Kapsin Coup

The Kapsin Coup, also known as the Kapsin Revolution, was a failed three-day coup d'état that occurred in Korea during 1884. Korean reformers in the Enlightenment Party sought to initiate rapid changes within the country, including eliminating social distinctions by abolishing the legal privileges of the yangban class. The coup d'état attempt, with Japanese support, began on December 4, 1884, with seizure of the royal palace Changdeokgung in Seoul and the killing of several members of the pro-Chinese conservative faction. However, the coup was eventually suppressed by a Chinese garrison stationed in the country. Thwarted by the Chinese actions, some of the pro-Japanese faction leaders found exile in Japan. The event led to informal Chinese domination of Korea from 1885 to 1894. Within the Joseon court, Chinese influence grew particularly under the Resident-General Yuan Shikai.

After the Imo Incident of 1882, early reform efforts in Korea suffered a major setback. The aftermath of the event also brought the Chinese into the country where they began to directly interfere in Korean internal affairs, undertaking several initiatives to gain significant influence over the Korean government. A Korean historian stated that "the Chinese government began to turn its former tributary state into a semi-colony and its policy towards Korea substantially changed to a new imperialistic one where the suzerain state demanded certain privileges in her vassal state".

On October 4, 1882, the Korean government signed a new set of trade regulations with the China–Korea Treaty of 1882 that permitted Chinese merchants to trade in Korea and gave them substantial advantages over the Japanese and Westerners, the regulations also granted the Chinese unilateral extraterritoriality privileges in civil and criminal cases. Although it allowed Koreans reciprocally to trade in Beijing the agreement was not a treaty but was in effect issued as a regulation for a vassal, it also reasserted Korea's dependency on China. In December, two high-level offices, the Oeamun (Foreign Office) and the Naeamun (Home Office) were established. The Oeamun dealt with foreign affairs and trade while the Naeamun was responsible for military matters and internal affairs. At the recommendation of the Chinese two advisors were appointed to the foreign office: the German Paul Georg von Möllendorff who had served in the Chinese Maritime Customs Service and the Chinese diplomat Ma Jianzhong.

A new Korean military formation, the Chingunyeong (Capital Guards Command), was also created and trained along Chinese lines by Yuan Shikai. The Chinese also supervised the creation of a Korean Maritime Customs Service in 1883 with von Möellendorff as its head. Korea was again reduced to a tributary state of China with King Gojong unable to appoint diplomats without Chinese approval and troops stationed in Seoul in order to protect Chinese interests in the country. China also obtained concessions in Korea, notably the Chinese concession of Incheon.

A small group of reformers had emerged around the Enlightenment Party and had become frustrated at the limited scale and arbitrary pace of reforms. The members who constituted the Enlightenment Party were youthful, well-educated Koreans and most were from the yangban class. They were impressed by the developments in Meiji Japan and were eager to emulate them. Its members included Kim Okkyun, Pak Yŏnghyo, Hong Yeong-sik, Seo Gwang-beom, and Philip Jaisohn. The group were all relatively young; Pak Yung-hio came from a prestigious lineage related to the royal family, was 23, Hong was 29, Seo Gwang-beom was 25, and Philip Jaisohn was 20, with Kim Okkyun being the oldest, at 33.

All had spent some time in Japan. In 1882, Pak Yung-hio had been part of a mission sent to Japan to apologize for the Imo incident. He had been accompanied by Kim Okkyun, who later come under the influence of Japanese modernizers such as Fukuzawa Yukichi and also by Seo Gwang-beom. Kim Okkyun, while also studying in Japan, had cultivated friendships with influential Japanese figures and was the de facto leader of the group. They were also strongly nationalistic and desired to make their country truly independent by ending Chinese interference in Korea's internal affairs.

In Korean history, the king's in-laws enjoyed great power, and the regent Daewongun acknowledged that any future sons-in-law might threaten his authority. Therefore, he attempted to prevent any possible threat to his rule by selecting a new queen for his son, an orphaned girl from among the Yeoheung Min clan, a clan which lacked powerful political connections. With Queen Min as his daughter-in-law and the royal consort, the Daewongun felt secure in his power. However, after she had become queen, Min recruited all her relatives and had them appointed to influential positions in the name of the king. The Queen also allied herself with the Daewongun's political enemies, so that by late 1873 she had mobilized enough influence to oust the Daewongun from power. In October 1873, when the Confucian scholar Choe Ik-hyeon submitted a memorial to King Gojong urging him to rule in his own right, Queen Min seized the opportunity to force her father-in-law's retirement as regent. The Daewongun's departure led to Korea's abandonment of its isolationist policy.

Through the ascendancy of Queen to the throne, the Min clan had also been able to use the newly created institutions by the government as bases for political power, and with their growing monopoly of key positions they frustrated the ambitions of the Enlightenment Party. After the Imo incident in 1882, the Min clan pursued a pro-Chinese policy. This was partly a matter of opportunism as the intervention by Chinese troops led to subsequent exile of the rival Daewongun in Tianjin and the expansion of Chinese influence in Korea.