a sense of civic responsibility. Her goal was to modernise education across Russia.[95]

Yekaterina Vorontsova-Dashkova, the closest female friend of Empress Catherine and a major figure of the Russian Enlightenment

Catherine appointed Ivan Betskoy as her advisor on educational matters.[96] Through him, she collected information from Russia and other countries about educational institutions. She also established a commission composed of T.N. Teplov, T. von Klingstedt, F.G. Dilthey and the historian G. Muller. She consulted British pedagogical pioneers, particularly the Rev. Daniel Dumaresq and Dr John Brown.[97] In 1764, she sent for Dumaresq to come to Russia and then appointed him to the educational commission. The commission studied the reform projects previously installed by I.I. Shuvalov under Elizabeth and under Peter III. They submitted recommendations for the establishment of a general system of education for all Russian orthodox subjects from the age of 5 to 18, excluding serfs.[98] However, no action was taken on any recommendations put forth by the commission due to the calling of the Legislative Commission. In July 1765, Dumaresq wrote to Dr. John Brown about the commission's problems and received a long reply containing very general and sweeping suggestions for education and social reforms in Russia. Dr. Brown argued, in a democratic country, education ought to be under the state's control and based on an education code. He also placed great emphasis on the "proper and effectual education of the female sex"; two years prior, Catherine had commissioned Ivan Betskoy to draw up the General Programme for the Education of Young People of Both Sexes.[99] This work emphasised the fostering of the creation of a 'new kind of people' raised in isolation from the damaging influence of a backward Russian environment.[100] The Establishment of the Moscow Foundling Home (Moscow Orphanage) was the first attempt at achieving that goal. It was charged with admitting destitute and extramarital children to educate them in any way the state deemed fit. Because the Moscow Foundling Home was not established as a state-funded institution, it represented an opportunity to experiment with new educational theories. However, the Moscow Foundling Home was unsuccessful, mainly due to extremely high mortality rates, which prevented many of the children from living long enough to develop into the enlightened subjects the state desired.[101]

The Moscow Orphanage
The Smolny Institute, the first Russian Institute for Noble Maidens and the first European state higher education institution for women

Not long after the Moscow Foundling Home, at the instigation of her factotum, Ivan Betskoy, she wrote a manual for the education of young children, drawing from the ideas of John Locke, and founded the famous Smolny Institute in 1764, first of its kind in Russia. At first, the institute only admitted young girls of the noble elite, but eventually it began to admit girls of the petit-bourgeoisie as well.[102] The girls who attended the Smolny Institute, Smolyanki, were often accused of being ignorant of anything that went on in the world outside the walls of the Smolny buildings, within which they acquired a proficiency in French, music, and dancing, along with a complete awe of the monarch. Central to the institute's philosophy of pedagogy was strict enforcement of discipline. Running and games were forbidden, and the building was kept particularly cold because too much warmth was believed to be harmful to the developing body, as was excessive play.[103]

From 1768 to 1774, no progress was made in setting up a national school system.[104] However, Catherine continued to investigate the pedagogical principles and practice of other countries and made many other educational reforms, including an overhaul of the Cadet Corps in 1766. The Corps then began to take children from a very young age and educate them until the age of 21, with a broadened curriculum that included the sciences, philosophy, ethics, history, and international law. These reforms in the Cadet Corps influenced the curricula of the Naval Cadet Corps and the Engineering and Artillery Schools. Following the war and the defeat of Pugachev, Catherine laid the obligation to establish schools at the guberniya—a provincial subdivision of the Russian empire ruled by a governor—on the Boards of Social Welfare set up with the participation of elected representatives from the three free estates.[105]

By 1782, Catherine arranged another advisory commission to review the information she had gathered on the educational systems of many different countries.[106] One system that particularly stood out was produced by a mathematician, Franz Aepinus. He was strongly in favour of the adoption of the Austrian three-tier model of trivial, real, and normal schools at the village, town, and provincial capital levels.

In addition to the advisory commission, Catherine established a Commission of National Schools under Pyotr Zavadovsky. This commission was charged with organising a national school network, as well as providing teacher training and textbooks. On 5 August 1786, the Russian Statute of National Education was created.[107] The statute established a two-tier network of high schools and primary schools in guberniya capitals that were free of charge, open to all of the free classes (not serfs), and co-educational. It also stipulated in detail the subjects to be taught at every age and the method of teaching. In addition to the textbooks translated by the commission, teachers were provided with the "Guide to Teachers". This work, divided into four parts, dealt with teaching methods, subject matter, teacher conduct, and school administration.[107]

Despite these efforts, later historians of the 19th century were generally critical. Some claimed Catherine failed to supply enough money to support her educational program.[108] Two years after the implementation of Catherine's program, a member of the National Commission inspected the institutions established. Throughout Russia, the inspectors encountered a patchy response. While the nobility provided appreciable amounts of money for these institutions, they preferred to send their own children to private, prestigious institutions. Also, the townspeople tended to turn against the junior schools and their teaching methods. Yet by the end of Catherine's reign, an estimated 62,000 pupils were being educated in some 549 state institutions. While a significant improvement, it was only a minuscule number, compared to the size of the Russian population.[109]

Religious affairs

[edit]
Catherine II in the Russian national costume

Catherine's apparent embrace of all things Russian (including Russian Orthodoxy) may have prompted her personal indifference to religion. She nationalised all of the Church lands to help pay for her wars, largely emptied the monasteries, and forced most of the remaining clergymen to survive as farmers or from fees for baptisms and other services. Very few members of the nobility entered the Church, which became even less important than it had been. She did not allow dissenters to build chapels, and she suppressed religious dissent after the onset of the French Revolution.[110]

However, in accord with her anti-Ottoman policy, Catherine promoted the protection and fostering of Christians under Turkish rule. She placed strictures on Catholics (ukaz of 23 February 1769), mainly Polish, and attempted to assert and extend state control over them in the wake of the partitions of Poland.[111] For example, although Catholic parishes were allowed to retain their property and worship, papal oversight of parishes was restricted to only theology. In its stead, Catherine appointed a Catholic bishop (later raising the position to archbishop) of Mohylev to administer all Catholic churches in her territory.[112] Nevertheless, Catherine's Russia provided an asylum and a base for regrouping to the Jesuits following the suppression of the Jesuits in most of Europe in 1773.[111]

Islam

[edit]
Bashkir riders from the Ural steppes

Catherine took many different approaches to Islam during her reign. She avoided force and tried persuasion (and money) to integrate Muslim areas into her empire.[113] Between 1762 and 1773, Muslims were prohibited from owning any Orthodox serfs. They were pressured into Orthodoxy through monetary incentives. Catherine promised more serfs of all religions, as well as amnesty for convicts, if Muslims chose to convert to Orthodoxy. However, the Legislative Commission of 1767 offered several seats to people professing the Islamic faith. This commission promised to protect their religious rights, but did not do so. Many Orthodox peasants felt threatened by the sudden change, and burned mosques as a sign of their displeasure.

Catherine chose to assimilate Islam into the state rather than eliminate it when public outcry became too disruptive. After the "Toleration of All Faiths" Edict of 1773, Muslims were permitted to build mosques and practise all of their traditions, the most obvious of these being the pilgrimage to Mecca, which previously had been denied. Catherine created the Orenburg Muslim Spiritual Assembly to help regulate Muslim-populated regions as well as regulate the instruction and ideals of mullahs. The positions on the Assembly were appointed and paid for by Catherine and her government as a way of regulating religious affairs.[114]

The Russian Empire in 1792

In 1785, Catherine approved the subsidising of new mosques and new town settlements for Muslims. This was another attempt to organise and passively control the outer fringes of her country. By building new settlements with mosques placed in them, Catherine attempted to ground many of the nomadic people who wandered through southern Russia. In 1786, she assimilated the Islamic schools into the Russian public school system under government regulation. The plan was another attempt to force nomadic people to settle. This allowed the Russian government to control more people, especially those who previously had not fallen under the jurisdiction of Russian law.[115]

Judaism

[edit]

Russia often treated Judaism as a separate entity, where Jews were maintained with a separate legal and bureaucratic system. Although the government knew that Judaism existed, Catherine and her advisers had no real definition of what a Jew is because the term meant many things during her reign.[116] Judaism was a small, if not non-existent, religion in Russia until 1772. When Catherine agreed to the First Partition of Poland, the large new Jewish element was treated as a separate people, defined by their religion. Catherine separated the Jews from Orthodox society, restricting them to the Pale of Settlement. She levied additional taxes on the followers of Judaism; if a family converted to the Orthodox faith, that additional tax was lifted.[117] Jewish members of society were required to pay double the tax of their Orthodox neighbours. Converted Jews could gain permission to enter the merchant class and farm as free peasants under Russian rule.[118][119]

In an attempt to assimilate the Jews into Russia's economy, Catherine included them under the rights and laws of the Charter of the Towns of 1782.[120] Orthodox Russians disliked the inclusion of Judaism, mainly for economic reasons. Catherine tried to keep the Jews away from certain economic spheres, even under the guise of equality; in 1790, she banned Jewish citizens from Moscow's middle class.[121]

In 1785, Catherine declared Jews to be officially foreigners, with foreigners' rights.[122] This re-established the separate identity that Judaism maintained in Russia throughout the Jewish Haskalah. Catherine's decree also denied Jews the rights of an Orthodox or naturalised citizen of Russia. Taxes doubled again for those of Jewish descent in 1794, and Catherine officially declared that Jews bore no relation to Russians.

