 | |||||||||||||||||
| |||||||||||||||||
| Turnout | 82.07%  21.7 pp | ||||||||||||||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| |||||||||||||||||
  Washington: 40–50% 50–60% 60–70% 70–80% 80–90% >90% Epton: 40–50% 50–60% 60–70% 70–80% 80–90% >90% No votes | |||||||||||||||||
| |||||||||||||||||
| Elections in Illinois |
|---|
 |
| ||
|---|---|---|
Transit projects
Related
 |
||
The Chicago mayoral election of 1983 began with the primary on February 22, 1983, which was followed by the general on April 12, 1983. The election saw the election of Chicago's first African-American mayor, Harold Washington.
Incumbent Mayor Jane Byrne, who had served since April 16, 1979, faced a primary challenge from Cook County State's Attorney Richard M. Daley and from U.S. Congressman Harold Washington. Washington defeated Byrne and Daley in the Democratic primary in February 1983, winning by nearly 3 points.
In the general election, Washington faced Republican nominee Bernard Epton. Epton's candidacy was initially thought to be a longshot, but backlash to Washington among white voters propelled his candidacy. This led to a highly competitive general election race. In a high-turnout election, Washington won with a 3.7% lead over Epton.
The election saw high turnout, both during the primaries and the general election.
During the city's Democratic and Republican primaries (held on February 22)[1] 77.49% of registered voters voted.[2][3] This was a very high turnout for Chicago mayoral primaries.[4]
1,235,324 ballots were returned by voters in the city's primary elections (1,217,965 in the Democratic primary, 14,641 ballots in the Republican primary, and 2,718 in for third-party's primaries). Most ballots were cast in-person at precinct polling places on election day, though 22,483 ballots were cast absentee and 1,822 were cast at nursing homes.[3] Not all of these ballots cast votes in the mayoral primaries, however.
General election turnout was 82.07%.[5]
1,334,303 ballots were returned by voters in the general election. Most ballots were cast in-person at precinct polling places on election day, though 25,427 were absentee ballots and 1,822 were cast at nursing homes.[3] Not all of these ballots cast votes in the mayoral race, however.
.jpg)
Since winning an upset victory in the 1979 Democratic primary and a landslide victory in that year's general election, Jane Byrne's mayoral tenure faced numerous difficulties.[7] A three-way race emerged between Byrne, congressman Harold Washington, and Cook County State's Attorney Richard M. Daley (the son of former mayor Richard J. Daley). Byrne secured support for her re-nomination from 33 of the city's aldermen.[7] Two months ahead of the primary, the city's Democratic Party organization endorsed her.[8] Of the candidates, Byrne's campaign had the most funds. She raised more than $3 million.[7] In late 1982, Byrne aired ads to rehabilitate her image, accepting blame for past mistakes, but arguing she put the city on better financial footing and was seasoned enough to lead the city through turmoil.[9] While Byrne had presented herself as a protegee of former mayor Richard J. Daley in 1979, she now blamed him for many of the city's financial shortcomings.[7]
Daley's own son Richard M. Daley capitalized off a desire which many Chicagoans held (despite Byrne's criticisms) to return to what they perceived to have been comparatively stable years which the city had experienced under Richard J. Daley's leadership.[7] Newspapers had speculated about a Daley candidacy since the start of the Byrne administration. Byrne recognized the threat posed by the younger Daley and sought to contain him. In the 1980 Cook County State's Attorney election, Byrne backed Ed Burke in the Democratic primary and later Republican Bernard Carey in the general election, both of whom were defeated by Daley.[10] However, the younger Daley struggled with a perception that he was a lightweight compared to his father.[7] There was also a perception at the time that the younger Daley held an inferior intellect to those of his opponents.[7] When Daley officially launched his campaign in September 1982, polls showed him ahead of or tied with Byrne.[11] Daley campaigned as a reform-minded candidate who wanted a cleaner government.[12]
There had long been speculation that a black candidate for mayor would likely run, and professor Michael B. Preston wrote in 1982 that many black voters had grown dissatisfied with the pre-existing political machine, though would likely face challenges in mobilizing the vote.[13] Actions by Byrne, such as supporting a redistricting plan that reduced black and Hispanic influence, and at various points, firing black members of the city's Board of Education and Housing Authority and replacing them with white members, contributed to this dissatisfaction.[14] Subsequently, Jesse Jackson would lead a boycott of 1982's ChicagoFest, the catalyst for further black mobilization.[15]
