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Battleship
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A battleship is a large, heavily armored warship with a main battery consisting of large guns, designed to serve as a capital ship. From their advent in the late 1880s, battleships were among the largest and most formidable weapon systems ever built, until they were surpassed by aircraft carriers beginning in the 1940s. The modern battleship traces its origin to the sailing ship of the line, which was developed into the steam ship of the line and soon thereafter the ironclad warship. After a period of extensive experimentation in the 1870s and 1880s, ironclad design was largely standardized by the British Royal Sovereign class, which are usually referred to as the first "pre-dreadnought battleships". These ships carried an armament that usually included four large guns and several medium-caliber guns that were to be used against enemy battleships, and numerous small guns for self-defense.
Naval powers around the world built dozens of pre-dreadnoughts in the 1890s and early 1900s, though they saw relatively little combat; only two major wars were fought during the period that included pre-dreadnought battles: the Spanish-American War in 1898 and the Russo-Japanese War of 1904–1905. The following year, the British launched the revolutionary all-big-gun battleship HMS Dreadnought. This ship discarded the medium-caliber guns in exchange for a uniform armament of ten large guns. All other major navies quickly began (or had already started) "dreadnoughts" of their own, leading to a major naval arms race. During World War I, only one major fleet engagement took place: the Battle of Jutland in 1916, but neither side was able to achieve a decisive result.
In the Interwar period, the major naval powers concluded a series of agreements beginning with the Washington Naval Treaty that imposed limits on battleship building to stop a renewed arms race. During this period, relatively few battleships were built, but advances in technology led to the maturation of the fast battleship concept, and several of these ships were built in the 1930s. The treaty system eventually broke down after Japan refused to sign the Second London Naval Treaty in 1936. Although the rise of the aircraft carrier during World War II largely relegated battleships to secondary duties, they still saw significant action during that conflict. Notable engagements include the battles of Cape Spartivento and Cape Matapan in 1940 and 1941, respectively; the sortie by the German battleship Bismarck in 1941; the Naval Battle of Guadalcanal in 1942; and the Battle of Leyte Gulf in 1944. After World War II, most battleships were placed in reserve, broken up, or used as target ships, and few saw significant active service during the Cold War. The four American Iowa-class battleships were reactivated during the Korean War in the early 1950s and again in the 1980s as part of the 600-ship Navy.
Even at the height of their dominance of naval combat, some strategists questioned the usefulness of battleships. Beginning in the mid-1880s, the Jeune École (Young School) argued that construction of expensive capital ships should stop in favor of cheap cruisers and torpedo boats. Despite a period of popularity for the Jeune École, the idea fell out of favor and the battleship remained the arbiter of naval combat until World War II. Even afterward, they remained potent symbols of a country's might and they retained significant psychological and diplomatic effects. A number of battleships—predominantly American—remain as museum ships.
Background
[edit]Ships of the line
[edit]
A ship of the line was a large, unarmored wooden sailing ship which mounted a battery of up to 120 smoothbore guns and carronades, which came to prominence with the adoption of line of battle tactics in the early 17th century. From 1794, the alternative term 'line of battle ship' was contracted to 'battle ship' or 'battleship'. The sheer number of guns fired broadside meant a ship of the line could wreck any wooden enemy, holing her hull, knocking down masts, wrecking her rigging, and killing her crew. They also imparted a psychological effect on the crews of smaller vessels. Ships of the line were also fairly resilient to the guns of the day; for example, the British Royal Navy lost no first-rate (the largest type of ship of the line) to enemy action during the entire 18th century.[1] Over time, ships of the line gradually became larger and carried more guns, but otherwise remained quite similar. Development of the first-rates was particularly conservative, as these ships represented a major investment. By the early 1800s, the traditional "seventy-four" (so-named because it carried 74 guns) was no longer considered to be a proper ship of the line, having been supplanted by 84- and 120-gun ships.[2][3]
The first major change to the ship of the line concept was the introduction of steam power as an auxiliary propulsion system. Steam power was gradually introduced to the navy in the first half of the 19th century, initially for small craft and later for frigates. Early vessels used paddle wheels for propulsion, but by the 1840s, the first screw propeller equipped vessels began to appear. The value of these smaller steam-powered warships demonstrated their worth, when vessels like the British Nemesis proved to be critical to the Anglo-French success in the First Opium War in the 1840s.[4]
The French Navy introduced steam to the line of battle with the 90-gun Napoléon in 1850—the first true steam battleship.[5] Napoléon, which was designed by Henri Dupuy de Lôme, was armed as a conventional ship-of-the-line, but her steam engines could give her a speed of 12 knots (22 km/h; 14 mph), regardless of the wind. This was a potentially decisive advantage in a naval engagement. The introduction of steam accelerated the growth in size of battleships. France and the United Kingdom were the only countries to develop fleets of wooden, steam-screw battleships although several other navies operated small numbers of screw battleships, including Russia (9), the Ottoman Empire (3), Sweden (2), Naples (1), Denmark (1) and Austria (1).[6][7]
Concurrent with the development of steam power, another major technological step heralded the end of the traditional ship of the line: guns capable of firing explosive shells. Pioneering work was done by the French artillery officer Henri-Joseph Paixhans beginning in 1809. The American artillerist George Bomford followed not far behind, designing the first shell-firing Columbiad in 1812. The British and Russians began to follow suit in the 1830s, though early smoothbore guns could not fire shells as far as solid shot, which hampered widespread adoption in any fleet.[8] By the early 1840s, the French Paixhans gun and American Dahlgren gun had begun to be adopted by their respective navies.[9] In the Crimean War of 1853–1855, six Russian ships of the line and two frigates of the Black Sea Fleet destroyed seven Turkish frigates and three corvettes with explosive shells at the Battle of Sinop in 1853.[10] The battle was widely seen as vindication of the shell gun.[11][a] Nevertheless, wooden-hulled ships stood up comparatively well to shells, as shown in the 1866 Battle of Lissa, where the modern Austrian steam ship of the line SMS Kaiser ranged across a confused battlefield, rammed an Italian ironclad and took 80 hits from Italian ironclads, many of which were shells,[13] but including at least one 300-pound (140 kg) shot at point-blank range. Despite losing her bowsprit and her foremast, and being set on fire, she was ready for action again the very next day.[14]
Ironclads
[edit]
As amply demonstrated at the Battle of Sinope, and again during the Anglo-French blockade of Sevastopol from 1854 to 1855, wooden ships had become vulnerable to shell-firing guns. This prompted the French emperor Napoleon III to order the first ironclad warships: the Dévastation-class ironclad floating batterys. Three of these ships led the Anglo-French attack on the Russian fortress on the Kinburn Peninsula in the Battle of Kinburn in 1855, where they bore the brunt of Russian artillery fire, but were not seriously damaged. The success of these ships prompted the French and British to order several similar vessels.[15][16]
In March 1858, the French took development of the ironclad to its next logical step: a proper, ocean-going armored warship. This vessel, another design by Dupuy de Lome, was Gloire, and after her launching in 1859, Napoleon III ordered another five similar ships, which sparked a naval arms race with Britain. The first French ironclads had the profile of a ship of the line, cut to one deck due to weight considerations. Although made of wood and reliant on sail for most journeys, Gloire and her contemporaries were fitted with screw propellers, and their wooden hulls were protected by a layer of thick iron armor. Britain responded promptly with Warrior, a similar but much larger ironclad with an iron hull. By the time Warrior was completed in 1861, another nine ironclads were under construction in British shipyards, some of which were conversions of screw ships of the line that were already being built.[17][18]