Russian Orthodoxy

[edit]
St. Catherine Cathedral in Kingisepp, an example of Late Baroque architecture

In many ways, the Russian Orthodox Church fared no better than its foreign counterparts during the reign of Catherine. Under her leadership, she completed what Peter III had started. The Church's lands were expropriated, and the budget of both monasteries and bishoprics were controlled by the Collegium of Accounting.[123] Endowments from the government replaced income from privately held lands. The endowments were often much less than the original intended amount.[124] She closed 569 of 954 monasteries, of which only 161 received government money. Only 400,000 roubles of Church wealth were paid back.[125] While other religions (such as Islam) received invitations to the Legislative Commission, the Orthodox clergy did not receive a single seat.[124] Their place in government was restricted severely during the years of Catherine's reign.[110]

In 1762, to help mend the rift between the Russian Orthodox Church and a sect that called themselves the Old Believers, Catherine passed an act that allowed Old Believers to practice their faith openly without interference.[126] While claiming religious tolerance, she intended to recall the Old Believers into the official Church. They refused to comply, and in 1764, she deported over 20,000 Old Believers to Siberia on the grounds of their faith.[126] In later years, Catherine amended her thoughts. Old Believers were allowed to hold elected municipal positions after the Urban Charter of 1785, and she promised religious freedom to those who wished to settle in Russia.[127][128]

Religious education was reviewed strictly. At first, she attempted to revise clerical studies, proposing a reform of religious schools. This reform never progressed beyond the planning stages. By 1786, Catherine excluded all religion and clerical studies programs from lay education.[129] By separating the public interests from those of the Church, Catherine began a secularisation of the day-to-day workings of Russia. She transformed the clergy from a group that wielded great power over the Russian government and its people to a segregated community forced to depend on the state for compensation.[124]

Personal life

[edit]
Empress Catherine the Great is popularly remembered for her sexual promiscuity.

Catherine, throughout her long reign, took many lovers, often elevating them to high positions for as long as they held her interest and then pensioning them off with gifts of serfs and large estates.[130][131] The percentage of state money spent on the court increased from 10% in 1767 to 11% in 1781 to 14% in 1795. Catherine gave away 66,000 serfs from 1762 to 1772, 202,000 from 1773 to 1793, and 100,000 in one day: 18 August 1795.[132]: 119  Catherine bought the support of the bureaucracy. In 1767, Catherine decreed that after seven years in one rank, civil servants automatically would be promoted regardless of office or merit.[133]

After her affair with her lover and adviser Grigory Potemkin ended in 1776, he allegedly selected a candidate-lover for her who had the physical beauty and mental faculties to hold her interest (such as Alexander Dmitriev-Mamonov and Nicholas Alexander Suk).[134] Some of these men loved her in return, and she always showed generosity towards them, even after the affair ended. One of her lovers, Pyotr Zavadovsky, received 50,000 roubles, a pension of 5,000 roubles, and 4,000 peasants in Ukraine after she dismissed him in 1777.[135] The last of her lovers, Platon Zubov, was 40 years her junior. Her sexual independence led to many of the legends about her.[136]

Catherine kept her illegitimate son by Grigory Orlov (Alexis Bobrinsky, later elevated to Count Bobrinsky by Paul I) near Tula, away from her court.

The acceptance of a woman ruler was more of an issue among elites in Western Europe than in Russia. The British ambassador to Russia, James Harris, reported back to London that:

Her Majesty has a masculine force of mind, obstinacy in adhering to a plan, and intrepidity in the execution of it; but she wants the more manly virtues of deliberation, forbearance in prosperity and accuracy of judgment, while she possesses in a high degree the weaknesses vulgarly attributed to her sex—love of flattery, and its inseparable companion, vanity; an inattention to unpleasant but salutary advice; and a propensity to voluptuousness which leads to excesses that would debase a female character in any sphere of life.[137]

Poniatowski

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Stanisław August Poniatowski, the last King of Poland

Sir Charles Hanbury Williams, the British ambassador to Russia, offered Stanisław Poniatowski a place in the embassy in return for gaining Catherine as an ally. Poniatowski, through his mother's side, came from the Czartoryski family, prominent members of the pro-Russian faction in Poland; Poniatowski and Catherine were eighth cousins, twice removed, by their mutual ancestor King Christian I of Denmark, by virtue of Poniatowski's maternal descent from the Scottish House of Stuart. Catherine, 26 years old and already married to the then-Grand Duke Peter for some 10 years, met the 22-year-old Poniatowski in 1755, well before encountering the Orlov brothers. They had a daughter named Anna Petrovna in December 1757 (not to be confused with Grand Duchess Anna Petrovna of Russia, the daughter of Peter I's second marriage), although she was legally regarded as Grand Duke Peter's.[138]

King Augustus III of Poland died in 1763, so Poland needed to elect a new ruler. Catherine supported Poniatowski as a candidate to become the next king. She sent the Russian army into Poland to avoid possible disputes. Russia invaded Poland on 26 August 1764, threatening to fight, and imposing Poniatowski as king. Poniatowski accepted the throne, and thereby put himself under Catherine's control. News of Catherine's plan spread, and Frederick II (others say the Ottoman sultan) warned her that if she tried to conquer Poland by marrying Poniatowski, all of Europe would oppose her. She had no intention of marrying him, having already given birth to Orlov's child and to the Grand Duke Paul by then.

Prussia (through the agency of Prince Henry), Russia (under Catherine), and Austria (under Maria Theresa) began preparing the ground for the partitions of Poland. In the first partition, 1772, the three powers split 52,000 km2 (20,000 sq mi) among them. Russia got territories east of the line connecting, more or less, RigaPolotskMogilev. In the second partition, in 1793, Russia received the most land, from west of Minsk almost to Kiev and down the river Dnieper, leaving some spaces of steppe down south in front of Ochakov, on the Black Sea. Later uprisings in Poland led to the third partition in 1795. Poland ceased to exist as an independent nation[139] until its post-World War I reconstitution.

Orlov

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Count Grigory Orlov, by Fyodor Rokotov

Grigory Orlov, the grandson of a rebel in the Streltsy uprising (1698) against Peter the Great, distinguished himself in the Battle of Zorndorf (25 August 1758), receiving three wounds. He represented an opposite to Peter's pro-Prussian sentiment, with which Catherine disagreed. By 1759, he and Catherine had become lovers; no one told Catherine's husband, Peter. Catherine saw Orlov as very useful, and he became instrumental in the 28 June 1762 coup d'état against her husband, but she preferred to remain the dowager empress of Russia rather than marrying anyone.

Orlov and his other three brothers found themselves rewarded with titles, money, swords, and other gifts, but Catherine did not marry Grigory, who proved inept at politics and useless when asked for advice. He received a palace in Saint Petersburg when Catherine became empress.

Orlov died in 1783. Their son, Aleksey Grygoriovich Bobrinsky (1762–1813), had one daughter, Maria Alexeyeva Bobrinsky (Bobrinskaya) (1798–1835), who married in 1819 the 34-year-old Prince Nikolai Sergeevich Gagarin (London, England, 1784–1842) who took part in the Battle of Borodino (7 September 1812) against Napoleon, and later served as ambassador in Turin, the capital of the Kingdom of Sardinia.

Potemkin

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Catherine II and Prince Grigory Potemkin on the Millennium Monument in Novgorod

Grigory Potemkin was involved in the palace coup of 1762. In 1772, Catherine's close friends informed her of Orlov's affairs with other women, and she dismissed him. By the winter of 1773, Pugachev's Rebellion was starting to take root and Catherine's son Paul had started gaining support; both of these trends threatened her power. She called Potemkin for help—mostly military—and he became devoted to her.

In 1772, Catherine wrote to Potemkin. Days earlier, she had found out about an uprising in the Volga region. She appointed General Aleksandr Bibikov to put down the uprising, but she needed Potemkin's advice on military strategy. Potemkin quickly gained positions and awards. Russian poets wrote about his virtues, the court praised him, foreign ambassadors fought for his favour, and his family moved into the palace. He later became the de facto absolute ruler of New Russia, governing its colonisation.

In 1780, Emperor Joseph II, the son of Holy Roman Empress Maria Theresa, toyed with the idea of determining whether or not to enter an alliance with Russia, and asked to meet Catherine. Potemkin had the task of briefing him and travelling with him to Saint Petersburg. Potemkin also convinced Catherine to expand the universities in Russia to increase the number of scientists.

Catherine was worried that Potemkin's poor health would delay his important work in colonising and developing the south as he had planned. He died at the age of 52 in 1791.[140]

Final months and death

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1794 portrait of Catherine, aged approximately 65, with the Chesme Column in the Catherine Park in Tsarskoye Selo in the background

Catherine's life and reign included many personal successes, but they ended in two failures. Her Swedish cousin (once removed), King Gustav IV Adolf, visited her in September 1796, the empress's intention being that her granddaughter Alexandra should become queen of Sweden by marriage. A ball was given at the imperial court on 11 September when the engagement was supposed to be announced. Gustav Adolph felt pressured to accept that Alexandra would not convert to Lutheranism, and though he was delighted by the young lady, he refused to appear at the ball and left for Stockholm. The frustration affected Catherine's health. She recovered well enough to begin to plan a ceremony which would establish her favourite grandson Alexander as her heir, superseding her difficult son Paul, but she died before the announcement could be made, just over two months after the engagement ball.[141]

On 16 November [O.S. 5 November] 1796, Catherine rose early in the morning and had her usual morning coffee, soon settling down to work on papers; she told her lady's maid, Maria Perekusikhina, that she had slept better than she had in a long time.[142] Sometime after 9:00 she was found on the floor with her face purplish, her pulse weak, her breathing shallow and laboured.[142] The court physician diagnosed a stroke[142][143] and despite attempts to revive her, she fell into a coma. She was given the last rites and died the following evening around 9:45.[143] An autopsy confirmed a stroke as the cause of death.[144]

Catherine's last favourite, Platon Zubov

Later, several rumours circulated regarding the cause and manner of her death. The most famous of these rumors is that she died after committing bestiality with her horse. This rumor was widely circulated by satirical British and French publications at the time of her death. In his 1647 book Beschreibung der muscowitischen und persischen Reise (Description of the Muscovite and Persian journey), German scholar Adam Olearius[145] alleged a supposed Russian tendency towards bestiality with horses. This was repeated in anti-Russian literature throughout the 17th and 18th centuries to illustrate the claimed barbarous Asian nature of Russia.[146]

Catherine's undated will, discovered in early 1792 among her papers by her secretary Alexander Vasilievich Khrapovitsky, gave specific instructions should she die: "Lay out my corpse dressed in white, with a golden crown on my head, and on it inscribe my Christian name. Mourning dress is to be worn for six months, and no longer: the shorter the better."[147] In the end, the empress was laid to rest with a gold crown on her head and clothed in a silver brocade dress. On 25 November, the coffin, richly decorated in gold fabric, was placed atop an elevated platform at the Grand Gallery's chamber of mourning, designed and decorated by Antonio Rinaldi.[148][149]

According to Élisabeth Vigée Le Brun:

The empress's body lay in state for six weeks in a large and magnificently decorated room in the castle, which was kept lit day and night. Catherine was stretched on a ceremonial bed surrounded by the coats of arms of all the towns in Russia. Her face was left uncovered, and her fair hand rested on the bed. All the ladies, some of whom took turn to watch by the body, would go and kiss this hand, or at least appear to.