Washington had been the favorite among much of Chicago's African American Community, and a movement to draft Washington was led by former journalist, and community activist Lu Palmer.[16] A poll by the Chicago Black United Communities (CBUC) found Washington to be the favorite among 10 prospective black candidates.[17] Washington initially did not accept any overtures to run. During a July 26, 1982, event where prominent figures in the black community intended to endorse his mayoral candidacy, Washington declared in his speech that the coming race was about "the plan, not the man."[18][19] Moreover, Washington wanted a guarantee that a prospective campaign would have adequate resources and specifically wanted an increase in black voter registration.[20] In the aftermath of this, activists registered more than 100,000 new voters, and with Daley and Byrne competing with each other, there was a credible path for Washington. On November 10, 1982, Washington announced in Hyde Park he would run for mayor.[21]
A voting bloc which was sought after were the independent-leaning Democrats often called "lakefront liberals".[7] They had backed Byrne in the 1979 primary, but were hesitant to back her again.[7] Much of the city's white electorate was split between Byrne and Daley.[22][23] While Washington was anticipated to perform well among African-American voters, he struggled to gain support among white voters.[7] In contrast to Byrne and Daley—who received numerous white endorsements, including from national figures like Ted Kennedy and Walter Mondale—Washington was only endorsed by white elected officials representing predominantly Black districts.[24]
Early in the campaign, Washington’s low name recognition led Byrne and Daley to avoid racially charged attacks, as they aimed to appeal to Black voters.[25] Byrne held a lead with minority voters as late as January 1983.[26] According to political scientist William Grimshaw, Byrne and Washington primarily competed for Black voters, while Daley and Washington vied for support from white voters.[27]
The three candidates met for four debates in January. Arrangements for the debates faced difficulties, as Daley had not initially committed to them, prompting Byrne and Washington to threaten to withdraw, and the Chicago Sun-Times canceled one debate.[28][29] On January 13, 1983, the candidates agreed to four debates.[30] The four debates were held on January 18,[31] January 24,[32] January 27,[33] and January 31.[34]
Professor Paul Green wrote of the debates: "Byrne could rightfully point out that under excruciating political pressure she had kept her cool, defended her record against two challengers, and leveled a few barbs of her own at both foes. Daley surprised many people with his competence, knowledge, and sense of humor...But the big debate winner was Washington, who in the widely publicized and observed first debate showed voters — especially black voters — that he was an articulate and legitimate candidate."[35]
In the aftermath of the debate, polling showed Daley lost support with white and black voters.[36] However, Daley won the endorsements of both of the city's major newspapers,[37] the Chicago Tribune and the Chicago Sun-Times.[38] The endorsements were critical of Byrne's tenure, and this helped to revive momentum for Daley and stall Byrne's momentum.[39] Additionally, Washington's fortunes continued to improve. A campaign rally at the UIC Pavillion attracted over 12,000 people and incentivized the city's black business community to donate over $250,000 in the two weeks between the rally and election day.[40][41]
Cook County Democratic Party chairman Edward Vrdolyak was alleged to have encouraged voters to back Byrne, warning that a vote for Daley was a vote for Washington. The weekend of the primary, Vrdolyak told a group of precinct captains, "It's a racial thing. Don't kid yourself. I'm calling on you to save your city, to save your precinct. We’re fighting to keep the city the way it is." The comments were picked up by reporters,[42] and Washington condemned the remarks and Byrne was dismissive of making race an issue.[43]
In the closing days of the campaign, Byrne was on the defense, particularly from attacks being lodged by Daley.[44] Daley, meanwhile, was struggling to convince voters that he was no longer in third place.[44] Washington entered the television ad campaign later than the other candidates, only having barely $1 million to spend on his campaign.[45] Byrne spent a total of $10 million on her campaign.[45]
Federal officials
State officials
Local officials
Newspapers and publications
Executive officials
Federal officials
State officials
Newspapers and publications
Organizations
Federal officials
State officials
Individuals
Organizations
.svg)