During the Unification of Italy in 1860, the Kingdom of Sardinia entered the ironclad building race by ordering the Formidabile-class ironclads from French shipyards; their long-term rival across the Adriatic Sea, the Austrian Empire, quickly responded later that year with the two Drache-class ironclads. Spain and Russia ordered ironclads in 1861, as did the United States and rebel Confederate States of America after the start of the American Civil War. Construction of these large and expensive warships remained controversial until March 1862, when news of the Battle of Hampton Roads, fought between the Union USS Monitor and the Confederate CSS Virginia, firmly settled debate in favor of even larger construction programs.[19]
From the 1860s to 1880s, navies experimented with the positioning of guns, in turrets, central-batteries, or barbettes; ironclads of the period also prominently used the ram as a principal weapon. As steam technology developed, masts were gradually removed from battleship designs. The British Chief Constructor, Edward Reed, produced the Devastation-class ironclads in 1869. These were mastless turret ships, which adopted twin-screw propulsion and an arrangement of two pairs of 12-inch (305 mm) guns, one fore and one aft of the superstructure, that prefigured the advent of the pre-dreadnought battleship some two decades later. By the mid-1870s steel was used as a construction material alongside iron and wood. The French Navy's Redoutable, laid down in 1873 and launched in 1876, was a combination central battery and barbette ship, which became the first capital ship in the world to use steel as the principal building material.[20][21]
The rapid pace of technological developments, particularly in terms of gun capabilities and thickness of armor to combat them, quickly rendered ships obsolescent.[22] In the continuous attempt by gun manufacturers to keep ahead of developments in armor plate, larger and larger guns were fitted to many of the later ironclads. Some of these, such as the British Victoria class, carried guns as large as 16.25 inches (413 mm) in diameter, while the Italian Duilio-class ironclads were armed with colossal 17.7-inch (450 mm) guns.[23] The French experimented with very large guns in the 1870s, but after significant trouble with these guns (and the development of slower-burning gunpowder), they led the way toward smaller-caliber guns with longer barrels, which had higher muzzle velocity and thus greater penetration than the larger guns.[24]
Jeune École
[edit]In the 1880s, opposition to fleets of large, expensive ironclads arose around the world, but most notably in France, where a group of naval officers led by Admiral Théophile Aube formed the Jeune École (Young School). The theory, which held as one of its core tenets that small, cheap torpedo boats could easily defeat ironclads, was based on combat experience during the Russo-Turkish War of 1877–1878. The doctrine also posited that modern steel-hulled cruisers could defeat a more powerful navy by attacking the country's merchant shipping, rather than engage in a direct battle. The concept proved to be highly influential for several years, shaping the construction programs of France, Germany, Italy, and Austria-Hungary, among others throughout the world.[25]
Development of the modern battleship
[edit]Pre-dreadnought battleships
[edit]
In 1889, the British government passed the Naval Defence Act 1889, which embarked on a major naval construction program aimed at establishing the so-called two-power standard, whereby the Royal Navy would be stronger than the next two largest navies combined.[26] The plan saw the construction of the eight Royal Sovereign-class battleships, which have been regarded as the first class of battleship that would retrospectively be referred to as "pre-dreadnought battleships". These large battleships incorporated a number of major improvements over earlier vessels like the Devastations, including a high freeboard for true ocean-going capability, more extensive armor protection, heavier secondary battery guns, and greater speed. The ships were armed with four 13.5 in (340 mm) guns in two twin mounts, fore and aft, which established the pattern for subsequent battleships.[27][b] After building a trio of smaller second class battleships intended for the colonial empire, Britain followed with the nine-strong Majestic-class battleships in 1893–1895, which improved on the basic Royal Sovereign design. These ships adopted the 12 in (305 mm) gun, which would become the standard for all subsequent British pre-dreadnoughts.[29]
Foreign navies quickly began pre-dreadnoughts of their own; France began Brennus in 1889 and Germany laid down four Brandenburg-class battleships in 1890. The United States Navy laid down three Indiana-class battleships in 1891, the same year work began on the Russian battleship Tri Sviatitelia. Japan ordered the two Fuji-class battleships from British yards, to an improved Royal Sovereign design, in 1894. The Austro-Hungarian Navy eventually ordered its own pre-dreadnoughts, beginning with the Habsburg class in 1899. All of these ships carried guns of between 11 and 13.4 in (280 and 340 mm), save the Austro-Hungarian vessels, which, being significantly smaller than the rest, only carried 9.4 in (240 mm) guns.[30]

Most pre-dreadnoughts followed the same general pattern, which typically saw a ship armed with four large guns, usually 12-inch weapons, along with a secondary of medium-caliber guns (usually 5 to 6 in (127 to 152 mm) guns early in the period), which were also intended for combat at close range with other battleships. They also generally carried a light armament for defense against torpedo boats and other light craft. Some ships varied from this general pattern, such as the American Indianas, which carried a heavier secondary battery of 8-inch (203 mm) guns, and the German Brandenburgs, which had six 11-inch guns for instead of the usual four heavy guns. Many of the early French pre-dreadnoughts, such as Charles Martel, carried a mixed heavy armament of two 12-inch and two 10.8-inch (274 mm) guns.[31]
Pre-dreadnoughts continued the technical innovations of the ironclad throughout the 1890s and early 1900s. Compound armor gave way to much stronger Harvey armor developed in the United States in 1890, which was in turn superseded by the German Krupp armor in 1894. As armor became stronger, it could be reduced in thickness considerably, which saved weight that could be allocated to other aspects of the ship design, and generally permitted larger and more capable battleships. At the same time, the advent of smokeless powder continued the trend begun in the French navy of comparatively smaller guns firing at higher velocities. Early on in the pre-dreadnought era, most navies standardized on the 12-inch gun; only Germany remained the significant outlier, relying on 11-inch and even 9.4-inch guns for its pre-dreadnoughts.[32] Similarly, later in the pre-dreadnought era, the secondary batteries grew in caliber, usually to 7 to 8 in (178 to 203 mm) guns.[33] Some final classes, such as the British Lord Nelson class with a secondary battery of 9.2-inch (234 mm) guns, or the French Danton class that had 9.4-inch secondaries, have been subsequently referred to as "semi-dreadnoughts", reflecting their transitional step between classic pre-dreadnought designs and the all-big-gun battleships that would soon appear.[34][35]
In the last years of the 19th century and the first years of the 20th, the escalation in the building of battleships became an arms race between Britain and Germany. The German naval laws of 1890 and 1898 authorized a fleet of 38 battleships, a vital threat to the balance of naval power.[36] Britain answered with further shipbuilding, but by the end of the pre-dreadnought era, British supremacy at sea had markedly weakened. In 1883, the United Kingdom had 38 ironclad battleships, twice as many as France and almost as many as the rest of the world put together. In 1897, Britain's lead was far smaller due to competition from France, Germany, and Russia, as well as the development of pre-dreadnought fleets in Italy, the United States and Japan.[37] The Ottoman Empire, Spain, Sweden, Denmark, Norway, the Netherlands, Chile, and Brazil all had second-rate fleets led by armored cruisers, coastal defence ships or monitors.[38]
Early combat experiences
[edit]
Pre-dreadnought battleships received their first test in combat in the Spanish-American War in 1898 at the Battle of Santiago de Cuba. An American squadron that included four pre-dreadnoughts had blockaded a Spanish squadron of four armored cruisers in Santiago de Cuba until 3 July, when the Spanish ships attempted to break through and escape. All four cruisers were destroyed in the ensuing engagement, as were a pair of Spanish destroyers, and American ships received little damage in return. The battle seemed to indicate that the mixed batteries of pre-dreadnought battleships were very effective, as the medium-caliber guns had inflicted most of the damage (which reinforced the observations of the Battle of Manila Bay, where only cruisers armed with medium guns had been present). It also led navies around the world to begin working on better solutions for rangefinding in the hope of improving gunnery at longer ranges.[39]