A description of the empress's funeral is written in Madame Vigée Le Brun's memoirs.

Issue

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Name Lifespan Notes
Miscarriage 20 December 1752 According to court gossip, this lost pregnancy was attributed to Sergei Saltykov.[150]
Miscarriage 30 June 1753 This second lost pregnancy was also attributed to Saltykov;[150] this time she was very ill for 13 days. Catherine later wrote in her memoirs: "...They suspect that part of the afterbirth has not come away ... on the 13th day it came out by itself".[151][152]
Paul (I) Petrovich
Emperor of Russia
1 October 1754 –
23 March 1801 (aged 46)
Born at the Winter Palace, officially he was a son of Peter III but in her memoirs, Catherine implies very strongly that Saltykov was the biological father of the child, though she later retracted this.[153] He married firstly Princess Wilhelmina Louisa of Hesse-Darmstadt in 1773 and had no issue. He married secondly, in 1776, Princess Sophie Dorothea of Württemberg and had issue, including the future Alexander I of Russia and Nicholas I of Russia. He succeeded as emperor of Russia in 1796 and was murdered at Saint Michael's Castle in 1801.
Anna Petrovna
Grand Duchess of Russia
9 December 1757 –
8 March 1759 (aged 15 months)
Possibly the offspring of Catherine and Stanislaus Poniatowski, Anna was born at the Winter Palace between 10 and 11 o'clock;[154] she was named by Empress Elizabeth after her deceased sister, against Catherine's wishes.[155] On 17 December 1757, Anna was baptised and received the Great Cross of the Order of Saint Catherine.[156] Elizabeth served as godmother; she held Anna above the baptismal font and brought Catherine, who did not witness any of the celebrations, and Peter a gift of 60,000 rubles.[155] Elizabeth took Anna and raised the baby herself, as she had done with Paul.[157] In her memoirs, Catherine makes no mention of Anna's death on 8 March 1759,[158] though she was inconsolable and entered a state of shock.[159] Anna's funeral took place on 15 March, at Alexander Nevsky Lavra. After the funeral, Catherine never mentioned her dead daughter again.[160]
Aleksey Grigorievich Bobrinsky
Count Bobrinsky
11 April 1762 –
20 June 1813 (aged 51)
Born at the Winter Palace, he was brought up at Bobriki; his father was Grigory Grigoryevich Orlov. He married Baroness Anna Dorothea von Ungern-Sternberg and had issue. Created Count Bobrinsky in 1796, he died in 1813.
Elizabeth Grigorieva Temkina (alleged daughter) 13 July 1775 –
25 May 1854 (aged 78)
Born many years after the death of Catherine's husband, brought up in the Samoilov household as Grigory Potemkin's daughter, and never acknowledged by Catherine, it has been suggested that Temkina was the illegitimate child of Catherine and Potemkin, but this is now regarded as unlikely.[161]

Title

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The Manifesto of 1763 begins with Catherine's full titulature:

By the expedient grace of God, we, Catherine the Second, Empress and Autocrat of all Russia: of Muscovy, of Kiev, of Vladimir, and of Novgorod; Tsaritsa of Kazan, Tsaritsa of Astrakhan, and Tsaritsa of Siberia; Lady of Pskov and Grand Duchess of Smolensk; Duchess of Estonia and Livonia, of Karelia, of Tver, of Yugra, of Perm, of Vyatka and Bolgharia and others; Lady and Grand Duchess of the lands of Nizhniy Novgorod, of Chernigov, of Ryazan, of Rostov, of Yaroslavl, of Beloozero, of Udoria, of Obdoria, of Kondia, and overlord of the northern territories and sovereign over the lands of Iveria, over the Kartlian and Gruzian tsars and over the land of the Kabardians, over the Circassian and mountain princes, and of others the hereditary sovereign and possessor.[162]

Another of her titles was "Mother of the Fatherland".[163] She was often simply addressed as "Mother" (Russian: Матушка, romanizedMatushka), sometimes even by the court nobles instead of as "Your Majesty".[164]

Archives

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Empress Catherine's correspondence with Frederick II Eugene, Duke of Württemberg, (the father of Catherine's daughter-in-law Maria Feodorovna) written between 1768 and 1795, is preserved in the State Archive of Stuttgart (Hauptstaatsarchiv Stuttgart) in Stuttgart, Germany.[165]

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Ancestry

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See also

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Explanatory notes

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References

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Further reading

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Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
Catherine II of (born Auguste Fredericka of Anhalt-Zerbst; 2 May 1729 – 17 November 1796), known as Catherine the Great, was Empress of from 1762 to 1796, having assumed power through a coup that deposed her husband, Peter III, six months after his brief reign began. Born in to minor , she converted to Russian Orthodoxy, married into the Romanov dynasty, and navigated court intrigues to secure her position amid widespread discontent with Peter's pro-Prussian policies and erratic rule. Her 34-year rule marked a period of territorial expansion, incorporating , facilitating the , and gaining access via victories over the , thereby elevating 's status as a major European power. Influenced by Enlightenment philosophy, she corresponded with figures like , promulgated the —a proposed legal instruction drawing from to advocate moderate reforms—and patronized arts and education, though persisted and deepened. Despite these efforts, her reign involved ruthless suppression of peasant uprisings, reliance on favorites for , and limited implementation of liberal ideals, reflecting pragmatic absolutism over radical change.

Early Life

Birth and Upbringing in Prussia

Sophie Friederike Auguste von Anhalt-Zerbst was born on 2 May 1729 in Stettin, then a city in the Kingdom of (now , ), to , and Johanna Elisabeth of -Gottorp. Her father, a career Prussian military officer who rose to the rank of , hailed from a minor branch of the , rulers of the small . Her mother, niece of Peter the Great's consort Catherine I through her Holstein lineage, brought connections to northern European courts but little wealth to the marriage. The family resided primarily at Zerbst Castle in Anhalt-Zerbst, a modest and often dilapidated seat reflecting their impoverished noble status amid the patchwork of German principalities. Catherine's early years were marked by the typical constraints of minor German aristocracy, with her father frequently absent on military campaigns under Frederick William I and Frederick II of . Her parents, adhering to strict Lutheran piety, prioritized religious instruction and moral discipline, though Johanna's ambitions for social elevation often overshadowed domestic warmth; she favored sons, and after the death of Catherine's infant brother in , relations with her daughter grew strained. Described in her own memoirs as a tomboyish who secretly practiced and riding astride—unconventional for her station—Catherine displayed early independence and physical vigor, traits that contrasted with her mother's expectations of demure . Her , delivered by private tutors in the family castle, emphasized and literature, classical history, and Protestant , fostering a foundation in Enlightenment-influenced despite the court's provincial isolation. Voracious reading of available works, including Voltaire's early writings smuggled in, honed her intellect, though formal schooling ended by adolescence as family focus shifted to dynastic alliances. By 1744, at age 15, these Prussian roots—combining martial discipline from her father, courtly intrigue from her mother, and self-directed learning—equipped her for the invitation to , where her ties promised elevation beyond Zerbst's obscurity.

Education and Intellectual Formation

Sophie Friederike Auguste von Anhalt-Zerbst, born into the minor German principality of Anhalt-Zerbst, received a typical home-based for a noble daughter of her , emphasizing languages, , and basic within the constraints of her family's modest resources. Her instruction occurred primarily at the court in Stettin, where formal schooling was absent, and learning relied on private tutors rather than structured institutions. A key figure in her early tutelage was her French Huguenot , Elizabeth Cardel—affectionately called Babet or Babette—who taught her French, the dominant language of European and , through immersion and conversational practice. Cardel, whom she later described as an ideal mentor for fostering independence and curiosity rather than strict discipline, also introduced elements of and manners, though the governess's methods emphasized practical skills over rigorous academics. Supplementary came from a , who covered Lutheran doctrine, but Sophie reportedly challenged many teachings, displaying an early toward authority-driven instruction. Her intellectual formation extended beyond formal lessons through self-directed reading and observation, traits noted by contemporaries; at age 10 in 1739, a family acquaintance described her as "a much beyond my age," indicating precocious maturity amid the limited intellectual stimulation of Zerbst's provincial court. Access to her father's modest library allowed exposure to historical and moral texts, cultivating habits of inquiry that contrasted with her mother's preference for more conventional feminine pursuits like and dancing. This self-motivated approach, unencumbered by elite Prussian academies, honed her resilience and analytical mindset, laying groundwork for later engagement with Enlightenment works upon exposure to broader European ideas.