The election was held on Tuesday, February 22, 1983.[7] 1.2 million Chicagoans went to polls to cast their ballot, noted then as the largest turnout since 25 years earlier in 1958.[45] Turnout was 77.5%.[5] Washington received 36.3% of the citywide vote[45] and roughly 80% of the African-American vote.[45][59] Mayor Byrne had 33.6% of the citywide vote and Daley came in third place with 29.7%. The election saw a record-setting 69% of registered African-American voter turnout.[45] Professor Paul Green would later say that Daley was not adequately prepared to run in 1983, lacking an efficient political organization, significant political experience, and lacking an understanding of the issues and demographics of the city.[60]
| 1983 Chicago Democratic Party Mayoral Primary | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Candidate | Votes | % | +/- | |
| Harold Washington | 424,324 | 36.3% | N/A | |
| Jane Byrne (incumbent) | 393,500 | 33.6% | -17.4% | |
| Richard M. Daley | 346,835 | 29.7% | N/A | |
| Frank R. Ranallo | 2,367 | 0.2% | N/A | |
| William Markowski | 1,412 | 0.1% | N/A | |
| Sheila Jones | 1,285 | 0.1% | N/A | |
| Majority | 30,824 | 2.6% | +0.6% | |
| Total | 1,169,723 | 100% | N/A | |
According to an exit poll conducted by the Associated Press and WMAQ-TV, Byrne received 47% of the white vote to Daley's 46% and Washington's 6%. Washington received 84% of the black vote.[61]
Former state Representative Bernard Epton won the Republican nomination.[7] Epton reluctantly ran after being urged by party leaders such as Governor James Thompson, who had personally called Epton, offering his gubernatorial campaign staff to help out on a prospective mayoral candidacy.[62][63] Epton was the only established figure who agreed to seek the nomination, and had all but formally secured the nomination at party meetings in November.[64] Chicago had not elected a Republican mayor in 56 years.[7] At the time, Chicago had no Republican aldermen on its City Council.[7] While Chicago was regarded as overwhelmingly Democratic, it was hoped by many Republicans that if Washington were nominated by the Democrats, many white voters would vote for the Republican nominee.[7] Epton stated, "Chicago has been regarded for too long as a Democratic stronghold. It's about time we change that image."[7] Epton was ultimately unopposed on the Republican primary ballot[65] after candidates Ralph G. Medly,[66] William Arthur Murray,[67] and Raymond Wardingley[68] saw their names removed from the ballot due to issues with their petitions. During the primary, Epton raised $41,000, of which almost entirely came from self-donations or donations from family.[69]
Ed Warren ran as a candidate for the Socialist Workers Party. Warren was an unemployed garment worker who supported a 30-hour work week and to demand from the federal government that money spent in Central America be re-allocated to the city of Chicago.[70] During the campaign, federal officials launched an investigation into allegations that a city official offered Warren $1 million and a city job to withdraw from the race and be replaced by a different candidate.[71]
During the primary, aldermen Roman Pucinski and Edward Burke both expressed interest in November 1982 in running an independent general election bid if Washington was the Democratic nominee.[72] Neither of them would run.
After Washington's primary victory, a backlash began to emerge among white voters. In the following days, local Republican Party headquarters were filled with volunteers.[73][74] A week afterward, Epton's events were attended by people wearing bags with "Unknown Democrats for Epton" written on them.[75]
Democratic Aldermen were reticent to support Washington. The first Alderman to endorse Epton was Aloysius Majerczyk.[76] Majerczyk said his constituents "are giving me a message of racial pride... They're afraid of scattered-site housing. They're concerned about the stability of our neighborhoods."[77] Edward Vrdolyak, chair of the Cook County Democratic Party, offered only tepid support for Washington, and allegedly maintained contact with the Epton campaign.[78] Other white aldermen expressed disgruntlement, implicitly and explicitly.[76] In addition to the issue of race, others, such as Vito Marzullo cited distaste with Washington's plans to end much of the city's patronage system.[79]
In spite of this, Epton promised to not make race an issue.[80] He vowed not to make personal attacks and spoke highly of Washington, whom he had served in the state legislature with.[81] James Fletcher, who ran Gov. James Thompson's first successful gubernatorial campaign, became Epton's general election campaign manager. High-profile figures such as Republican Senator Paul Laxalt (chairman of the RNC) campaigned for Epton.[82]
Washington and his team opted to ignore the initial attacks under the logic that Chicago Republicans were essentially a non-factor. As the city was overwhelmingly Democratic, Washington campaigned on goals he intended to accomplish and generally focused on uniting the party for the general election. However, with time, this strategy would shift as much of the city's Democratic establishment refused to endorse Washington.[83] Washington grew frustrated with the Democratic resistance and threatened to help defeat Democratic candidates in 1984 if the party officials did not support him.[84]