Conflicting colonial ambitions in Korea and Manchuria led Russia and Japan to the next major use of pre-dreadnoughts in combat. During the Russo-Japanese War of 1904–1905, squadrons of battleships engaged in a number of battles, including the Battle of the Yellow Sea and the Battle of Tsushima. Naval mines also proved to be a deadly threat to battleships on both sides, sinking the Russian Petropavlovsk in March 1904 and the Japanese battleships Hatsuse and Yashima on the same day in May. The action in the Yellow Sea began during a Russian attempt to break out of Port Arthur, which the Japanese under Admiral Tōgō Heihachirō had blockaded. The Russians outmaneuvered the Japanese and briefly escaped, but the latter's superior speed allowed them to catch up. A 12-inch shell struck the Russian flagship, killing the squadron commander and causing the Russian ships to fall into disarray and retreat back to Port Arthur. With night falling, the Japanese broke off and reimposed the blockade. At Tsushima, Togo outmaneuvered the Russian Second Pacific Squadron that had been sent to reinforce the Pacific Fleet, and the Japanese battleships quickly inflicted fatal damage with long-range fire from their 12-inch guns.[40]
In both actions during the Russo-Japanese War, the fleets engaged at longer range (as far as 12,000 yd (11,000 m) at the Yellow Sea), where only their 12-inch guns were effective. Only in the final stages of the battle at Tsushima, by which time the Russian fleet had been severely damaged and most of its modern battleships sunk or disabled, did the Japanese fleet close to effective range of their secondary guns, fighting as close as 2,700 yd (2,500 m). The actions, particularly the decisive engagement at Tsushima, demonstrated that the lessons taken from the Spanish-American War were incorrect, and that the large-caliber gun should be the only offensive weapon carried by battleships.[41]
Dreadnought battleships
[edit]
In the early 1900s, some naval theorists had begun to argue for future battleships to discard the heavy secondary batteries and instead carry only big guns. The first prominent example was Vittorio Cuniberti, the chief engineer of the Italian Regia Marina (Royal Navy); he published an article in 1903 titled "An Ideal Battleship for the British Navy" in Jane's Fighting Ships. By the time that British Admiral Sir John ("Jackie") Fisher became the First Sea Lord in late 1904, he had already become convinced that a similar concept—that of a fast capital ship carrying the largest quick-firing guns available (which at that time were 9.2 in (234 mm) weapons)—was the path forward. The Japanese Navy was the first to actually order any of these new ships, beginning with the two Satsuma-class battleships in 1904, though due to shortages of 12-inch guns, they were completed with a mix of 12- and 10-inch (254 mm) guns. By early 1905, Fisher had converted to the 12-inch gun for his proposed new capital ships,[42] and in March that year, the German Navy had decided to build an all-big-gun battleship for the planned Nassau class.[43] The American South Carolina class was authorized in 1905, but work did not begin until December 1906.[44]

Though several navies had begun design work on all-big-gun battleships, the first to be completed was the British Dreadnought, which had been ordered by Fisher. He actually preferred a very large armored cruiser equipped with an all-big-gun armament, which would come to be known as the battlecruiser, and he only included Dreadnought in his 1905 construction program to appease naval officers who favored continued battleship building. Fisher believed that Britain's security against the French and Russian threats would be better guaranteed by squadrons of fast battlecruisers, three of which were laid down in 1906. Regardless of Fisher's intentions, the rapidly changing strategic calculus invalidated his plans and ensured that when the 1906–1907 program was being debated, Germany would be Britain's primary rival, the Royal Navy chose to build three more dreadnoughts instead of further battlecruisers. Reactions from the other naval powers was immediate; very few pre-dreadnoughts were built afterward, and in the first seven years of the ensuing arms race, all of the major naval powers either had their own dreadnoughts in service or nearing completion. Of these competitions, the Anglo-German race was the most significant, though others took place, such as the South American contest. Even naval powers of the second and third rank, such as Spain; Brazil, Chile, and Argentina in South America; and Greece and the Ottoman Empire in the Mediterranean had begun dreadnought programs, either domestically or ordering abroad.[45][46]
Dreadnought carried ten 12-inch guns, all in twin turrets: one was forward, two further aft, all on the centerline, and the remaining pair were wing turrets with more restricted arcs of fire. She disposed of the medium-caliber secondary battery and carried only 3-inch (76 mm) guns for anti-torpedo boat work.[47] A variety of experimental arrangements followed, including the "hexagonal" layout adopted by the German Nassaus (which had four of their six twin turrets on the "wings"),[48] or the Italian Dante Alighieri and Russian Gangut-class battleships that mounted their guns all on the centerline, but with restricted arcs of fire for half of the guns.[49] The South Carolinas dispensed with Dreadnought's wing turrets, adopting instead a superfiring arrangement of eight guns in four twin turrets, which gave them the same broadside as Dreadnought, despite having two fewer guns.[44]
Technological development continued over the decade that followed Dreadnought's launch. Already by 1910, the British had begun the first of the so-called "super-dreadnoughts" that carried significantly more powerful 13.5-inch (340 mm) guns, all on the centerline. The United States followed suit in 1911, though increasing the caliber of their guns to 14 inches (356 mm). France adopted a 13.4 in (340 mm) gun for its Bretagne-class battleships, laid down in 1912. That year, Japan laid down the first of its Fusō-class battleships, also armed with a 14-inch main battery. The Germans waited until 1913, but skipped directly to 15-inch (381 mm) guns. By this time, Britain had led the way to the 15-inch gun with the Queen Elizabeth class begun in late 1912. But more importantly than the increase of caliber, these were the first completely oil-fired battleships these were the first fast battleships.[50][51] At around the same time, the United States introduced the next major innovation in battleship design: the all or nothing armor system in the Nevada class laid down in 1912. The heaviest possible armor was used to protect the ship's propulsion machinery and ammunition magazines, but intermediate protection was stripped away from non-essential areas, since this mid-weight armor only served to detonate armor-piercing shells.[52]
World War I
[edit]
By the start of World War I in July 1914, the Royal Navy's Grand Fleet outnumbered the German High Seas Fleet by 21 to 13 in numbers of dreadnought battleships and 4 to 3 in battlecruisers. And over the course of the war, Britain would add another 14 dreadnoughts, while Germany completed another 6.[53][54][c] German strategy presumed that Britain would launch an immediate offensive into the southern North Sea, but the British preferred to establish a distant blockade, which very quickly stopped German maritime trade.[57][58] Both sides were aware that, because of the greater number of British dreadnoughts, a full fleet engagement would be likely to result in a British victory. The German strategy was therefore to try to provoke an engagement on their terms: either to induce a part of the Grand Fleet to enter battle alone, or to fight a pitched battle near the German coastline, where friendly minefields, torpedo-boats and submarines could be used to even the odds.[59] The British fleet commander, Admiral John Jellicoe, refused to be drawn into unfavorable conditions and enforced the blockade at the English Channel and between Scotland and Norway.[60]
In the Baltic Sea, Germany found itself in the reverse situation, in an even more lopsided fashion versus its Russian opponent. The Russian Baltic Fleet had only four dreadnoughts at the start of the war, so they adopted a purely defensive approach to guard the capital at Petrograd and the northern flank of the Russian army units fighting on the Eastern Front.[61] In the Mediterranean Sea, Italy initially remained neutral, despite being a member of the Triple Alliance with Germany and Austria-Hungary, leaving the latter to face the French Navy and British Mediterranean Fleet alone. After ensuring the French army units in French North Africa were safely convoyed to France, the French fleet sailed to the Adriatic Sea to blockade the Austro-Hungarian fleet, which refused to leave their fortified bases. The French, like the other major European naval commanders, had failed to consider that their opponents would not concede to engaging in battle on terms unfavorable to them. The Adriatic quickly turned into another stalemate as the threat of Austro-Hungarian mines and submarines prevented a more aggressive employment of the French fleet.[62]