Arrival in Russia and Early Challenges

Sophie Auguste Friederike of Anhalt-Zerbst, aged 14, arrived in in 1744 at the invitation of Empress Elizabeth Petrovna, who selected her as a bride for her grandnephew and heir, Peter Fyodorovich. Accompanied by her mother, Johanna Elisabeth of Holstein-Gottorp, Sophie traveled from Zerbst through Prussian and Baltic territories, reaching where Elizabeth held court amid ongoing war with . Upon arrival on 9 , Sophie impressed Elizabeth by enduring a severe cold to attend formal audiences, demonstrating physical and mental fortitude that contrasted with her mother's perceived haughtiness. To integrate into the Russian imperial family, Sophie underwent conversion to the on 28 June 1744, adopting the name (Catherine) Alexeyevna in a ceremony that symbolized her break from and commitment to her new role, despite opposition from her father, Christian , who viewed it as a betrayal of family faith. Relocated to St. Petersburg later that year, Catherine married Peter on 21 1745 in a lavish ceremony at the , though the union was politically motivated rather than affectionate. Elizabeth's favoritism toward Catherine grew, leading to Johanna's dismissal in May 1746 amid accusations of intrigue and meddling in court affairs. Catherine faced profound early challenges in her marriage and adaptation to Russian court life. Peter, disfigured by childhood smallpox and displaying immature behaviors such as playing with toy soldiers, showed disinterest in consummating the marriage on their wedding night and for years thereafter, reportedly preferring military games and later pursuing a mistress. Medical issues, including Peter's phimosis, contributed to the delay in physical intimacy, resulting in nine childless years until the birth of their son, , on 20 September 1754. Isolated amid Peter's eccentricities and Prussian sympathies, which clashed with Russian patriotic sentiments, Catherine secretly studied the Russian language, history, and Orthodox theology, building intellectual resilience and covert alliances with courtiers like Chancellor Alexei Bestuzhev-Ryumin to secure her position. These efforts, coupled with navigating Elizabeth's volatile health and court factions, positioned Catherine as a determined outsider striving for influence in a hostile environment.

Ascension to Power

Marriage to Peter and Court Intrigues

Catherine, originally named Sophie Auguste Friederike of Anhalt-Zerbst, arrived in Russia in February 1744 at the invitation of Empress Elizabeth to marry her nephew and heir, Grand Duke Peter (Karl Peter Ulrich of Holstein-Gottorp). After converting to Russian Orthodoxy and adopting the name Ekaterina Alekseyevna on 9 September 1745, she wed Peter on 21 August 1745 in St. Petersburg; she was 16 years old, and he was 17. The union, arranged for dynastic purposes to secure a German alliance and produce an heir, quickly proved mismatched due to Peter's emotional immaturity, fixation on Prussian military drills and toys, and apparent disinterest in consummation, which Catherine later attributed to impotence in her memoirs—though contemporary accounts suggest mutual inexperience and Peter's poor health contributed to the delay. The marriage remained unconsummated for nearly nine years, exacerbating tensions; Catherine, intellectually curious and ambitious, immersed herself in , , and while enduring isolation and scrutiny at court, where Empress Elizabeth micromanaged her conduct and health to ensure fertility. In 1752, Catherine began an affair with , a of Romanov descent, which produced her only surviving child, Paul, born on 1 October 1754 (OS 20 September). Rumors persisted that Saltykov, rather than Peter, fathered Paul, fueled by the couple's prolonged childlessness and Peter's limited involvement; Catherine initially hinted at this in early drafts but later insisted Peter was the biological father, and no definitive evidence exists to confirm the paternity claims, as genetic verification remains impossible. Peter acknowledged Paul as his son, but the whispers undermined family cohesion and Catherine's position. By the late 1750s, Peter's pro-Prussian sympathies—clashing with Russia's alliance against Prussia in the Seven Years' War—and erratic behavior alienated the nobility and military, while Catherine cultivated favor among the Guards regiments and influential families. She formed a pivotal alliance with the Orlov brothers, beginning an affair with Grigory Orlov around 1759–1760, leveraging their military connections to position herself as a stabilizing alternative amid Peter's growing unpopularity. These intrigues involved discreet plotting with disaffected courtiers, including Chancellor Bestuzhev-Ryumin earlier in the decade, who had favored Catherine over Peter but fell from power in 1758; by 1761–1762, as Peter's accession loomed, Catherine's network expanded to include key officers, setting the stage for her challenge to his authority without yet erupting into open revolt. Her strategic patience, contrasted with Peter's impulsive favoritism toward German advisors like Bernstorff, highlighted the court's factional divides, where personal loyalties and nationalistic resentments intertwined.

The 1762 Coup and Peter's Deposition

Peter III's six-month reign, beginning January 5, 1762, following Empress Elizabeth's death, rapidly eroded support among the nobility, military, and church due to his pro- shift. He abruptly ended Russia's involvement in the Seven Years' War, which had been successful under Elizabeth, and allied with of Prussia, the long-standing enemy against whom Russian forces had fought. This reversal humiliated the military, who viewed it as a betrayal of national interests and their battlefield sacrifices. Domestically, Peter's Manifesto on the Freedom of the Nobility exempted landowners from compulsory state service, which pleased some elites but failed to offset broader discontent; his of church estates alienated the Orthodox clergy, who saw it as an assault on their autonomy. Catherine, aware of her husband's vulnerabilities, cultivated alliances with disaffected officers, particularly the Orlov brothers—Grigory, her lover and an artillery captain, and Alexei, a guardsman—who leveraged their influence in the regiments. By mid-1762, rumors of plots circulated, fueled by Peter's personal eccentricities, including his Prussian-style military drills and neglect of court protocol, which underscored his foreign upbringing and perceived disdain for Russian traditions. On the night of June 27–28, 1762 (Old Style; July 8–9 New Style), Catherine, prompted by news of Peter's intent to arrest her on charges of treason, fled the with and sought support from the Izmailovsky . The guardsmen, swayed by appeals to and Orthodox loyalty—Catherine positioned herself as against Peter's "Lutheran" influences—proclaimed her autocrat and marched on St. Petersburg, joined en route by the Semenovsky and Preobrazhensky regiments. Peter III, vacationing at Peterhof, learned of the uprising too late to rally loyalists; his Holstein troops proved unreliable, and by June 28 (O.S.), he retreated to but found it barred. Isolated and abandoned, Peter signed an abdication manifesto on June 29 (O.S.), citing health reasons and expressing relief at yielding the throne to Catherine as for their son Paul. He was confined under guard at Palace, 30 kilometers south of the capital. Eight days later, on July 6 (O.S.; July 17 N.S.), Peter died there at age 34; the official announcement from Catherine's government attributed the death to a severe attack of hemorrhoidal , a claim met with immediate skepticism in Russia and abroad. Contemporary accounts and later investigations point to , with Alexei Orlov implicated—possibly in a brawl or deliberate —to eliminate any risk of counter-coup, though Catherine publicly denied involvement and ordered an that supported the natural causes narrative. The coup secured Catherine's rule without widespread bloodshed in the capital, but Peter's demise underscored the ruthlessness underlying her ascent.

Coronation and Consolidation of Rule

Following the deposition of Peter III on 28 June 1762, Catherine issued a manifesto proclaiming her assumption of the throne and pledging to uphold the policies of Empress Elizabeth, thereby appealing to those dissatisfied with Peter's pro-Prussian orientation and Holstein favoritism. Peter's death eleven days later on 17 July, officially reported as resulting from severe colic but suspected by contemporaries to have been assassination by agents linked to Grigory Orlov, eliminated the immediate threat of his restoration. To formalize her sovereignty, Catherine traveled to , the historic seat of Russian coronations, arriving in early August. On 22 September 1762, in a grand ceremony at the Assumption Cathedral in the , she personally lifted and placed upon her head the Great Imperial Crown, a nine-pound masterpiece crafted by court jewelers Jérémie Pauzié and Richard Ekart specifically for the occasion, symbolizing her self-proclaimed autocratic authority. The event, marked by elaborate processions, religious rites, and distribution of alms, served to legitimize her rule among the , , and populace, with no significant disruptions reported. In parallel, Catherine consolidated power through strategic patronage and institutional adjustments. She ennobled and enriched her coup allies, notably granting the Orlov brothers extensive lands and titles, while staging military reviews to reaffirm Guards regiments' allegiance, which had been pivotal in the overthrow. The , curtailed under Peter, was restored to broader administrative functions, aiding in governance continuity. To neutralize rivals, she isolated her son Paul from state affairs, confining his influence and preventing any regency claims on his behalf. Surveillance of potential Jacobite sympathizers or backers of the imprisoned Ivan VI suppressed nascent plots, though Catherine refrained from immediate executions, opting instead for exile or confinement of minor opponents. This period of deft maneuvering ensured her unchallenged reign for the subsequent three decades.

Domestic Administration

Provincial and Bureaucratic Reforms

The Provincial Reform of 1775, enacted through the Statute on the Administration of the Provinces of the on November 7 (Old Style; 18 New Style), fundamentally restructured local governance in response to administrative inefficiencies and the Pugachev Rebellion's exposure of weak provincial control. The empire was divided into approximately 50 governorates (guberniyas) of roughly equal population size—around 300,000 to 400,000 inhabitants each—superseding the uneven divisions inherited from and subsequent rulers; each guberniya was further subdivided into 10 to 13 districts (uyezds) for granular management. This statute established a hierarchical structure, with a appointed by the empress overseeing each guberniya's executive functions, often grouped under governor-generals for oversight of two or more provinces; separate treasuries handled finances, police boards managed order and , and dedicated courts administered , including specialized fiscal and upper courts to reduce and overlap. Noble assemblies (assemblies of the ) were empowered to elect local officials and participate in governance, consolidating the gentry's authority to maintain order and quell unrest, while procurators-general enforced central directives and reported directly to St. Petersburg. Central bureaucratic adjustments complemented these provincial changes without overhauling the core collegial system; Catherine II abolished the cabinet council mechanism of her predecessors, restoring the to its Petrine configuration as the empire's highest administrative and supervisory body, with former cabinet chiefs integrated as senators to streamline decision-making. Collegia (ministries) remained but with diminished presidential autonomy, subjected more directly to senatorial review, emphasizing accountability amid growing paperwork from territorial expansion. These reforms prioritized causal mechanisms for stability—decentralized execution via empowered local elites paired with centralized procuratorial oversight—yielding a framework that endured until the , though implementation varied by region due to noble resistance and resource constraints in peripheral areas like the Baltic provinces.