On March 17, Byrne announced she was running as a write-in candidate, claiming of Epton and Washington ''neither of them represents the best interest of Chicago; neither of them has a program for Chicago.''[1] Epton believed that Byrne's candidacy would hurt his candidacy and help Washington.[1] Washington was critical of her campaign, though privately saw the campaign as helpful for his candidacy. Byrne's candidacy was met with resistance from Democratic aldermen, and Ted Kennedy personally visited with Byrne to convince her to drop the campaign. After being booed at a Southside nursing home, Byrne withdrew after only a week.[85] In addition to a lack of support, Byrne had hoped to avoid a court battle with the Chicago Board of Elections over the simplification of write-in procedures.[86]
As the race went on, it became increasingly competitive, with the Chicago Sun-Times' Basil Talbott Jr. calling it a "tossup".[87] Epton polled double what a Republican typically polled in Chicago mayoral races.[88] The race also grew very bitter, as the last weeks of the campaign saw various attacks from Epton's campaign. Epton made frequent reference to Washington's past legal troubles, including a failure to pay his taxes and a brief suspension of his law license.[89] Epton's ads used the slogan "Epton- Before it's too late", which capitalized on the fears of white voters.[90] Washington's campaign, meanwhile, took advantage of claims that Epton had been institutionalized multiple times for depression and attacked Epton's slogan for its racially tinged messaging.[91][92]
On March 27, an incident occurred at St. Pascal's Catholic Church on the northwest side where Washington and former Vice President Walter Mondale were accosted by protestors.[93] The incident received national attention, including a cover story in Newsweek titled "Chicago's Ugly Election", and similar stories appeared in other outlets as well.[94] Subsequently, Washington's team made advertisements using footage of the protestors to highlight to white liberals the level of racism behind the opposition to Washington.[95] In the last days of the campaign, a flier circulated accusing Washington of being a child molester. Washington delivered a speech in response criticizing Epton's character, which earned applause and cheers from a predominantly white audience.[96]
The Chicago Tribune and the Chicago Sun-Times both endorsed Washington.[38]
Federal officials
State officials
Local officials
Federal officials
State officials
Local officials
Newspapers and publications
Organizations
The election saw significant voter turnout, with more than 82 percent of eligible voters casting ballots.[5] This race had one of the highest turnouts in Chicago history.[113]
| Party | Candidate | Votes | % | |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Democratic | Harold Washington | 668,176 | 51.72 | |
| Republican | Bernard Epton | 619,926 | 47.99 | |
| Socialist Workers | Ed Warren | 3,756 | 0.29 | |
| Turnout | 1,291,858 | |||
Washington's coalition of voters consisted of the city's African American population with the additional support of "lakefront liberals" and the city's Latino community. Therefore, he performed best in heavily black wards, as well as lakeshore wards and heavily Latino wards.[115] In black wards, turnout was no lower than 73% and Washington garnered around 97% of the black vote.[116]
Epton carried a plurality of the vote in 28 of the city's 50 wards, while Washington carried a plurality of the vote in 22 wards.[117][115]
| Ward[117] | Harold Washington (Democratic Party) |
Bernard Epton (Republican Party) |
Ed Warren (Socialist Workers Party) |
Total | |||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Votes | % | Votes | % | Votes | % | Votes | |
| 1 | 13,026 | 62.4% | 7,777 | 37.3% | 65 | 0.3% | 20,868 |
| 2 | 22,738 | 97.4% | 558 | 2.4% | 42 | 0.2% | 23,338 |
| 3 | 24,470 | 99.1% | 178 | 0.7% | 48 | 0.2% | 24,696 |
| 4 | 24,420 | 92.3% | 1,981 | 7.5% | 70 | 0.3% | 26,471 |
| 5 | 24,729 | 90.8% | 2,455 | 9.0% | 45 | 0.2% | 27,229 |
| 6 | 34,727 | 99.2% | 240 | 0.7% | 43 | 0.1% | 35,010 |
| 7 | 17,293 | 81.9% | 3,771 | 17.9% | 45 | 0.2% | 21,109 |
| 8 | 31,095 | 98.5% | 457 | 1.4% | 28 | 0.1% | 31,580 |
| 9 | 23,979 | 93.9% | 1,518 | 5.9% | 29 | 0.1% | 25,526 |
| 10 | 10,103 | 33.9% | 19,609 | 65.8% | 94 | 0.3% | 29,806 |
| 11 | 7,186 | 25.8% | 20,515 | 73.8% | 98 | 0.4% | 27,799 |
| 12 | 3,836 | 15.4% | 21,042 | 84.2% | 99 | 0.4% | 24,977 |
| 13 | 1,457 | 4.0% | 34,856 | 95.7% | 100 | 0.3% | 36,413 |
| 14 | 3,864 | 16.1% | 20,095 | 83.5% | 94 | 0.4% | 24,053 |
| 15 | 15,949 | 60.3% | 10,451 | 39.5% | 62 | 0.2% | 26,462 |
| 16 | 25,646 | 98.9% | 221 | 0.9% | 56 | 0.2% | 25,923 |
| 17 | 29,233 | 99.1% | 205 | 0.7% | 53 | 0.2% | 29,491 |