The Germans embarked on a number of sweeps into the North Sea and raids on British coastal towns to draw out part of the Grand Fleet, which would be isolated and destroyed. These included the raid on Scarborough, Hartlepool and Whitby, where the Germans nearly caught an isolated British battle squadron, but turned away, thinking that it was the entire Grand Fleet. This strategy ultimately led to the Battle of Jutland on 31 May – 1 June 1916, the largest clash of battleship fleets. The first stage of the battle was fought largely by the two sides' battlecruiser squadrons, though the British were supported by four of the Queen Elizabeth-class battleships. After both battleship fleets engaged, the British crossed the Germans' "T" twice, but the latter managed to extricate themselves from the action as darkness fell. Early on 1 June, the High Seas Fleet had reached port. In the course of the fighting, three British battlecruisers were destroyed, as was one German battlecruiser and the old pre-dreadnought Pommern. Numerous cruisers and destroyers were lost on both sides as well.[63][64]
The Germans made two further offensive operations in the months after Jutland. The first, which led to the inconclusive action of 19 August, saw one German battleship torpedoed by a British submarine and two British cruisers sunk by German U-boats. This incident convinced the British that the risks posed by submarines were too great to send the Grand Fleet into the southern North Sea, barring exceptional circumstances like a German invasion of Britain. In the second German operation, which took place on 18–19 October, a German cruiser was damaged by a submarine and the Grand Fleet remained in port. By this time, the Germans were similarly convinced of the futility of their attempts to isolate part of the British fleet, and discontinued such raids. They instead turned to unrestricted submarine warfare, which resulted in their battleships being reduced to a supporting force that guarded the U-boat bases.[58][65]
In the Baltic, the Germans made two attempts to capture the islands in the Gulf of Riga. The first came in August 1915, and in the ensuing Battle of the Gulf of Riga, a pair of German dreadnoughts engaged in an artillery duel at long range with the Russian pre-dreadnought Slava guarding the minefields that protected the gulf. The Germans drove off the Russian ship, cleared the minefield, but by the time they entered the gulf, submarines had reportedly arrived. Unwilling to risk the battleships in the shallow, confined waters of the gulf, the Germans retreated. The second attempt—Operation Albion—took place in October 1917. During the Battle of Moon Sound, another pair of German dreadnoughts damaged Slava so badly that she had to be scuttled, and the Germans completed their amphibious assault on the islands.[66]
The modern units of the French and British fleets in the Mediterranean spent much of the war guarding the entrance to the Adriatic, first based at Malta and later moving to Corfu. They saw very little action through the war.[67] In May 1915, Italy entered the war on the side of the Triple Entente, declaring war on their former allies; the Austro-Hungarians, who were prepared for the betrayal, sailed with the bulk of their fleet to raid the Italian coast on the first hours of the war on 24 May; the battleships were sent to bombard Ancona, but there were no heavy Italian or French units close enough to intervene. For their part, the Italians were content to reinforce the blockading force guarding the Adriatic, as they, too, were unwilling to risk their capital ships in the mine and submarine infested waters of the Austrian Littoral. Instead, light forces carried out most of the operations.[68] Meanwhile, several French and British pre-dreadnoughts were sent to attack the Ottoman defenses guarding the Dardanelles. In the ensuing naval operations from February to March 1915, several battleships were sunk or damaged by mines and torpedoes. When the fleets failed to break through the defenses, the British and French decided to land at Gallipoli to try to take the fortifications by land; the remaining battleships were thereafter used to provide naval gunfire support. This, too, ultimately failed and by January 1916, the British and French withdrew their troops.[69]

Russian battleships saw more action in the Black Sea against their Ottoman opponents. The Ottomans had the battlecruiser Yavuz Sultan Selim (formerly the German Goeben), which the Russians attempted to destroy in a series of short engagements, including the Battle of Cape Sarych in November 1914, the Action of 10 May 1915, and the Action of 8 January 1916, though they were unsuccessful in all three attempts, primarily because the faster Yavuz Sultan Selim could easily escape from the more numerous but slow Russian pre-dreadnoughts. By 1916, the Russians had completed a pair of dreadnoughts in the Black Sea, which severely curtailed Ottoman freedom of maneuver.[70]
In the course of the war, older pre-dreadnoughts proved to be highly vulnerable to underwater damage, whether by naval mine or ship-launched or submarine-delivered torpedoes. HMS Formidable was sunk by a German U-boat in the English Channel in 1915.[71] At the Dardanelles, HMS Majestic was sunk by a German U-boat, HMS Goliath was sunk by the Ottoman destroyer Muavenet-i Milliye. The British Ocean and Irresistible and the French Bouvet were all sunk by mines.[72][73] HMS Russell and HMS Cornwallis were both sunk by mines in the Mediterranean in 1916 and 1917, respectively. HMS King Edward VII was similarly mined and sunk off the British coast in 1916, and HMS Britannia was sunk by a U-boat in the final days of the war.[74] The French Gaulois Suffren were sunk by U-boats in 1916, and Danton was torpedoed and sunk by a U-boat in 1917[75] At Jutland, the only battleship lost was the old pre-dreadnought Pommern, which was torpedoed by a destroyer.[76]
In contrast, dreadnoughts proved to be much more resilient to underwater attack. HMS Marlborough was damaged by a torpedo at Jutland, but nevertheless returned to port.[77] The German SMS Westfalen was torpedoed at the action of 19 August 1916,[78] and SMS Grosser Kurfürst and Kronprinz were torpedoed by the same submarine in November 1917; all three survived.[79] SMS Bayern was mined during Operation Albion and remained in action against Russian artillery batteries for some time thereafter.[80] Dreadnoughts lost to underwater attack were rare. HMS Audacious was sunk by a mine in October 1914,[81] the Austro-Hungarian SMS Szent Istvan was sunk by Italian MAS boats in June 1918, and five months later, Italian frogmen sank Viribus Unitis using a powerful limpet mine.[82]
Inter-war period
[edit]
In the immediate aftermath of the war, the most modern units of the German fleet was interned at Scapa Flow, where in June 1919, their crews scuttled the fleet to avoid it being handed over to the Allies. The remaining dreadnoughts still in German ports were therefore seized as compensation for the scuttled ships. The postwar Reichsmarine of Weimar Germany was limited to a contingent of eight old pre-dreadnoughts (of which two would be kept in reserve) under the terms of the Treaty of Versailles; new battleships were subject to severe restrictions on size and armament.[83] The surviving battleships of Austria-Hungary, the other defeated Central Power, were soon distributed among the Allies, to be broken up.[84]
While the other major naval powers remained free to build new battleships, most of them were financially crippled after the war. The prospect of a renewed naval arms race between the United States, United Kingdom, and Japan, appealed to few politicians in the three countries, and so they concluded the Washington Naval Treaty in 1922, which also included Italy and France. The treaty limited the number and size of battleships, and imposed a ten-year building holiday, along with other provisions. The treaty also imposed a ratio of 5:5:3 on total displacement of battleships for the US, UK, and Japan, respectively, and it severed the Anglo-Japanese Alliance.[85][86][87] The only exceptions to the building holiday were for the two British Nelson-class battleships, which were permitted to give Britain parity with the latest American and Japanese battleships, which were all armed with 16-inch (406 mm) guns.[88]

