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Enjo kōsai AI simulator
(@Enjo kōsai_simulator)
Hub AI
Enjo kōsai AI simulator
(@Enjo kōsai_simulator)
Enjo kōsai
Enjo kōsai (援助交際; literally "aid or support" and "congress, intercourse, intermingling"), shortened to enkō (援交), is a type of transactional relationship similar to the Western sugar dating. It is the Japanese language term for the practice of older men giving money or luxury gifts to attractive young women for sexual favors. The female participants range from school girls (or JK business) to housewives. The term is often translated as "compensated dating" or "subsidized dating".
The opposite case of women paying men, gyaku enjo kōsai (逆援助交際; gyaku 逆 meaning "reverse"), is rarer, but host clubs do exist. Fraudulent solicitations from fictive women offering to pay for sex is a common tactic in phishing emails.
The most common denotation of the term enjo-kōsai in Japan is that it is a form of child prostitution whereby participating girls sell sex in exchange for designer goods or money. However, some organizations and writers have argued that enjo-kōsai is distinct from prostitution, and can include just spending time together for compensation. Some women's centers in Japan include "the exchange of a girl's company or time" as part of this equation and insist that these other activities define enjo-kōsai. Anthropologist Laura Miller argues in her research that the majority of enjo-kōsai dates consist of groups of girls going with a group of older men to a karaoke bar for several hours and being paid for their time.
In a 1998 survey by the Asian Women's Fund, researchers found that fewer than 10 percent of all high school girls engage in enjo-kōsai and over 90 percent of the girls interviewed attested to feeling uncomfortable with the exchange or purchase of sexual services for money.
On October 26, 2015, Maud de Boer-Buquicchio, the United Nations Human Rights Council's Special Rapporteur on the sale of children, child prostitution and child pornography, announced that 30% of Japanese minors are involved in enjo-kōsai. On November 2, she revised that estimate to 13%, citing a translation error. In response, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan insisted on disclosing the source and basis of the figure of 13%, and urged the Special Rapporteur to retract her statement, arguing that it was unacceptable to quote unsubstantiated figures to emphasize that this was an urgent matter for the Special Rapporteur to address, or to quote unreliable information in a press conference or report that even the source could not reveal. The UN Special Rapporteur finally wrote to the Japanese government to report that she would no longer use the 13% figure and would not mention it in her report to the UN Human Rights Council because she concluded that there was no official or recent data to support the figure and that any reference to the data was misleading.
A 1997 poll in the Japanese TV Asahi program Asa Made Nama Terebi showed that 70 percent of respondents opposed enjo-kōsai involving sexual interactions, while 30 percent approved of it.[page needed] Although the greater part of Japanese society discourages this type of behavior, that has not stopped people of high social and economic status from being arrested for their involvement with enjo kōsai.
Typically, it is perceived as an extension of Japan's growing focus on materialism, much of which is what critics claim is the cause of enjo-kōsai. Critics worry that girls involved in enjo-kōsai will grow up to be unfit wives and mothers. This perception arises from suspicions that when these girls are adults, they will quickly abandon their loyalties and commitments to their family for offers of money and material benefits.[page needed] However, certain feminists regard enjo-kōsai as an empowering way to "undermine patriarchal models of propriety used to evaluate and control women". Control over their bodies and means to support themselves is a new kind of independence for these girls. Good women in Japan are supposed to be sensible, modest, nurturing and respectful, yet girls participating in enjo-kōsai clearly reject such virtues[citation needed] of female restraint and modesty in Japan. Feminists such as Chizuko Ueno point out that the accidental access of girls to this dating market was not a matter of ethics, but of probability.[page needed] Sooner or later, these girls and young women would, in a desire for financial independence, tap into this market for their own empowerment. However, Ueno points out that while engaging in enjo-kōsai may appear beneficial for young women in the short term, it also reinforces patriarchal power structures by leaving the notion that women's bodies exist to serve male desire unchallenged.
Within Japan, the media tends to show enjo-kōsai in a rather negative light. The typical scenario involves a girl desperate for money, so she decides to partake in enjo-kōsai. Only later does she stop when a friend or individual intervenes and informs her of the potential risks and consequences of her behavior.[citation needed] Several examples from films and television series are listed below.