| 18 | 14,889 | 43.7% | 19,081 | 56.0% | 79 | 0.2% | 34,049 |
| 19 | 7,045 | 20.0% | 28,072 | 79.7% | 105 | 0.3% | 35,222 |
| 20 | 25,701 | 99.0% | 220 | 0.8% | 40 | 0.2% | 25,961 |
| 21 | 32,967 | 99.1% | 275 | 0.8% | 32 | 0.1% | 33,274 |
| 22 | 4,674 | 51.9% | 4,279 | 47.5% | 46 | 0.5% | 8,999 |
| 23 | 1,373 | 4.1% | 32,399 | 95.6% | 101 | 0.3% | 33,873 |
| 24 | 24,259 | 99.2% | 129 | 0.5% | 63 | 0.3% | 24,451 |
| 25 | 5,925 | 49.1% | 6,099 | 50.5% | 51 | 0.4% | 12,075 |
| 26 | 7,449 | 45.5% | 8,823 | 53.9% | 96 | 0.6% | 16,368 |
| 27 | 20,706 | 92.7% | 1,577 | 7.1% | 58 | 0.3% | 22,341 |
| 28 | 22,335 | 98.6% | 224 | 1.0% | 103 | 0.5% | 22,662 |
| 29 | 19,882 | 92.7% | 1,530 | 7.1% | 43 | 0.2% | 21,455 |
| 30 | 3,033 | 12.6% | 20,947 | 87.1% | 72 | 0.3% | 24,052 |
| 31 | 9,856 | 60.4% | 6,396 | 39.2% | 77 | 0.5% | 16,329 |
| 32 | 8,266 | 43.8% | 10,515 | 55.7% | 98 | 0.5% | 18,879 |
| 33 | 6,909 | 37.7% | 11,296 | 61.7% | 101 | 0.6% | 18,306 |
| 34 | 29,354 | 98.8% | 336 | 1.1% | 32 | 0.1% | 29,722 |
| 35 | 3,412 | 15.4% | 18,647 | 84.2% | 85 | 0.4% | 22,144 |
| 36 | 1,647 | 4.9% | 31,944 | 94.8% | 95 | 0.3% | 33,686 |
| 37 | 17,549 | 76.8% | 5,251 | 23.0% | 57 | 0.2% | 22,857 |
| 38 | 1,881 | 5.7% | 30,939 | 94.0% | 100 | 0.3% | 32,920 |
| 39 | 3,127 | 12.3% | 22,159 | 87.3% | 92 | 0.4% | 25,378 |
| 40 | 3,772 | 17.1% | 18,202 | 82.5% | 91 | 0.4% | 22,065 |
| 41 | 2,380 | 6.8% | 32,725 | 93.0% | 75 | 0.2% | 35,180 |
| 42 | 12,496 | 45.5% | 14,891 | 54.2% | 67 | 0.2% | 27,454 |
| 43 | 11,006 | 35.8% | 19,618 | 63.9% | 93 | 0.3% | 30,717 |
| 44 | 10,613 | 39.2% | 16,372 | 60.4% | 105 | 0.4% | 27,090 |
| 45 | 2,376 | 6.9% | 31,737 | 92.8% | 91 | 0.3% | 34,204 |
| 46 | 10,251 | 46.8% | 11,542 | 52.7% | 108 | 0.5% | 21,901 |
| 47 | 4,515 | 18.0% | 20,397 | 81.5% | 125 | 0.5% | 25,037 |
| 48 | 9,433 | 43.3% | 12,269 | 56.3% | 88 | 0.4% | 21,790 |
| 49 | 9,719 | 42.9% | 12,815 | 56.6% | 109 | 0.5% | 22,643 |
| 50 | 5,001 | 18.2% | 22,368 | 81.4% | 103 | 0.4% | 27,472 |
| Totals | 667,552 | 51.7% | 620,003 | 48.0% | 3,752 | 0.3% | 1,291,307 |
Bvrne...launched a media blitz: her objective was to increase her low esteem by "re-educating" the voters. Through persuasive television and radio ads she admitted that she had made some mistakes; but she argued that Chicago was financially better off than it was when she took office, and furthermore that it took someone "tough and feisty" like her to run a tough city like Chicago. Byrne was virtually the only candidate on the air during the November and December campaign period.
From the outset of the Byrne mayoralty, the newspapers had been predicting an eventual showdown between the boss's son, who seemed destined in many minds to exercise his birthright and reclaim city hall for the Bridgeport faithful, and the female mayor, an interloper whose following had become fragmented and brittle... The mayor accordingly did all she could to isolate the young Daley, to drive him out of the Democratic organization and into political oblivion. When Daley had announced his intention to run for state's attorney in 1980, a move widely perceived as preparatory to seeking the mayoralty in 1983, Byrne recruited Fourteenth Ward alderman Edward M. Burke to run against him in the primary. Burke lost decisively, and, even with the mayor openly backing the Republican candidate, Bernard Carey, Daley won the general election handily. From that moment forward, Chicagoans looked to the 1983 mayoral election as the inevitable clash between the two powerful politicians for control of the Democratic machine's valuable remains.
Although many Chicagoans found it difficult to view the son of Chicago's greatest boss as an iconoclastic outsider, Daley based his campaign to unseat Byrne on the need to clean up government and restore probity to city hall. Curiously enough, Richard M. Daley ran for mayor in 1983 as a reformer.
There seems to be little doubt that there will be a black candidate for mayor in 1983. A recent survey of 540 blacks by state Senator Harold Washington in the First Congressional District indicates that of the people surveyed, 90 percent would vote for a black mayor. Also, a recent telephone poll of seventy-seven black leaders by the Chicago Reporter (1980: 1-3) yielded the names of fifty-six potential black candidates for mayor in 1983. Of these, seven emerged as the top choices of all participants. This suggests that black voters and some of their leaders are very dissatisfied with the regular Democratic leadership and are prepared to challenge them in 1983. Despite the growing dissatisfaction of blacks with the political machine and despite their increasing numbers, it would seem that they still must overcome three major constraints if they hope to mount a successful independent challenge for the mayoralty in 1983. These constraints are: (1) the economic poverty of a large portion of the black population, (2) the underutilization of the black vote, and (3) the lack of a cohesive black political leadership group.