The Washington treaty was followed by a series of other naval treaties, including the First London Naval Treaty (1930) and the Second London Naval Treaty (1936), which both set additional limits on major warships.[89] The treaty limitations meant that fewer new battleships were launched in 1919–1939 than in 1905–1914. The treaties also inhibited development by imposing upper limits on the weights of ships. Designs like the projected British N3-class battleship, the first American South Dakota class, and the Japanese Kii class—all of which continued the trend to larger ships with bigger guns and thicker armor—never got off the drawing board. Those designs which were commissioned during this period were referred to as treaty battleships.[90] The collapse of the treaty system began during the negotiations for the Second London Treaty, where Japan demanded parity with Britain and the US, which the latter two flatly rejected. Japan withdrew from the treaty system in 1936, though the agreements remained in effect until January 1937.[91]
Rise of air power
[edit]
As early as 1914, the British Admiral Percy Scott predicted that battleships would soon be made irrelevant by aircraft.[92] Between 1916 and 1918, US Admiral William Fullam published a series of papers stating that aircraft would become an independent strike arm of the fleet, and argued that the Lexington-class battlecruisers then under construction should be converted to aircraft carriers than scrapped.[93] By the end of World War I, aircraft had successfully adopted the torpedo as a weapon. In 1921 the Italian general and air theorist Giulio Douhet completed a hugely influential treatise on strategic bombing titled The Command of the Air, which foresaw the dominance of air power over conventional military and naval forces.[94]
In 1921, US General Billy Mitchell used the ex-German dreadnought SMS Ostfriesland in a series of bombing tests conducted by the Navy and Army. The test involved a series of attacks on the stationary, unmanned ships using low-level, land-based bombers dropping bombs that ranged from 550 to 2,000 pounds (250 to 910 kg). Ostfriesland was sunk by the heaviest bombs, though Mitchell broke the rules of the tests and the subsequent report concluded that had the ship been crewed, underway, and firing back at the aircraft, damage control teams aboard Ostfriesland could have managed any damage inflicted. Mitchell and his supporters nevertheless embarked on a public campaign that falsely claimed that Ostfriesland was a super-battleship, and the quick sinking proved that battleships were obsolete. Mitchell would eventually be subjected to a court martial, convicted, and discharged from the Army over his insubordinate tactics.[95]
Naval aviation traces its origin back to the first decade of the 20th century, though early efforts were based on using aircraft to scout for the fleet and help direct gunfire at long range. A number of experimental aircraft carriers were employed during World War I, primarily by the Royal Navy, all converted from merchant vessels or existing warships. The US Navy completed its first carrier, USS Langley, in 1922. But aircraft carriers in the 1920s faced a number of challenges to be overcome: aircraft of the day were short-ranged, which meant the carrier had to be very close to the enemy to be able to launch and then recover a strike, which exposed the carriers to attack. In addition, the available planes had insufficient power to carry meaningful bomb loads. Early naval aviators nevertheless pioneered effective tactics like dive bombing during this period.[96][97]
Fast battleships and the end of the treaty system
[edit]
Because the Washington Treaty system precluded the construction of any new battleships until the early 1930s, the major naval powers began a program of modernization for their most effective battleships. Britain conducted a series of refits to their Queen Elizabeth-class battleships through the 1920s, adding anti-torpedo bulges, additional anti-aircraft guns, and aircraft catapults; further refits in the 1930s increased armor protection and further strengthened their anti-aircraft batteries. The Revenge-class battleships were less heavily modified during the period. The US Florida, Wyoming class, and New York classes received similar treatments in the 1920s, while the Nevada| and Pennsylvaniaes received new turbines, additional armor, and more anti-aircraft guns. The Japanese similarly updated their Fusō, Ise, and Nagato-class battleships, and rebuilt three of the four Kongō-class battlecruisers into fast battleships, albeit with significantly inferior protection compared to the other ships. They all also received distinctive pagoda masts. Hiei was initially disarmed to serve as a training ship under the terms of the Washington Treaty, but was remilitarized in the late 1930s. In the 1930s, all four classes were lengthened and had their propulsion systems improved to increase their speeds.[98]
The French and Italian navies were exempted from the 10-year building holiday, owing to the comparative obsolescence of their battleships; they were permitted to build 70,000 long tons (71,000 t) worth of battleships. But the weak economies of both countries led both to defer new construction until Germany began building the Deutschland class of heavily armed cruiser at the end of the 1920s. This prompted the French to build the Dunkerque class of small, fast battleships armed with 13 in (330 mm) guns, which led to a short arms race in Europe in the mid-1930s. The Italians responded with the significantly larger and more powerful Littorio class, armed with 15-inch guns. The French, in turn, began the Richelieu-class battleships to counter the Littorios.[99] By this time, Nazi Germany had signed the Anglo-German Naval Agreement in 1935, which removed the restrictions imposed by Versailles and pegged German naval strength to 35% of British tonnage. This permitted the construction of two Scharnhorst-class battleships, which were also a response to the Dunkerques. The advent of the Richelieus prompted the Germans to build the two Bismarck-class battleships late in the decade.[100] The Germans thereafter embarked on the ambitious Plan Z naval construction program, which included a total of eight battleships, of which the Bismarcks would be the first two.[101]
Against the backdrop of European rearmament in the mid-1930s, Britain began planning its first battleship class in a decade: the King George V class. These were armed with 14-inch guns intended to comply with the terms of the Second London Naval Conference, and they were laid down in 1937. The United States began their North Carolina class at the same time, and though they were intended to be armed with 14-inch guns, Japan's refusal to agree to the Second London Treaty led the US to invoke a clause of the treaty that allowed an increase to 16-inch guns. In 1939, these were followed by the four South Dakota-class battleships, and in 1940 by the first of four Iowa-class battleships.[102] For its part, Japan had decided to embark on a program of four very large Yamato-class battleships, armed with 18-inch (457 mm) guns, as early as 1934,[103] though work did not begin on the first ship until late 1937.[104]
World War II
[edit]European theater
[edit]
The German pre-dreadnought Schleswig-Holstein fired the first shots of World War II by initiating the bombardment of the Polish garrison at Westerplatte in the early hours on 1 September 1939.[105] The German Scharnhorst-class battleships caught the British carrier HMS Glorious off the coast of Norway and sank her during the Norwegian campaign.[106] Following the collapse of France in June 1940 and subsequent surrender, the British embarked on a campaign to neutralize or destroy French battleships that might be seized to reinforce the German fleet, including the attack on Mers-el-Kébir and the Battle of Dakar in July and September, respectively. In the former action, the British sank a pair of older Bretagne-class battleships and the fast battleship Dunkerque, though the latter was refloated and repaired. At Dakar, the French battleship Richelieu and other forces fended off the British task force, which resulted in the torpedoing of the battleship HMS Resolution, which was severely damaged.[107]
Italy entered the war in June 1940, shortly before the French defeat. In November, the British launched a nighttime airstrike on the naval base at Taranto; in the Battle of Taranto, Fairey Swordfish torpedo bombers disabled three Italian battleships, though they were subsequently repaired. Over the next year, Italian and British battleships engaged in a number of inconclusive actions as they contested the supply lines to North Africa. These included the Battle of Cape Spartivento in November 1940 and the Battle of Cape Matapan in March 1941. At Matapan, the battleship Vittorio Veneto was badly damaged by a Swordfish, though the ship returned to port. The British battleships Valiant, Warspite, and Barham nevertheless caught a group of three heavy cruisers that evening and destroyed them in a furious, close-range night action. Convoy battles continued through 1941 and into 1942, with actions such as First and Second Sirte. By 1943, Italian operations were sharply reduced due to a shortage of fuel, and after the Allied invasion of Italy, the country surrendered, allowing most of its fleet to be interned at Malta. While on the way, the battleship Roma was sunk by a German Fritz X guided glide bomb.[108][109]