Economic and Fiscal Policies

Catherine II's fiscal policies relied heavily on the poll tax, introduced under Peter I, which by her reign generated substantial state revenues primarily from male serfs and state peasants. Upon her accession in 1762, the Senate reported total empire revenues of approximately 11 million rubles annually, with the poll tax contributing around 8-9 million rubles in later years, underscoring its role as the fiscal backbone amid limited direct taxation on nobility or clergy. Additional levies included customs duties, salt monopolies, and stamp duties, while discriminatory taxes targeted non-Orthodox groups such as Jews, doubled in 1794 unless conversion to Orthodoxy occurred, reflecting policies prioritizing fiscal extraction and religious conformity over equitable burdens. To address chronic budget deficits exacerbated by wars, Catherine established the Assignation Bank in 1769 in St. Petersburg and , introducing Russia's first paper currency—assignats—backed by state land revenues and convertible to silver at a fixed rate, aiming to finance expenditures without depleting coin reserves. This facilitated external borrowings and stabilized , though overissuance later contributed to by the 1780s. She also created the Chancery of State Revenues to centralize budgeting and oversight of expenditures, enhancing administrative control over fiscal flows in line with Enlightenment-inspired rationalization efforts. Economic policies emphasized mercantilist promotion of , , and to bolster state power and revenue. Catherine liberalized internal by reducing guild restrictions and tariffs, stimulating commodity flows and urban growth, while issuing navigation and salt codes in to regulate and expand commerce. She encouraged foreign settlement, particularly German colonists along the from , granting land and tax exemptions to import skills in farming and crafts, thereby increasing agricultural output and taxable populations in underdeveloped regions. saw state subsidies for factories in textiles and metals, though serf labor constraints limited efficiency compared to free wage systems elsewhere. Overall, these measures supported revenue growth to fund expansions, yet entrenched noble privileges perpetuated inefficient serf-based production, prioritizing autocratic stability over broad structural liberalization. Catherine II composed the Nakaz, or Instruction, primarily between late 1766 and early 1767, presenting it on August 10, 1767, to the newly convened Legislative Commission as a foundational guide for drafting a comprehensive new legal code to replace the 1649 Ulozhenie. The Commission assembled in July 1767 with 564 deputies representing nobles, townspeople, state peasants, and non-Russian ethnic groups, but excluding private serfs, to deliberate on civil and , administrative structures, and social relations. This effort reflected Catherine's ambition to rationalize Russia's archaic legal system through Enlightenment-inspired principles, though the Nakaz itself held no binding force and served chiefly as advisory. Drawing extensively from Montesquieu's The Spirit of the Laws—with over 200 articles paraphrased or adapted—and Cesare Beccaria's On Crimes and Punishments, the Nakaz emphasized laws conforming to nature and reason, clarity in legal language, and prevention of crime through certainty of moderate punishment rather than severity. It condemned torture as contrary to humanity, advocated its abolition, and called for punishments proportionate to offenses, with capital punishment reserved for only the gravest crimes like murder or treason. On governance, it upheld absolute monarchy as essential for Russia's vast territory, rejecting separation of powers or constitutional limits on the sovereign while promoting equality before the law irrespective of social rank and protections for property rights. The 's treatment of serfdom remained deliberately vague; initial drafts included measures to curb noble abuses and potentially limit peasant bondage, but Catherine personally edited out such provisions to avoid alienating the , whose support was crucial for her regime's stability. This ambiguity preserved the existing framework of noble dominance over serfs, aligning with broader policies that expanded serf ownership rather than dismantling it, despite the document's humanitarian rhetoric on citizen welfare. Debates in the Commission, spanning over 200 sessions, exposed deep divisions: nobles defended privileges and serf rights, while deputies from other estates sought protections against exploitation, rendering consensus impossible. Operations paused in January 1769 amid the Russo-Turkish War of 1768–1774, with formal dissolution in December 1774, yielding no new code or systemic reforms; instead, it merely tabulated existing customs and grievances, informing later administrative adjustments like the 1775 Provincial Statute. The Nakaz thus functioned more as ideological , burnishing Catherine's image as an enlightened autocrat in European courts via translations into multiple languages, than as a catalyst for domestic legal transformation, leaving Russia's framework reliant on the 1649 code's punitive and absolutist foundations.

Public Health, Education, and Enlightenment Projects

Catherine II established the for Noble Maidens in 1764, marking the first state-financed institution of higher education for women in Russia, initially admitting daughters of the nobility to receive instruction in subjects such as languages, arts, and etiquette under the supervision of French educators. In 1786, she issued the Statute on Popular Education, creating the Commission of National Schools under to oversee a tiered system of primary and secondary schools in district towns and provincial capitals, aiming to provide to children aged five to eighteen from various estates, excluding serfs. However, implementation proved limited, with only a fraction of planned schools constructed due to financial constraints and local resistance, resulting in modest enrollment primarily among urban and noble classes by the end of her reign. To advance , Catherine championed against , undergoing the procedure herself on October 12, 1768, along with her son Paul, administered by English physician Thomas Dimsdale, from which she recovered after two weeks, demonstrating its safety to counter public skepticism rooted in religious and traditional fears. This royal endorsement spurred a national campaign, leading to approximately 20,000 inoculations by 1780 and fostering broader interest in medical training and infrastructure, including the establishment of foundling homes in in 1764 and St. Petersburg in 1772 to address and abandonment. She also decreed the construction of public hospitals, such as one in in 1767 and another bearing her name in 1775, with regulations emphasizing and professional staffing, though these efforts were hampered by inadequate funding and persisting epidemics. These initiatives reflected Catherine's selective embrace of Enlightenment principles, prioritizing state-controlled modernization over radical ; while she corresponded with and invited European scholars, her projects maintained autocratic oversight and noble privileges, yielding incremental progress amid Russia's entrenched and Orthodox traditions rather than transformative societal change.

Social Policies and Internal Stability

Expansion and Entrenchment of Serfdom

Catherine II's policies during her reign (1762–1796) significantly reinforced the institution of serfdom, prioritizing noble loyalty and fiscal stability over Enlightenment ideals she espoused in correspondence with philosophers like Voltaire. Although her Nakaz (Instruction) of 1767 critiqued serfdom's perpetuation, practical measures expanded noble authority over peasants, allowing landowners to treat serfs as near-property with limited state interference. This entrenchment stemmed from the need to consolidate power after her coup, as nobles formed the backbone of her regime, leading to laws that curtailed peasant mobility and escalated punishments. A pivotal step occurred with the confirmation of Peter III's Manifesto on the Freedom of the Nobility in , which exempted nobles from compulsory state service and confirmed their full proprietary rights over serfs, including the ability to manage without oversight. This freed nobles to devote more time to agrarian exploitation, intensifying serf labor demands on barshchina () systems where peasants owed up to six days of weekly on noble lands. In 1765, Catherine enacted legislation permitting nobles to unilaterally exile disobedient serfs to for hard labor or sentence them to up to 100 strokes of the without , replacing milder prior restrictions and embedding as a noble short of execution. These measures dehumanized serfs further, as sales of individuals—often families separated—without attached land became commonplace in auctions, treating them as chattel to settle noble debts or fund lifestyles. Serfdom expanded territorially into newly acquired regions, such as Left-Bank Ukraine following the 1764 charter granting local nobles equivalent rights over peasants as in European Russia, binding millions more to the system. Policies facilitated the conversion of state peasants—previously under crown administration with nominal freedoms—into private serfs; nobles and industrialists could petition to acquire them for estates or factories, with Catherine's 1763 manifesto explicitly allowing purchases of peasants for economic ventures. By the 1770s, this contributed to a surge in private serf holdings, with estimates indicating serfs comprised over half of Russia's 30–35 million peasant population by her reign's end, up from earlier proportions due to these transfers and conquest-driven incorporations. While a 1775 decree barred re-enserfment of once-freed individuals, it was a minor check amid broader noble empowerment, as evidenced by rising petitions for state peasant auctions. This framework entrenched serfdom as a causal pillar of imperial revenue, with noble estates yielding grain exports that funded wars, though at the cost of peasant overexploitation and latent unrest.

Pugachev Rebellion and Peasant Unrest

Catherine II's policies, which expanded noble ownership of serfs and imposed heavier fiscal burdens amid ongoing wars, fueled chronic peasant discontent across the . State peasants were frequently transferred to private estates, increasing the serf population and intensifying labor obligations, demands, and tax pressures that left many in abject . This unrest manifested in hundreds of localized revolts, with over 500 documented peasant uprisings occurring between the Pugachev Rebellion and the of 1861, reflecting systemic grievances over and exploitation. The Pugachev Rebellion erupted in September 1773 as the largest manifestation of this volatility, initiated by Yemelyan Pugachev, a Don Cossack born around 1742 who had served as a soldier in the Seven Years' War and the Russo-Turkish War. Illiterate yet charismatic, Pugachev impersonated the deposed Tsar Peter III—whom Catherine had overthrown and whose survival rumors persisted—promising serfs land, freedom from bondage, abolition of the salt tax, reduced duties, and restoration of Cossack autonomy lost through centralizing reforms. Rallying Cossacks, factory serfs, Bashkirs, and other marginalized groups along the Yaik (Ural) River, his forces numbered up to 100,000 at their peak, besieging Orenburg for six months and spreading chaos across a region encompassing one-fifth of the empire's territory. Government forces, redirected from the Ottoman front under generals like Pyotr Panin and , gradually crushed the uprising through superior discipline and artillery. Pugachev's army suffered heavy defeats, including at the fortified camp of Tatishchevo in March 1774, where rebels inflicted brutal reprisals such as skinning captured officers alive. By August 1774, Pugachev fled but was betrayed and captured by his own , who received a 28,000-ruble bounty; he was tried in and executed by beheading and quartering on January 10, 1775, after confessing under . Rebel losses exceeded 20,000 killed and 16,000 captured, while government casualties totaled around 3,500; in one province alone, insurgents murdered 348 of 1,425 nobles, often with extreme savagery. In the aftermath, Catherine ordered savage reprisals, including mass executions and exiles to , and sought to obliterate Pugachev's memory by renaming the Yaik River the Ural. Rather than alleviating —which she had briefly considered reforming—the revolt prompted her to abandon ideas and reinforce noble privileges, while enacting the 1775 Provincial Reform to decentralize administration, subdivide the empire into 50 provinces with governors and local courts, and enhance to preempt future disorders. These measures strengthened state control over the periphery but addressed root causes superficially, perpetuating the system's instabilities that would simmer until the .