The mayoral race of 1983 actually started with three strategic mistakes made by Mayor Byrne, one each in 1980, 1981, and 1982. Each misstep had racial connotations. First, Byrne supported a district remapping in 1980 that reduced the political power of black and Hispanic voters. Second, in 1981 she replaced two African-American members of the Board of Education with two white women. Third, in 1982 Byrne replaced a number of black Chicago Housing Authority (CHA) Board members with whites, despite the fact that more than 80 percent of CHA tenants were black. Even though Mayor Byrne cynically calculated that these political moves would gain her more white votes than any black votes she lost, she had miscalculated.
Each of these decisions by the mayor alienated black voters, one of her key political bases. In July 1982, this led the political activist Jesse Jackson and other prominent black politicians to organize a boycott of the city's Chicago Fest at Navy Pier. "It is better to boycott with dignity," said Jesse Jackson in a radio interview, "than to sing and dance in shame. We are not bound by Chicago plantation politics. We must aggressively and militantly use our dollars and our votes." The Chicago Fest boycott became a catalyst to energize and mobilize the black community, which soon started its own voter registration drive. By April 1983, Chicago would have nearly 670,000 registered African-American voters, approximately 150,000 more than in 1979.
From the very beginning, Harold Washington was the overwhelming choice of Chicago's African American community to be its standard bearer in the race for mayor. Lu Palmer, a former Daily News reporter and community activist had organized a coalition of black community organizations and begun a draft Washington movement in July.
U.S. Rep. Harold Washington was the favorite to run for mayor of Chicago in the 1983 election. This was determined by a citywide survey conducted by the Chicago Black United Communities (CBUC) between May 1 and June 15, 1982. Lu Palmer, founder of CBUC, was one of the 10 individuals on the survey list.
Our keynote speaker at the plebiscite meeting, which was at the Bethel A.M.E. Church on July 26, was Congressman Harold Washington. And, of course, he was the runaway winner in votes, like 10 to one. Harold's speech disturbed me because he kept harping on the theme that it is the 'plan and not the man.' I looked at some of the other organizers of the meeting and frowned.
In the summer of 1982, two thousand people showed up at a south side church for a daylong event that Lu Palmer had billed as a "black plebiscite." The idea was to invite anyone who was anyone in black movement politics and, at this gathering of the clan, crown Harold Washington as their choice for mayor... All that remained was the formality of Washington humbly accepting their nomination. That, at least, was the way Palmer's script read. The crowd treated Washington to a standing ovation as he made his way to the microphone. But instead of declaring his candidacy, he started talking about how it was "the plan, not the man." Don't get too hung up on any one candidate, Washington urged the crowd
Washington had been reluctant all the way. He wanted assurances of full support from the community, a healthy campaign war chest and a black voter registration drive.
By 1982 a number of factors had coalesced to improve the prospects of an African American running for mayor. Washington had challenged black activists to register 50,000 new voters, seemingly a very ambitious goal, and they had responded by recruiting more than twice that number... The opportunity appeared even better in early November when Richard M. Daley, the eldest son of the late mayor, announced his candidacy... On November 10, eight days after his reelection to the U.S. House of Representatives, Washington announced his candidacy for mayor in a press conference witnessed by a large and enthusiastic crowd at the Hyde Park Hilton Hotel.
Yet the endorsements did not come. Washington won the IVI's support by a vote of ninety-two to two, but that had no apparent effect on the city's white liberal politicians. Adlai Stevenson III endorsed Daley, as did Marty Oberman and another liberal stalwart, State representative Ellis Levin. Dawn Clark Netsch went further by serving as the chair of Daley's campaign...Former Vice President Walter Mondale, then the Democratic front-runner for president, also endorsed Daley. "He helped me when I needed his help," Mondale explained...Ted Kennedy, that guiding light of liberal politics in the United States, endorsed Byrne. Kennedy's defense, like Mondale's, boiled down to loyalty...Only two prominent local white politicians endorsed Washington, Alderman Larry Bloom and State Representative Barbara Flynn Currie. Bloom represented a ward that was 80 percent black. Currie, too, represented a district with a black majority.
Because both Daley and Byrne hoped to attract some black votes, they refrained from leveling the kind of harsh criticisms against Washington that might have appeared racially insensitive... This decision made a great deal of sense to the political experts in the Daley and Byrne camps, for Washington's campaign appeared to be spinning its wheels. His long-shot candidacy inevitably suffered from a number of serious liabilities common to all reformers but heightened for minority candidates. Widely known on the South Side but lacking the kind of name recognition throughout Chicago enjoyed by Daley and Byrne, Washington faced an uphill battle introducing himself and his platform to the metropolis's disparate voters
The RDR and Gallup polls of late January 1983 reflect Byrne's rise in overall support among the city's electorate. Despite the entrance of Harold Washington as a third candidate, Jane Byrne held a significant lead over her opponents (see Table II). Support along racial lines had already emerged at this time, although not quite at the level it would later reach; Washington, for example, held a disappointingly low 44 percent of the black support at that time. The incumbent Byrne had strong levels of support among whites (49%), blacks (32%), and Hispanics (53%)- Because of her large support base with all racial groups, the two polls showed Byrne ahead of her opponents by a comfortable 15 to 19 percent in late January. Daley supporters, on the other hand, tended to be drawn from a narrow ethnic base of whites and Hispanics, for the black support he had once enjoyed was now divided between the other candidates. In fact, the RDR poll found Harold Washington virtually even with Daley in the polls.