In the meantime, in January 1941, the Germans began to send their few battleships on commerce raiding operations in the Atlantic, starting with the two Scharnhorst-class ships in Operation Berlin, which was not particularly successful. Bismarck followed with Operation Rheinübung in May, which resulted in two actions, the Battle of the Denmark Strait and the sinking of Bismarck. During the operation, Bismarck was crippled by Swordfish torpedo bombers, which allowed a pair of British battleships to catch and destroy her. By 1942, the last operational German battleships—Tirpitz and Scharnhorst—were sent to occupied Norway to serve as a fleet in being to tie down British naval resources and to attack supply convoys to the Soviet Union. The battleship HMS Duke of York eventually sank Scharnhorst at the Battle of North Cape in December 1943, and Tirpitz was destroyed by British heavy bombers in 1944.[110]
Pacific theater
[edit]
On 7 December 1941, the Japanese launched a surprise attack on the US naval base at Pearl Harbor. Over the course of two waves of dive-, level- and torpedo bombers, the Japanese sank or destroyed five battleships and inflicted serious damage to the facilities there. Three days later, land-based Japanese aircraft operating out of French Indochina, then occupied by Japan, caught and sank the British battleship HMS Prince of Wales and the battlecruiser HMS Repulse off the coast of British Malaya. Though the Taranto and Pearl Harbor strikes were significant steps toward aircraft replacing the battleship as the primary naval striking arm, the sinking of Prince of Wales and Repulse marked the first time aircraft had sunk capital ships that were maneuvering and returning fire.[111][d]
Employment of battleships during the Pacific War was limited by a number of factors. Japanese strategic doctrine, the Kantai Kessen, envisioned a decisive clash of battleships at the end of the war, and so kept most of their battleships in home waters,[113] and only the four Kongōs were routinely detached to escort the aircraft carriers of the Kido Butai.[114] For their part, the US kept its surviving pre-war battleships out of action primarily because they were too slow to keep up with the carriers. Later in the war, they were employed as coastal bombardment vessels.[115] Nevertheless, American and Japanese battleships saw significant action during the Guadalcanal campaign in 1942, most notably at the Naval Battle of Guadalcanal in November. There, an American squadron centered on the battleships Washington and South Dakota intercepted and sank the battleship Kirishima, though South Dakota received significant damage in return.[116] As more and more of the American fast battleships entered service from 1942, onward, they were frequently used as escorts for the fast carrier task force that was the US Navy's primary striking arm in its campaign across the central Pacific.[117][118]
During the Philippines campaign, battleships played a central role during the Battle of Leyte Gulf in October 1944. The action was one of the largest naval battles in history, which took place over several days and as three Japanese fleets attacked the Allied invasion fleet. The Japanese battleship Musashi, part of Center Force, was sunk by American carrier aircraft during the Battle of Sibuyan Sea on 24 October. During the Battle of Surigao Strait the following night, several US battleships that had been repaired from the attack on Pearl Harbor defeated the Japanese Southern Force that included a pair of battleships. Center Force attacked again on 25 October and in the Battle off Samar, but was driven off by destroyers and aircraft from several escort carriers.[119][120] During the Battle of Okinawa in April 1945, Japan sent Yamato as a final suicide mission to attack the landing beaches and attempt to stop the invasion of the island. American aircraft scored between nine and thirteen torpedo hits and six bomb hits on the ship and sank her. Haruna was sunk by US aircraft off Kure, Japan, in July. Only Nagato survived the war.[121][122] The war ended with the Japanese surrender aboard the battleship USS Missouri in September 1945.[123]
Cold War: end of the battleship era
[edit]
After World War II, several navies retained their existing battleships, but most were either placed in their reserve fleets or scrapped outright. Of their surviving pre-war battleships, most of the American vessels were either scrapped or sunk as target ships by 1948, though the most modern vessels, those of the Tennessee and Maryland classes, survived until the late 1950s and early 1960s. One of the earlier vessels, USS Texas, was preserved as a museum ship. The four King George V-class ships were all broken up by 1957, Only two battleships—the British HMS Vanguard and the French Jean Bart—were completed after the war. Vanguard did not long outlast the King George Vs, being scrapped herself in 1960. Jean Bart (and her sister Richelieu) remained in the French fleet's inventory until the early 1960s, when they were discarded. Three of the six American North Carolina- and South Dakota-class ships were similarly scrapped in the early 1960s, but the other three—North Carolina, Massachusetts, and Alabama—were retained as museum ships. With the reduced naval budgets of the immediate postwar period, the US Navy chose to concentrate its resources on its carrier force.[124][125] Besides the rise of aircraft carriers as the preeminent naval striking force, the advent of nuclear weapons influenced the decision to abandon large battleship fleets. In 1946, Nagato, which was seized by the US, and four American battleships were used during the Operation Crossroads nuclear weapons tests, though three of the American ships survived the two blasts and were later sunk with conventional weapons.[126]
Of the remaining, smaller battleships fleets, Italy retained its two Andrea Doria-class battleships, of 1913 vintage, until the late 1950s and early 1960s, when they were scrapped. One other battleship, Giulio Cesare was taken by the Soviets as reparations and renamed Novorossiysk; she was sunk by a mine in the Black Sea on 29 October 1955. The two surviving Littorio-class ships were taken by the US and UK as war reparations and scrapped in the late 1940s. The Soviets still had a pair of World War I-era battleships—Parizhskaya Kommuna and Gangut—, but they, too, were scrapped in the late 1950s. The three large South American navies still had a handful of pre-World War I dreadnoughts in service after the war. Brazil eventually discarded its two Minas Gerais-class battleships in the early 1950s; Argentina sold its two Rivadavia-class battleships in 1956; the last ship in the region, the Chilean Almirante Latorre, followed them to the breakers' yard in 1959.[127]

The four Iowa-class battleships were the only vessels of the type to see significant combat after World War II. All four ships were reactivated for gunfire support duties during the Korean War in the early 1950s, and New Jersey was also deployed during the Vietnam War in 1968–1969 for the same task. All four ships were modernized in the early 1980s with Tomahawk cruise missiles, Harpoon anti-ship missiles, and Phalanx CIWS systems, along with the latest radar systems. They were recommissioned as part of the 600-ship Navy program under President Ronald Reagan. New Jersey next saw action in 1982, bombarding Syrian artillery during the Lebanese Civil War. Missouri and Wisconsin took part in Operation Desert Storm against Iraqi forces in 1991, bombarding enemy positions along the coast. The ships proved to be expensive to operate, and they required thousands of men to keep in service, so Iowa and New Jersey were already back in reserve by that time, and Missouri and Wisconsin were also decommissioned by the end of 1991. All four were struck from the Naval Vessel Register in 1995.[128]
When the last Iowa-class ship was finally stricken from the Naval Vessel Registry, no battleships remained in service or in reserve with any navy worldwide. A number are preserved as museum ships, either afloat or in drydock. The U.S. has eight battleships on display: Massachusetts, North Carolina, Alabama, Iowa, New Jersey, Missouri, Wisconsin, and Texas. Missouri and New Jersey are museums at Pearl Harbor and Camden, New Jersey, respectively. Iowa is on display as an educational attraction at the Los Angeles Waterfront in San Pedro, California. Wisconsin now serves as a museum ship in Norfolk, Virginia.[129] Massachusetts, which has the distinction of never having lost a man during service, is on display at the Battleship Cove naval museum in Fall River, Massachusetts.[130] Texas, the first battleship turned into a museum, is normally on display at the San Jacinto Battleground State Historic Site, near Houston, but as of 2021 is closed for repairs.[131] North Carolina is on display in Wilmington, North Carolina.[132] Alabama is on display in Mobile, Alabama.[133] The USS Arizona Memorial was erected over the wreck of Arizona, which was sunk during the Pearl Harbor attack in 1941, to commemorate those killed in the raid.[134] Memorials were also placed to mark the wreck of Utah, also sunk during the attack.[135] The only other 20th-century battleship on display is the Japanese pre-dreadnought Mikasa, preserved since 1923.[136]
Strategy and doctrine
[edit]Doctrine
[edit]