Enjo kōsai
Enjo kōsai (援助交際; literally "aid or support" and "congress, intercourse, intermingling"), shortened to enkō (援交), is a type of transactional relationship similar to the Western sugar dating. It is the Japanese language term for the practice of older men giving money or luxury gifts to attractive young women for sexual favors. The female participants range from school girls (or JK business) to housewives. The term is often translated as "compensated dating" or "subsidized dating".
The opposite case of women paying men, gyaku enjo kōsai (逆援助交際; gyaku 逆 meaning "reverse"), is rarer, but host clubs do exist. Fraudulent solicitations from fictive women offering to pay for sex is a common tactic in phishing emails.
The most common denotation of the term enjo-kōsai in Japan is that it is a form of child prostitution whereby participating girls sell sex in exchange for designer goods or money. However, some organizations and writers have argued that enjo-kōsai is distinct from prostitution, and can include just spending time together for compensation. Some women's centers in Japan include "the exchange of a girl's company or time" as part of this equation and insist that these other activities define enjo-kōsai. Anthropologist Laura Miller argues in her research that the majority of enjo-kōsai dates consist of groups of girls going with a group of older men to a karaoke bar for several hours and being paid for their time.
In a 1998 survey by the Asian Women's Fund, researchers found that fewer than 10 percent of all high school girls engage in enjo-kōsai and over 90 percent of the girls interviewed attested to feeling uncomfortable with the exchange or purchase of sexual services for money.
On October 26, 2015, Maud de Boer-Buquicchio, the United Nations Human Rights Council's Special Rapporteur on the sale of children, child prostitution and child pornography, announced that 30% of Japanese minors are involved in enjo-kōsai. On November 2, she revised that estimate to 13%, citing a translation error. In response, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan insisted on disclosing the source and basis of the figure of 13%, and urged the Special Rapporteur to retract her statement, arguing that it was unacceptable to quote unsubstantiated figures to emphasize that this was an urgent matter for the Special Rapporteur to address, or to quote unreliable information in a press conference or report that even the source could not reveal. The UN Special Rapporteur finally wrote to the Japanese government to report that she would no longer use the 13% figure and would not mention it in her report to the UN Human Rights Council because she concluded that there was no official or recent data to support the figure and that any reference to the data was misleading.
A 1997 poll in the Japanese TV Asahi program Asa Made Nama Terebi showed that 70 percent of respondents opposed enjo-kōsai involving sexual interactions, while 30 percent approved of it.[page needed] Although the greater part of Japanese society discourages this type of behavior, that has not stopped people of high social and economic status from being arrested for their involvement with enjo kōsai.
Typically, it is perceived as an extension of Japan's growing focus on materialism, much of which is what critics claim is the cause of enjo-kōsai. Critics worry that girls involved in enjo-kōsai will grow up to be unfit wives and mothers. This perception arises from suspicions that when these girls are adults, they will quickly abandon their loyalties and commitments to their family for offers of money and material benefits.[page needed] However, certain feminists regard enjo-kōsai as an empowering way to "undermine patriarchal models of propriety used to evaluate and control women". Control over their bodies and means to support themselves is a new kind of independence for these girls. Good women in Japan are supposed to be sensible, modest, nurturing and respectful, yet girls participating in enjo-kōsai clearly reject such virtues[citation needed] of female restraint and modesty in Japan. Feminists such as Chizuko Ueno point out that the accidental access of girls to this dating market was not a matter of ethics, but of probability.[page needed] Sooner or later, these girls and young women would, in a desire for financial independence, tap into this market for their own empowerment. However, Ueno points out that while engaging in enjo-kōsai may appear beneficial for young women in the short term, it also reinforces patriarchal power structures by leaving the notion that women's bodies exist to serve male desire unchallenged.
Within Japan, the media tends to show enjo-kōsai in a rather negative light. The typical scenario involves a girl desperate for money, so she decides to partake in enjo-kōsai. Only later does she stop when a friend or individual intervenes and informs her of the potential risks and consequences of her behavior.[citation needed] Several examples from films and television series are listed below.