While Byrne and Washington fought a battle on race and competed for black votes, Rich Daley ran a parallel campaign that targeted white voters. According to political scientist William Grimshaw, the 1983 Democratic primary was not a three-way race. Instead, it was two separate contests, each with two candidates. Byrne versus Daley for the white vote. Washington versus Byrne for the support of AfricanAmericans.
Polls of white voters after the first debate showed that Byrne had gained six points, Daley had lost nine, and Washington had gained one. But polls of black voters after the same debate indicated that Washington had gained eight points, Byrne had lost six, and Daley lost two.
For many it seemed that both newspapers' editorials were more anti-Byrne than pro-Daley. Yet for the beleaguered state's attorney's campaign the endorsements and subsequent positive press coverage was perfectly timed political adrenalin. Despite a better-than-expected debate performance, Daley's primary campaign was at a low ebb....The newspaper endorsements boosted Daley's image, revitalized his workers' spirits, and put him back in the political ballgame. In addition, the newspapers' savage and nearly continuous attacks on Byrne tore away her support in those areas where she had to build substantial margins.
And then there was the Washington rally at the UIC Pavillion. The arena holds 13,000 people and we had it filled to the rafters and it lasted all night. That rally was the talk of the town and reinforced that Harold had an interracial base of support that he could count on, versus Daley and Byrne, who were pretty much focused in the white community.
The Pavilion, with a seating capacity in excess of twelve thousand, was packed. As Washington stood at the microphone, the crowd chanted a thunderous "We Want Harold." The hall shook from applause and foot stomping, as if a dramatic and important basketball game was tied going down to the wire. A Byrne rally held the previous day drew half that many and lacked the same spirit. The rally convinced campaign manager Al Raby that Washington could win. It also drew the attention of a black business community generally reluctant to donate a dime to Washington's campaign. In the two weeks between the rally and election day, black businesses donated something on the order of $250,000 to Washington.
Then, on the weekend before the primary, Ed Vrdolyak addressed an assembly of around two hundred precinct captains on the northwest side. Unbeknownst to Vrdolyak, a pair of Trib reporters had sneaked into the meeting to hear from this man who, as party chairman, was essentially Byrne's campaign manager. "A vote for Daley is a vote for Washington," Vrdolyak told the captains. "It's a two-person race. It would be the worst day in the history of Chicago if our candidate, the only viable candidate, was not elected." And in case anyone missed it, he punched the point home with these words: "It's a racial thing. Don't kid yourself. I'm calling on you to save your city, to save your precinct. We're fighting to keep the city the way it is." News of Vrdolyak's pep talk prompted Byrne to scrap her schedule and make several impromptu appearances in the black community. At first she offered a lame attempt at humor. "I've been coughing so hard and have such a cold that I don't even know what he's been saying," she said. Later in the day she had her talking point. She declared herself "annoyed with anybody who makes race an issue"—Vrdolyak or Washington. Reporters caught up with Washington at Daley Plaza. "Here at the last moment," Washington said of Vrdolyak, "afraid that he will not be able to reign over this city and use this mayor as a puppet, he's gotten excited and resorted to the last defense of demagogues and scoundrels. He's raised the race banner."
For the purpose of this chapter, it is important to point out that as a politician and government official, State's Attorney Daley was simply not ready to take on both Byrne and Congressman Harold Washington at the same time. RMD was obviously not comfortable running in 1983. Why? First, his political operation was not smooth (an uneven mixing of several of his father's old loyalists and a few of RMD's younger allies); second, his governmental track record was minimal, especially to take on an incumbent mayor and a longtime (though relatively unknown) political sharpshooter like Harold Washington; third and most important, RMD's campaign, both its policies and tactics, aimed inward, not outward. His campaign did not reflect the city's changing demographics or the types of issues that affected its citizens. As one old pro told me, "1983 was the ultimate 'pissing match' and Rich Daley's Bridgeport-based campaign could not overcome Byrne's citywide money and incumbency or Washington's racial appeal and rhetoric."
Epton's campaign was even more ragtag than Washington's. He raised $41,000 during the primary; all but $1,000 came from his own bank account or from family members. His daughter served as campaign manager.
The huge number of volunteers pouring into Republican campaign offices offering their services overwhelmed the silent, empty rooms that had resembled mausoleums just days before.
The day after Washington's primary win, swarms of volunteers were already descending on Republican headquarters. The procession only intensified in the coming days.
Just seven days after the primary upset, some of the white citizens who attended an Epton mayoral rally at 3252 S. Halsted St. wore paper bags over their heads, as though they were attempting to hide from the boogey man. The paper bags proclaimed that they were "Unknown Democrats for Epton."