For much of their existence, battleships were the embodiment of sea power. The American naval officer Alfred Thayer Mahan argued in his seminal 1890 work, The Influence of Sea Power upon History, a strong navy was vital to the success of a nation, and control of the seas was a prerequisite for the projection of force. Conversely, countries with weak navies would inevitably decline. Mahan argued that the cruiser warfare advocated by the Jeune Ecole could never be decisive, and that only fleets of battleships could control sea lanes and enforce blockades of an enemy's coast. The book proved to be widely influential across the world's navies; it was translated into German in 1896, where it was used to support the German naval expansion program championed by Alfred von Tirpitz. A Japanese-language translation also appeared in 1896, and it soon became required reading at the Japanese naval academy. By the end of the decade, Russian, French, Italian, and Spanish versions were produced.[137][138][139]
A competing doctrine, that of the "fleet in being" dates at least as far back as the 17th century Royal Navy; its commander, Lord Torrington, argued that his fleet, though significantly outnumbered by the French navy of the day, posed enough of a risk as to dissuade a French attempt to invade England.[140] The "fleet in being" in part acts as a deterrent against attack.[141] The concept underpinned Tirpitz's so-called "risk theory" that was the basis of his program to build a German battle fleet. Even if the Royal Navy maintained a numerical superiority, the risk that the German fleet would inflict grievous damage even in the case of a British victory would militate against any such battle taking place, and Germany would be free to pursue its global ambitions.[142]
Tactics
[edit]
By the 1890s, naval tacticians had developed a number of formations in which to employ battleships. The most prominent were referred to as "line ahead" and "line abreast". The former, the standard tactic during the age of sail, arrayed ships in a single-file line, which emphasized broadside fire. The latter placed ships side-by-side, which was suited to close-range melees where ramming and torpedoes could be effectively employed; after Tegetthoff's success at Lissa in 1866 used a modified line abreast formation, the tactic enjoyed a period of popularity for several years. By the 1880s, line-ahead tactics had returned to prominence.[143][144] Royal Navy officers devised the tactic referred to as "crossing the T" of an enemy fleet, whereby one fleet steaming in line-ahead formation crossed in front of another line of battleships. This maneuver would allow one's own battleships to concentrate entire broadsides on the leading enemy ship, while one's opponent could only reply with their forward guns. Many navies adopted the tactic soon thereafter.[145][146]
As the threat of underwater attack, including mines and torpedoes, developed after the 1860s, capital ships could no longer maintain close blockades of enemy ports. This required smaller, faster scouts to observe hostile ports so that an enemy fleet could be brought to battle. Modern cruisers began to be built in the 1880s for this purpose.[147] Almost immediately after the invention of the airplane, navies recognized its potential as a reconnaissance unit for the fleet's battleships.[148]
The Austro-Hungarian Navy, then following the Jeune École doctrine of the 1870s and 1880s, devised the tactic of placing torpedo boats alongside battleships; these would hide behind the larger ships until gun-smoke obscured visibility enough for them to dart out and fire their torpedoes.[149] While this tactic was made less effective by the development of smokeless propellant,[150] the threat from more capable torpedo craft (later including submarines) remained. By the 1890s, the Royal Navy had developed the first destroyers, which were initially designed to intercept and drive off any attacking torpedo boats. The other major naval powers quickly followed suit with similar vessels of their own.[151]
Psychological and diplomatic impact
[edit]The presence of battleships had a great psychological and diplomatic impact. Similar to possessing nuclear weapons in the second half of the 20th century, the ownership of battleships marked a country as a regional or global power, and the ability to build them domestically signified that a country could claim to be a great power.[152]
Even during the Cold War, the psychological impact of a battleship was significant. In 1946, USS Missouri was dispatched to deliver the remains of the ambassador from Turkey, and her presence in Turkish and Greek waters staved off a possible Soviet thrust into the Balkan region.[153] In September 1983, when Druze militia in Lebanon's Shouf Mountains fired upon U.S. Marine peacekeepers, the arrival of USS New Jersey stopped the firing. Gunfire from New Jersey later killed militia leaders.[154]
Cost-effectiveness
[edit]Battleships were the largest and most complex, and hence the most expensive warships of their time; as a result, the value of investment in battleships has always been contested. As the French politician Etienne Lamy wrote in 1879, "The construction of battleships is so costly, their effectiveness so uncertain and of such short duration, that the enterprise of creating an armored fleet seems to leave fruitless the perseverance of a people".[155] The Jeune École school of thought of the 1870s and 1880s sought alternatives to the crippling expense and debatable utility of a conventional battlefleet. It proposed what would nowadays be termed a sea denial strategy, based on fast, long-ranged cruisers for commerce raiding and torpedo boat flotillas to attack enemy ships attempting to blockade French ports. The ideas of the Jeune École were ahead of their time; it was not until the 20th century that efficient mines, torpedoes, submarines, and aircraft were available that allowed similar ideas to be effectively implemented.[156] The determination of powers such as Germany to build battlefleets with which to confront much stronger rivals has been criticized by historians, who emphasize the futility of investment in a battlefleet that has no chance of matching its opponent in an actual battle.[141]
Former operators
[edit]
Austro-Hungarian Navy: lost its entire navy following the collapse of the Empire at the end of World War I.[157]
Turkish Naval Forces: sole surviving battleship TCG Turgut Reis was scrapped in 1956.[158]
Spanish Navy: lost its two surviving España-class battleships during the Spanish Civil War, both in 1937.[159]
Royal Hellenic Navy: lost its two Mississippi-class battleships during the German bombing of Salamis in 1941.[160]
Kriegsmarine: scuttled its two surviving Deutschland-class battleships in 1945, during the closing months of World War II.[161]
Imperial Japanese Navy: surrendered its sole surviving battleship, Nagato, to the United States following World War II.[136]
Brazilian Navy: sold its last battleship, Minas Geraes, for scrap in 1953.[162]
Italian Navy: decommissioned its Andrea Doria-class battleship in 1961.[163]
Soviet Navy: scrapped its last Gangut-class battleship in 1959.[164]
Argentine Navy: sold its last battleships, Rivadavia and Moreno, in 1956.[165]
Chilean Navy: sold its last battleship, Almirante Latorre, in 1959.[166]
Royal Navy: scrapped its last battleship, HMS Vanguard, in 1960.[167]
French Navy: scrapped its last battleship, Jean Bart, in 1970.[168]
United States Navy: decommissioned its last battleship, USS Missouri, in 1991.[125]
See also
[edit]Footnotes
[edit]Notes
[edit]- ^ The actual effectiveness of the guns has been called into question by modern historians such as Lawrence Sondhaus, who states that "to draw such "lessons" one had to ignore that it took six hours for Nakhimov to destroy the Turco-Egyptian squadron, despite the fact that he had six ships of the line with over 600 guns and that Osman Pasha's largest warships were frigates. Competent gunnery using solid shot alone would have achieved the same outcome."[11] John Beeler agrees, stating that "the effects of explosive shell, supposedly the death-knell of the wooden warship, have been considerably overrated by most naval historians."[12]
- ^ Sondhaus states that the Royal Sovereigns "...set the standard for battleship construction for the next seventeen years, until their general concept was rendered obsolete by the all-big-gun Dreadnought.[28]
- ^ Curiously, Herwig states that "Germany [added] 2 Dreadnoughts to [its]...fleet",[55] seemingly referring to the two Bayern-class battleships completed in 1916, but omitting the four König-class battleships that entered service in the first months of the war.[56]
- ^ Though World War II ultimately saw this process come to fruition, the first two years of the war in Europe proved to be inconclusive; the attacks at Taranto and Pearl Harbor had only managed to sink battleships at anchor, providing limited resistance. Only the torpedoing of Bismarck by Ark Royal in 1941 had pointed toward the dominance of aircraft carriers, but Bismarck was only destroyed by British battleships.[112]
Citations
[edit]- ^ Gardiner 2011, p. 7–9, 12.