Noble Privileges and Class Dynamics

In 1785, Catherine II promulgated the Charter to the Nobility, a legislative act that formalized and entrenched the privileged status of the Russian noble class within the empire's hierarchical structure. The charter confirmed the 1762 of Peter III, which had already exempted nobles from compulsory state service, thereby allowing them to focus on estate management and private pursuits rather than obligatory military or civil duties. It further established provincial noble assemblies as corporate entities with legal autonomy, empowering them to elect marshals, regulate internal noble affairs, and the sovereign directly on matters affecting their estate. Nobles gained explicit protections against , arbitrary without , and most forms of direct taxation, while their hereditary rights to land ownership—particularly estates populated by serfs—were codified as exclusive to their class. These provisions amplified the nobility's socioeconomic dominance, positioning them as a distinct, hereditary elite insulated from the obligations borne by other estates. By the late , nobles controlled approximately 90% of Russia's and the vast majority of its serf population, with the reinforcing their judicial authority over serfs for all but the most severe crimes against the state. This judicial monopoly extended to the imposition of punishments on serfs, including penalties, without interference from central authorities, thereby deepening the asymmetry of power in rural society. The document's emphasis on noble corporations also facilitated localized governance, where elected noble leaders could influence provincial administration, further embedding aristocratic influence in the . The 's effects on class dynamics were profoundly stabilizing for the yet exacerbating for social tensions, as it widened the chasm between the and the enserfed peasantry amid post-Pugachev fears of rural . While securing noble loyalty through codified freedoms—evident in reduced noble opposition to the throne after 1785—it perpetuated serfdom's rigidity, granting landowners unchecked leverage over an estimated 50% of Russia's population bound to the land. Urban merchants and townsfolk received a parallel to the Towns, but the 's exemptions and serf-owning monopoly preserved their preeminence, hindering merit-based mobility and fostering a system where class position determined legal and economic agency. This entrenchment, while pragmatically countering instability from the 1773–1775 Pugachev Rebellion, deferred reforms that might have addressed underlying peasant grievances, contributing to long-term rigidities in Russia's social order.

Foreign Affairs and Military Campaigns

Russo-Turkish Wars and Black Sea Gains

The Russo-Turkish War of 1768–1774 commenced with the Ottoman Empire's declaration of war on Russia on 20 October 1768 (Old Style), triggered by Russian military presence in Poland and ambitions in the Caucasus. Russian armies under Field Marshal Pyotr Rumyantsev secured victories at Larga on 7 July 1770 and Kagul on 21 July 1770, defeating Ottoman forces numbering around 50,000 and 80,000 respectively with smaller contingents. The Russian Black Sea Fleet, commanded by Admiral Grigory Spiridov, annihilated the Ottoman navy at the Battle of Chesma on 5–7 July 1770, destroying over 15 ships and crippling Ottoman naval power in the region. These successes compelled the Ottomans to sue for peace, culminating in the Treaty of Küçük Kaynarca signed on 21 July 1774 (10 July O.S.), which awarded Russia the fortresses of Azov, Kerch, and Kinburn, navigation rights in the Black Sea and Archipelago, and influence over Orthodox Christians in Ottoman territories, while declaring the Crimean Khanate nominally independent but effectively under Russian protection. Leveraging the treaty's provisions, Russia exerted control over the Crimean Khanate, installing pro-Russian khans and suppressing internal revolts. On 19 April 1783 (8 April O.S.), Catherine issued a manifesto annexing Crimea, citing the khan's request for protection and the need to secure southern frontiers against Ottoman threats. Prince Grigory Potemkin, appointed governor-general of the region, oversaw colonization efforts, resettling thousands of Russian and Ukrainian peasants while founding Sevastopol on 3 June 1783 as the base for the new Black Sea Fleet under Rear Admiral Thomas MacKenzie, transforming the once-Ottoman-dominated sea into a contested Russian sphere. The annexation, comprising approximately 25,000 square miles, provided vital warm-water ports and agricultural lands, though it provoked Ottoman outrage and alliances against Russia. Tensions escalated into the Second Russo-Turkish War when the Ottomans declared war on 16 August 1787 (O.S.), contesting 's status and Russian encroachments. General Alexander Suvorov's forces delivered crushing defeats, including at on 1 August 1789 and Rymnik on 11 September 1789, where 25,000 Russians routed 100,000 Ottomans. Suvorov's storming of the fortress of on 22 December 1790 breached one of Europe's strongest defenses, resulting in over 26,000 Ottoman casualties and opening the . The , concluded on 9 January 1792, confirmed Russian possession of and ceded Ochakov along with the territories between the and rivers, extending Russian control over 1,150 miles of coastline and enabling the development of as a grain-exporting . These wars yielded Russia direct access to the , previously an Ottoman internal sea, fostering naval expansion with over 60 warships by 1790 and economic integration of southern steppes into the empire. Catherine's strategy, blending military aggression with diplomatic maneuvering, dismantled Ottoman dominance in the region, though gains strained resources amid concurrent Polish partitions and internal revolts.

Partitions of Poland and Western Buffer Zones

Catherine II pursued the partitions of Poland to stabilize Russia's western borders against the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth's chronic instability, exacerbated by its dysfunctional political system, including the liberum veto that paralyzed decision-making. Having installed her former lover, Stanisław August Poniatowski, as king in 1764 through Russian-backed election manipulation, she aimed to maintain Poland as a compliant buffer state loyal to Russian interests. The Bar Confederation's anti-Russian uprising from 1768 to 1772, which opposed Poniatowski's pro-Russian policies and sought Ottoman and French aid, provided the pretext for Russian military intervention to suppress the rebellion. The first partition was enacted via the treaty of 5 August 1772, ratified by a coerced Polish Sejm in September, whereby annexed eastern territories including the palatinates of , , and parts of , incorporating predominantly Orthodox Belarusian lands that enhanced and protected against western incursions. These acquisitions, spanning Orthodox Slavic populations historically contested between and , effectively shifted 's frontier westward, reducing the threat of Polish anarchy serving as a conduit for European powers' influence. and also gained territories, with the partition justified diplomatically as a mutual stabilization effort proposed initially by Frederick II of to consolidate his holdings. Poland's adoption of the 3 May 1791 Constitution, which centralized power and diminished noble privileges, threatened Russian dominance by fostering national resilience and aligning with Enlightenment reforms potentially independent of St. Petersburg's control. Pro-Russian magnates formed the in 1792, inviting Russian troops to restore the prior order, leading to and the second partition treaty of 23 January 1793; Russia seized (including and ) and additional Belarusian districts, vastly expanding its buffer zone with lands rich in grain and populated by and sympathetic to Orthodox rule. This partition, coerced through a under Russian occupation, halved remaining Polish territory and reinforced Russia's strategy against Prussian . The of 1794, a desperate bid for independence following the second partition, was crushed by combined and Prussian forces, paving the way for the final partition on 24 October 1795. incorporated , Semigalia, most of , and western , including , completing the erasure of Polish sovereignty and establishing a contiguous western buffer comprising over 500,000 square kilometers of annexed territory by the partitions' end. These zones, integrating ethnic kin and strategic plains, insulated from direct European threats, allowing focus on southern expansions while preempting any reformed Polish state as a hostile intermediary. Catherine's orchestration, advised by figures like Alexander Bezborodko, prioritized causal security through direct control over indirect influence, reflecting pragmatic realism amid Poland's self-induced vulnerability.

Diplomatic Relations with Europe and Prussia

Catherine confirmed the Treaty of , signed on May 5, 1762, which her husband Peter III had concluded to exit the ; this peace ended hostilities with , evacuated Russian troops from occupied , and effectively preserved Frederick II's survival against a coalition that had nearly overwhelmed his forces. The decision stemmed from Russia's war-weary finances and Catherine's need to consolidate power without reengaging in costly conflicts, providing Frederick with strategic breathing room despite prior Russian invasions of his territory. She cultivated personal and diplomatic ties with Frederick through extensive correspondence beginning in late 1762, discussing mutual Enlightenment ideals, administrative reforms, and geopolitical strategy; over 100 letters exchanged reflect a pragmatic between the two absolute rulers, though tempered by mutual suspicions—Frederick viewed Catherine as a useful to , while she leveraged Prussian support to deter . This epistolary exchange facilitated Russia's integration into the "Northern System," a loose defensive alignment with , , and formed in the 1760s to counter French influence and Austrian ambitions in , emphasizing balance-of-power diplomacy over ideological affinity. In broader European relations, Catherine prioritized naval and commercial interests, proclaiming the Declaration of Armed Neutrality on February 28, 1780 (O.S.), which codified principles allowing neutral vessels free passage and trade with belligerents except for explicit contraband like arms, directly challenging British Rule of 1756 enforcement during the . This initiative birthed the , initially comprising , , and Sweden, later joined by the , , and , asserting collective maritime rights and indirectly aiding American independence by straining British resources without direct Russian military commitment. Diplomatic maneuvering with remained adversarial despite Catherine's intellectual affinity for its ; she rebuffed French overtures for anti-British coalitions, viewing as an unreliable partner beholden to Austrian alliances, and instead mediated tensions like the 1778 to prevent Prussian-Austrian escalation that could destabilize . Relations with exemplified opportunistic neutrality; Catherine supported against Swedish aggression in 1788 under , deploying fleets to the Baltic while avoiding full war, thereby preserving Russian dominance in without alienating potential Prussian allies. Overall, her European diplomacy emphasized pragmatic —securing buffers, protecting trade, and exploiting rivalries—elevating Russia's status as a concert-of-Europe arbiter while conserving resources for internal consolidation.