Majerczyk observed (correctly, if the April election returns were any indication) the he would lose few votes in his white ethnic ward by opposing the (black) Democratic mayoral nominee, Harold Washington. He became the first alderman to declare open support for Republican Bernard Epton. Most other white aldermen followed suit, either overtly or covertly.
The party chairman, Ed Vrdolyak, endorsed Washington, but his support, too, seemed disingenuous. In different circumstances, Vrdolyak would have twisted arms to maintain party unity; instead, the party chairman offered a few perfunctory remarks and left his support at that... Vrdolyak kept in close contact with Epton throughout the campaign—so, at least, a top Epton aide told a writer for Chicago magazine after the election was over.
After Washington's primary victory, Epton immediately promised to take the high road during the campaign. He refused to be cast as the Great White Hope and told the Chicago Defender that he would "repudiate any efforts by white racist Democrats" to rally around him as the antiblack candidate.
Eschewing the cutthroat politics for which Chicago had become infamous, Epton promised to refrain from personal attacks against his opponent and to devote his time to sober discussions of the issues. During his first campaign appearances, he met those lofty goals. Epton described Washington as articulate and intelligent and spoke highly of their time spent together in the Illinois General Assembly.
Worse yet, he issued ultimatums to the effect that all good Democrats had to support him if they were to be considered Democrats at all. He threatened to help defeat all Democrat candidates in the 1984 elections if the regulars did not support him.
Washington said all the right things about Byrne's hurting the Democratic Party, but privately he could not have been more pleased. Two white candidates would again split the city's white vote. Ed Vrdolyak announced that neither the party nor his ward organization would have any part of her write-in effort. Two of her more visible primary supporters, Alderman Vito Marzullo and Park Superintendent Ed Kelly, endorsed Epton. Ted Kennedy endorsed Washington and made a special trip to Chicago to convince Byrne that her write-in candidacy would damage her reputation. But she didn't get out until she was booed at a southwest side nursing home. Her revived candidacy lasted a week.
Through the second half of the general election, however, Epton spoke of little else. With election day less than three weeks off, the two candidates met in their sole debate. No campaign issue, Epton said in his opening statement, is as important as doubts about Washington's background. Voters, he said, must ask themselves one question that outweighs all others: "Will he obey the law?" During the debate, Epton held up a thick blue notebook that his aides said beforehand would contain shocking new disclosures. The notebook was nothing more than a compilation of old charges, but it made for a dramatic prop. The debate set the tone for the remainder of the campaign. Epton offered no programs or sense of direction in his standard stump speech—just a recap of Washington's jail term and the law license suspension.
Between the evening of the debate and Election Day, just less than three weeks overall, the thin veneer of civility present earlier in the mayoral contest disappeared completely, as Epton vigorously questioned his adversary's fitness to be mayor and Washington responded in kind. The campaign slogan the Republican coined, Epton—Before It's Too Late", addressed the fears of white Chicagoans apprehensive of the changes a black mayor would impose.
The Washington campaign attempted to take advantage of questions raised by the media about Epton's medical history, specifically repeating claims that the Republican had been institutionalized twice for depression and had been prescribed lithium to control his anxiety.
Harold counterattacked his opponent with a barrage of accusations. He publicized medical records that indicated Epton had been hospitalized several times for mental illness, and he charged that the campaign slogan, "Epton Before It's Too Late", was not a non-too-subtle appeal to racist fears.
The ghastliness of that Palm Sunday received national headlines. Newsweek did a four-page cover story on "Chicago's Ugly Election" and People magazine carried a picture of a jeering mob and the headline "Hatred Walks The Street." Esquire magazine warned that "The campaign is disastrous for Chicago in terms of its own immediate future and certainly in terms of its national image. The image is taking. And the unfortunate thing is that part of the image is true."
Fortunately, a local CBS News crew was there, and they filmed the crowd reacting to Washington and Mondale. That created the strategic opening that we were trying to exploit, which was to make the case to white liberals that the campaign against Washington was so overtly racist that they would want nothing to do with it. With the footage from St. Pascal's, we could make commercials that would effectively shame those white liberals into supporting Harold.
The flier described Harold as a child molester. Harold stunned a lakefront audience at Mundelein College when he waved the flier over his head and shouted... The audience, most of whom were white people from the 48th and 49th Wards, cheered wildly at Harold's remarks, repeatedly interrupting him with chants of "We Want Harold." In the opinion of some political pundits, Harold won his margin of victory during these last few days before the election, when he put on his boxing gloves and came out in the middle of the ring fighting like Mike Tyson.
In one of the most bitter campaigns in Chicago's history, Washington won with 51.4 percent or 656,727 votes to Epton's 48.3 percent or 617,1 59 votes. The city turnout of 82 percent was one of the highest in Chicago's history.
In fact, black voters out-voted whites, and no black ward turned out lower than 73 percent. The black vote for Washington approached 97 percent.
.jpg)
.jpg)