Persian and Eastern Frontier Conflicts

In 1783, Catherine II formalized Russia's protectorate over the Kingdom of Kartli-Kakheti in eastern Georgia through the , whereby King Heraclius II pledged loyalty to the in exchange for military protection against Persian and Ottoman threats, marking an initial step in countering Persian influence on Russia's southeastern frontiers. This arrangement stemmed from Russia's strategic interest in securing the as a buffer against nomadic incursions and rival powers, while Persia under the and later Qajars viewed Georgia as a territory essential to its northern sphere. Tensions escalated in 1795 when Agha Mohammad Khan, founder of the , invaded Georgia with a force of approximately 60,000 troops, defeating Heraclius II at the on September 11 and sacking , thereby reasserting Persian suzerainty and prompting Russian intervention as treaty obligations demanded. Catherine responded by declaring war on Persia in early 1796 and dispatching an expeditionary force of about 13,000 men under General Valerian Zubov to the , aiming to expel Persian forces, annex strategic khanates along the Caspian, and potentially advance deeper into Persian territory as part of broader imperial ambitions. Zubov's campaign achieved initial successes, capturing the fortress of on July 10, 1796, after a brief , followed by the submission of the Khanate and the seizure of in late , which disrupted Persian control over key trade routes and provided temporary dominance in the eastern . These gains exploited Persia's internal disarray and weak cohesion, as Agha Mohammad's forces were stretched thin, but the expedition stalled amid logistical challenges in the rugged and local resistance from Muslim khanates nominally under Persian overlordship. Catherine's death on November 17, 1796, led her successor Paul I to abruptly recall Zubov's army in January 1797, resulting in the evacuation of captured territories by spring and a return to the pre-war , though the episode demonstrated Russia's growing capacity for projection into Persian spheres and foreshadowed 19th-century conflicts. Paul's reversal reflected his aversion to peripheral wars and preference for European focus, underscoring the contingency of Catherine's eastern policy on her personal authority rather than entrenched institutional momentum.

Cultural and Religious Initiatives

Patronage of Arts, Sciences, and Literature

Catherine II actively patronized the arts by acquiring extensive collections of Western European paintings, which laid the foundation for the . In 1764, she purchased 225 paintings from merchant Johann Ernst Gotzkowsky, marking the beginning of her systematic art acquisitions aimed at enhancing Russia's cultural prestige. Over her reign, this collection expanded to include sculptures, antiquities, and thousands of artworks sourced from auctions and agents across , reflecting her strategic use of art to project imperial power and Enlightenment sophistication. She commissioned architectural extensions to the , such as the Small Hermitage pavilion, to house these treasures privately before limited public access was granted later. In the sciences and literature, Catherine engaged directly with leading Enlightenment thinkers, fostering intellectual exchange while adapting ideas to Russian . She maintained voluminous correspondence with from the onward, exchanging over 300 letters where she defended her policies and sought validation for reforms, though Voltaire's praise often served mutual propagandistic ends. Similarly, in 1773, she acquired Denis Diderot's library for 15,000 livres and hosted his visit to St. Petersburg in 1773-1774, during which they debated and governance, with Diderot critiquing but Catherine prioritizing state stability. These interactions positioned her as a philosophe-ruler, though practical constraints limited radical implementation. Catherine institutionalized support for education and scholarship, founding the Smolny Institute of Noble Maidens in 1764 as Russia's first state-financed higher institution for women, modeled on France's Saint-Cyr and emphasizing moral, linguistic, and artistic training for noble daughters up to age 18. In 1783, she established the Imperial Russian Academy under Princess Yekaterina Dashkova to study and standardize the Russian language, promoting literature and grammar reforms distinct from the broader Academy of Sciences. She elevated the Imperial Academy of Arts to a central hub for artistic education in 1764 by granting it imperial status and privileges, training generations of Russian painters, sculptors, and architects. In 1782, her Commission on Public Schools drafted curricula for expanded secular education, though funding shortfalls constrained widespread peasant access. These initiatives, while elite-focused, advanced Russia's cultural infrastructure amid autocratic rule.

Policies on Orthodoxy and Secularization

Catherine II's most significant intervention in the Russian Church's affairs was the of its lands, enacted in 1764 following preliminary measures under Peter III. This reform transferred ownership of monastic and episcopal estates—comprising approximately 15,000 villages and over one million serfs—from control to the state, effectively subordinating the church's economic independence to imperial authority. The state compensated surviving with fixed salaries and pensions, while closing or repurposing around 549 monasteries, which reduced the church's institutional power and provided revenue for military and administrative needs. This policy, rooted in Enlightenment-inspired state centralization rather than outright , preserved the church's doctrinal role but eliminated its feudal autonomy, aligning it more closely with absolutist governance. Despite her personal indifference to religious doctrine—evident in her correspondence with like —Catherine maintained as the empire's established faith, viewing it as a tool for social cohesion and loyalty. She reformed clerical education by establishing theological academies and seminaries under state oversight, emphasizing practical training over mysticism to produce obedient administrators rather than independent theologians. Policies prohibited aggressive in newly acquired Muslim territories to avoid unrest, prioritizing stability over conversion drives. Incentives such as monetary rewards were offered for voluntary conversions to , particularly among pagans and schismatics, reinforcing its privileged status amid broader tolerance. The 1773 Edict of Toleration extended legal protections to non-Orthodox groups, including and Muslims, allowing public worship and property ownership without persecution, but this pragmatic concession did not erode Orthodoxy's primacy. Instead, it reflected Catherine's utilitarian approach: fostering imperial unity in a multi-confessional realm by curbing clerical overreach while upholding the church as a pillar of . Church hierarchs, now state appointees, were expected to endorse imperial edicts, as seen in endorsements of her legal code, which echoed rationalist principles over traditional . These measures collectively diminished the church's medieval influence, integrating it into a secularizing without challenging its or communal functions.

Treatment of Non-Christian Minorities

Catherine II's policies toward non-Christian minorities were shaped by Enlightenment-inspired edicts aimed at stabilizing the multi-ethnic , particularly after territorial expansions incorporated large populations, though varied by group and prioritized administrative control over unrestricted freedom. In 1773, she issued a decree granting to , permitting the construction of mosques and the free practice of , which marked a shift from prior restrictions under earlier rulers. This was extended in 1785 with state subsidies for new mosques and settlements, integrating Islamic institutions into the imperial bureaucracy to foster loyalty among and newly annexed following the 1783 annexation of . By 1788, her decree formalized the appointment of mullahs and Islamic clerics under state oversight, co-opting religious leaders to enforce fiscal and legal compliance while portraying the as a patron of . These measures alleviated earlier persecutions, such as forced conversions, and positioned as a managed pillar of the Orthodox-dominated state, though underlying motives included countering risks in regions rather than egalitarian pluralism. In contrast, treatment of Jews reflected economic suspicions and alignment with Russian noble prejudices, despite initial pragmatic openness to their mercantile skills. The in 1772 incorporated over 500,000 Jews into the empire, prompting Catherine to initially permit limited settlement in non-agricultural roles, recognizing their commercial utility. However, by 1791, amid complaints of and competition from Christian merchants, she banned Jews from residing in and central provinces, confining them to western borderlands—what became the Pale of Settlement—to segregate them administratively and limit urban influence. In 1794, she classified Jews as "foreigners" distinct from Russians, doubling their tax burdens and reinforcing separation without granting equivalent institutional support afforded to Muslims. This approach, while not outright expulsion, perpetuated discriminatory and residency curbs, diverging from broader rhetoric due to entrenched anti-Jewish sentiments among the , which Catherine accommodated to maintain support. Smaller non-Christian groups, such as Siberian pagans and Kalmyk Buddhists, faced policies of coerced assimilation amid expansionist pressures. Catherine's administration tolerated indigenous practices under nominal oversight but prioritized through settlement and missionary activity, as seen in resistance to Kalmyk migrations in the , where she enforced imperial allegiance over . Overall, her regime's tolerance was selective and utilitarian, extending farthest to strategically vital Muslim communities while imposing barriers on to mitigate perceived threats, reflecting a balance between Enlightenment ideals and the causal imperatives of governing a vast, fractious domain.

Personal Life

Marital and Romantic Relationships

Catherine, originally Sophie Auguste Fredericka of Anhalt-Zerbst, married Grand Duke Peter Feodorovich (born Karl Peter Ulrich of Holstein-Gottorp) on 21 August 1745 in St. Petersburg, following her arrival in in February 1744 and conversion to as Ekaterina Alekseyevna. The union, arranged by Empress Elizabeth to secure a Protestant German alliance, united a 16-year-old Catherine with the 17-year-old heir, but proved disastrous due to Peter's immaturity, fixation on military toys, and disinterest in consummation. The couple's marital relations remained unconsummated for nearly a decade, with Catherine later claiming in her memoirs that Peter was physically incapable or unwilling, leading her to seek fulfillment elsewhere while isolated at . Their son, Paul, was born on 20 September 1754; Peter formally acknowledged paternity, but contemporary rumors attributed fatherhood to Sergei Saltykov, Catherine's first documented lover starting around 1752, a claim she reportedly affirmed privately though lacking conclusive evidence. Post-coup in July 1762, after deposing Peter—who died eight days later under suspicious circumstances possibly involving —Catherine pursued serial monogamous relationships with favored nobles, totaling around 12 to 22 lovers, often for emotional, political, or strategic gain. , an artillery officer and coup co-conspirator, became her primary companion from 1761 to 1772, aiding her power consolidation; their bond ended amid his infidelities, after which she rewarded him with titles but no marriage despite her proposals. Grigory Potemkin succeeded Orlov as Catherine's most enduring partner from 1774 until his death in 1791, evolving from intense romance—marked by her love letters expressing deep affection—to a collaborative political alliance; rumors of a secret persisted, supported by their correspondence, though unverified. Catherine bore no further children, systematically transitioning lovers with pensions, estates, and titles, reflecting pragmatic management rather than indiscriminate .

Family Relations and Succession Issues

Catherine's marriage to Peter Fedorovich, the future and grandson of , was arranged in 1745 when she was 16 years old, following her arrival in as Sophie of Anhalt-Zerbst. The union was politically motivated to strengthen ties between and Holstein-Gottorp but proved deeply unhappy, marked by Peter's emotional immaturity, infidelities, and initial impotence, delaying consummation until around 1752. Their only child, Paul, was born on September 20, 1754 (Old Style), amid rumors that his biological father was , Catherine's early lover, though contemporary accounts and physical resemblances later argued for Peter's paternity, with Catherine possibly promoting the rumor to incite jealousy. Relations between Catherine and Paul deteriorated over time, exacerbated by her coup against Peter III in June 1762, after which Peter died under suspicious circumstances eight days later, leaving Paul as nominal heir but under Catherine's regency. She separated Paul from his father's influence early, raising him in isolation at the Gatchina Palace with governesses, limiting her involvement to occasional visits that grew rarer as he matured, viewing him as a physical and temperamental echo of Peter. Paul's resentment deepened upon learning of the coup's circumstances and Catherine's infidelities, fostering mutual distrust; she perceived him as unstable and Prussian-influenced, while he coveted the throne independently. Succession issues intensified in Catherine's later years, as she deemed Paul unfit to rule due to his authoritarian tendencies and erratic behavior, contemplating his exclusion in favor of her favored grandson, Alexander Pavlovich, born in 1777. Drafts of a new succession law circulated in the 1790s aimed to bypass Paul, prioritizing male-line primogeniture but allowing her to designate Alexander directly, yet she died suddenly on November 17, 1796 (Old Style), from a stroke before enacting changes, enabling Paul to ascend as Tsar Paul I. This outcome reflected Catherine's absolutist control over the throne—seized without hereditary legitimacy—but also the limits of her personal authority against entrenched dynastic expectations.

Daily Routines, Health, and Final Days

Catherine adhered to a disciplined daily routine characterized by early rising and methodical work habits. She typically awoke around 6 a.m., beginning her day with strong prepared from six teaspoons of ground beans in two small cups, followed by a light . Her schedule included extended periods of administrative duties, such as reviewing state correspondence, conducting audiences with ministers and officials, and dictating memoranda, often extending into the evening; waking times occasionally shifted to 5 a.m. in her earlier years but stabilized at 6 a.m. later in life. Evenings might involve lighter meals emphasizing for vitality, intellectual pursuits like reading or correspondence, and occasional social engagements, reflecting her emphasis on and self-discipline amid ruling demands. Throughout much of her 34-year reign, Catherine enjoyed robust health, enabling sustained physical and intellectual activity into her sixties. In 1768, she underwent —a precursor to —against to demonstrate its safety and encourage public adoption, recovering successfully and subsequently having her son Paul inoculated as well; this act, performed by English physician Thomas Dimsdale, marked an early endorsement of empirical medical intervention amid widespread epidemics. No verified records indicate chronic debilitating conditions like , despite contemporary rumors possibly fueled by political adversaries; her longevity and vigor suggest effective management of age-related ailments through moderation in diet and routine exertion. In her final days, Catherine followed her customary morning routine on 16 1796 (), reviewing documents before suffering an apoplectic stroke—likely cerebral hemorrhage—while in her private water closet at the . Servants discovered her collapsed and unresponsive around 9 a.m., after which physicians attempted remedies including and warm baths, but she lapsed into a without regaining consciousness. She died the following evening at 9:45 p.m. on 17 1796, at age 67, surrounded by close courtiers; confirmed the stroke as the cause, dispelling apocryphal tales of more sensational demise. Her son Paul I succeeded her, ordering a while suppressing public mourning to consolidate power.

Legacy and Assessments

Territorial and Institutional Achievements

Catherine II oversaw the expansion of the Russian Empire's southern frontiers through two major conflicts with the . The Russo-Turkish War of 1768–1774 concluded with the on July 21, 1774, which granted control over the , including the fortresses of and , and established Russian navigation rights in the . A second war from 1787 to 1792 resulted in the on December 29, 1791, securing the fortress of Ochakov and the territories between the and rivers, further extending Russian access to Black Sea ports. These victories facilitated the of the Pontic steppe and the development of New Russia as a grain-exporting region. The annexation of Crimea in 1783 represented a pivotal consolidation of these gains. Following the weakening of the after the 1774 , which declared its nominal under Ottoman influence, Catherine issued a on April 19, 1783, formally incorporating the peninsula into the , thereby securing a strategic warm-water harbor at . Participation in the added vast western territories: the first partition in 1772 yielded eastern ; the second in 1793 incorporated and additional Belarusian lands; and the third in 1795 brought , western , and Lithuanian territories, effectively eliminating the Polish-Lithuanian . These acquisitions increased Russia's population by millions and integrated resource-rich areas, enhancing its geopolitical stature as a continental power. Institutionally, Catherine pursued administrative centralization and modernization to manage the enlarged empire. Her (Instruction) of 1767, drawing on Enlightenment principles, outlined legal reforms emphasizing and proportionality in punishment, though it was never fully codified into law. The Provincial Statute of 1775 reorganized the empire into 50 governorates subdivided into districts, establishing elected assemblies and courts to improve local governance, education, and welfare services such as schools and orphanages. In 1785, the Charter to the exempted nobles from , state service obligations, and taxation, while the Charter to the Towns created urban self-governing bodies with elected mayors and councils, fostering municipal . These measures strengthened bureaucratic efficiency and noble loyalty, enabling more effective rule over diverse territories despite preserving autocratic control and .

Critiques of Absolutism and Social Rigidities

Despite her correspondence with Enlightenment figures like Voltaire and Montesquieu, Catherine II's commitment to absolutism precluded any dilution of monarchical authority, as evidenced by her rejection of constitutional limits or representative assemblies that might constrain imperial power. In her Nakaz of 1767, she advocated humane governance principles, including opposition to torture and excessive punishments, yet explicitly upheld absolutism as essential for Russia's stability, arguing that divided authority would lead to chaos—a stance rooted in her pragmatic assessment of the empire's vast, multi-ethnic expanse rather than ideological purity. This framework limited reforms to administrative tweaks, such as provincial reorganization in 1775, without addressing power concentration, drawing critiques from later historians for embodying the inherent contradictions of enlightened despotism: rational rhetoric without structural change. Social rigidities under Catherine were exacerbated by the entrenchment of , which she expanded rather than curtailed, binding over 50% of Russia's to noble by 1796 and granting more than one million serfs to favorites as rewards. Although the critiqued serfdom's perpetuation, no legislative steps followed; instead, policies like the 1785 Charter to the Nobility exempted landowners from state service while amplifying their control over serfs, including rights to exile them to without trial—a measure that intensified burdens amid rising noble and estate mismanagement. Critics, including contemporaries like during his 1773-1774 visit, noted the hypocrisy: Catherine's salons hosted debates on liberty, yet fiscal pressures from wars and court extravagance fueled serf sales and labor demands, fostering resentment that erupted in rural unrest. The Pugachev Rebellion of 1773-1775 exemplified these rigidities' enforcement, as Cossack leader Emelian Pugachev, posing as the deposed Peter III, rallied serfs and border peoples against serfdom's hardships, capturing forts and amassing 20,000 supporters before imperial forces crushed the uprising. Catherine's response involved deploying 50,000 troops under generals like Peter Panin, resulting in thousands executed via knouting, , or quartering; Pugachev himself was publicly disemboweled in on January 10, 1775, after betrayal. This brutality, while quelling the revolt, solidified absolutist control through heightened surveillance and military garrisons in peripheral regions, curtailing post-rebellion reforms to mere palliatives like minor Cossack privileges, as Catherine prioritized regime security over addressing serf grievances' root causes. Historians critique this as revealing enlightened absolutism's limits: potential for incremental change halted by fear of , perpetuating a stratified society where noble exemptions contrasted sharply with peasant subjugation. Such policies entrenched class divisions, with gaining tax exemptions and judicial autonomy via the charters, while serfs faced unchecked corvée labor—up to six days weekly on some estates—without , contributing to Russia's lag in compared to . Catherine's defenders attribute this to inherited structural imperatives, including the need to placate a essential for administration and warfare, yet empirical outcomes—stagnant per-capita output and recurrent famines—underscore how absolutist rigidity stifled broader , as rationalized self-interest among elites blocked until 1861. In sum, while territorial gains masked internal fractures, critiques highlight her reign's failure to transcend absolutism's causal constraints, prioritizing short-term stability over long-term societal dynamism.

Historiographical Debates and Persistent Myths

Historians have long debated Catherine II's status as an "enlightened despot," a label stemming from her correspondence with and promotion of legal reforms like the Nakaz of 1767, which drew on Montesquieu's ideas to advocate rational governance, yet retained without curbing noble privileges or . While some scholars credit her with fostering the through institutions like the for Noble Girls and expansion of the Academy of Sciences, others argue her actions—such as increasing noble landholdings at serfs' expense and suppressing the Pugachev Rebellion with mass executions—reveal a pragmatic absolutist prioritizing power over philosophical ideals. This tension reflects broader historiographical shifts: 19th-century Russian narratives romanticized her as a civilizer, Soviet-era views condemned her as a feudal reactionary entrenching class oppression, and post-1991 analyses emphasize her German origins and coup against Peter III as evidence of calculated usurpation rather than benevolent rule. Debates persist on her territorial expansions, including the (1772, 1793, 1795) and conquests in and the Black Sea region, which added over 520,000 square miles to but are critiqued as aggressive fueling ethnic resentments and overextension. Proponents highlight with and infrastructure like the , while critics, noting her abandonment of early serfdom critiques in the Nakaz, contend she exacerbated social rigidities, with serf populations rising from 14 million in 1762 to 37 million by 1796 under her policies favoring nobles. Her involvement in Peter III's 1762 overthrow remains contested, with evidence suggesting Orlov brothers' orchestration but her tacit approval, as contemporary accounts describe her reluctance yet ultimate endorsement of the palace coup. Among persistent myths, the most infamous claims Catherine died on November 17, 1796 (OS), from a bizarre involving intercourse with a , a fabrication originating in 1797 French pornographic pamphlets and amplified by 19th-century anti-Russian to caricature her as depraved. In reality, records confirm she suffered a cerebral hemorrhage while straining on a commode, leading to a coma and death the next day, with no equine involvement or sexual excess at the time. Another enduring legend involves "Potemkin villages"—supposedly hollow facades erected by Grigory Potemkin in 1787 to deceive Catherine during her Crimean tour—yet archival evidence, including her own dispatches and eyewitness reports, indicates genuine settlements and fortifications were built, with cosmetic preparations exaggerated by jealous rivals like Prussian diplomat Georg von Helbig to discredit Potemkin's achievements in colonizing the region. These myths, often rooted in misogynistic tropes amplifying her documented relationships with favorites like Potemkin, obscure her documented administrative acumen while persisting in popular culture despite refutation by primary sources.

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