- ^ Sondhaus 2001, pp. 1–2.
- ^ Gardiner 2011, p. 9.
- ^ Sondhaus 2001, pp. 18–22, 27–30, 36–40.
- ^ Gardiner & Lambert 2001, p. 39.
- ^ Lambert 1984, pp. 144–147.
- ^ Sondhaus 2001, pp. 40–41, 55–57.
- ^ Sondhaus 2001, pp. 23, 29.
- ^ Tucker 1989, p. 149.
- ^ Lambert 1990, pp. 60–61.
- ^ a b Sondhaus 2001, p. 58.
- ^ Beeler 2001, p. 34.
- ^ Clowes 1970, pp. 54–55, 63, 68.
- ^ Wilson 1896, p. 240.
- ^ Sondhaus 2001, pp. 58–61.
- ^ Lambert 1984, pp. 92–96.
- ^ Gibbons 1983, pp. 28–31.
- ^ Sondhaus 2001, pp. 73–75.
- ^ Sondhaus 2001, pp. 76–78.
- ^ Gardiner & Lambert 2001, p. 96.
- ^ Sondhaus 2001, pp. 87–89.
- ^ Beeler 2001, p. 21.
- ^ Chesneau & Kolesnik 1979, pp. 30, 340.
- ^ Ropp 1987, pp. 98–100.
- ^ Sondhaus 2001, pp. 139–141.
- ^ Brown 1997, pp. 115–117.
- ^ Chesneau & Kolesnik 1979, p. 32.
- ^ Sondhaus 2001, p. 162.
- ^ Chesneau & Kolesnik 1979, pp. 33–34.
- ^ Chesneau & Kolesnik 1979, pp. 140, 180, 221, 247, 272, 292.
- ^ Chesneau & Kolesnik 1979, pp. 33–37, 140–142, 180–184, 221–222, 247–249, 272–273, 292–297.
- ^ Sondhaus 2001, pp. 164–166.
- ^ Chesneau & Kolesnik 1979, pp. 38–40, 143–144, 184–185, 297.
- ^ Gardiner & Lambert 2001, pp. 125–126.
- ^ Jordan 2013, pp. 48–49.
- ^ Sondhaus 2001, pp. 179–181.
- ^ Kennedy 1983, p. 209.
- ^ Chesneau & Kolesnik 1979, pp. 360–410.
- ^ Sondhaus 2001, pp. 176–177.
- ^ Sondhaus 2001, pp. 187–191.
- ^ Sondhaus 2001, pp. 189–191, 197–198.
- ^ Sondhaus 2001, p. 198.
- ^ Dodson 2016, pp. 73–74.
- ^ a b Grove 2011, pp. 179–196.
- ^ Sondhaus 2001, pp. 198–201.
- ^ Burr 2006, pp. 4–7.
- ^ Gibbons 1983, pp. 170–171.
- ^ Gardiner & Gray 1985, p. 145.
- ^ Gardiner & Gray 1985, pp. 259, 302.
- ^ Gardiner & Gray 1985, pp. 28, 33–34, 115, 149, 198, 229.
- ^ Greger 1997, p. 101.
- ^ Gardiner & Gray 1985, p. 115.
- ^ Herwig 1987, pp. 144–145.
- ^ Gardiner & Gray 1985, pp. 145–149.
- ^ Herwig 1987, p. 144.
- ^ Gardiner & Gray 1985, pp. 147–149.
- ^ Herwig 1987, pp. 148–149.
- ^ a b Gardiner & Gray 1985, p. 136.
- ^ Keegan 1999, p. 289.
- ^ Massie 2005, pp. 73–76.
- ^ Gardiner & Gray 1985, pp. 291–292.
- ^ Halpern 2005, pp. 52–61.
- ^ Herwig 1987, pp. 149–150, 178–188.
- ^ Tarrant 1995, pp. 31–33, 153, 165, 177–181.
- ^ Massie 2005, pp. 683–684.
- ^ Halpern 2005, pp. 196–198, 214–218.
- ^ Jordan & Caresse 2017, pp. 257–260, 274–279.
- ^ Halpern 2005, pp. 144–147.
- ^ Jordan & Caresse 2017, pp. 260–268.
- ^ Halpern 2005, pp. 226–227, 232, 236–237.
- ^ Burt 2013, p. 202.
- ^ Burt 2013, pp. 131, 156–159, 174.
- ^ Jordan & Caresse 2017, p. 263.
- ^ Burt 2013, pp. 245–246, 287–290.
- ^ Jordan & Caresse 2017, pp. 271–272, 275.
- ^ Chesneau & Kolesnik 1979, p. 249.
- ^ Campbell 1998, pp. 179–180.
- ^ Massie 2005, p. 683.
- ^ Gardiner & Gray 1985, pp. 145, 148.
- ^ Halpern 2005, p. 215.
- ^ Gardiner & Gray 1985, p. 30.
- ^ Gardiner & Gray 1985, p. 332.
- ^ Gardiner & Chesneau 1980, p. 218.
- ^ Gardiner & Gray 1985, p. 329.
- ^ Friedman 1984, pp. 181–182.
- ^ Gardiner & Chesneau 1980, pp. 2, 90, 167, 255, 280.
- ^ Kennedy 1983, p. 277.
- ^ Gardiner & Chesneau 1980, p. 2.
- ^ Ireland & Grove 1997, pp. 124–126, 139–142.
- ^ Sumrall 1992, pp. 25–28.
- ^ Evans & Peattie 1997, pp. 297–298.
- ^ Kennedy 1983, p. 199.
- ^ Hone, Friedman & Mandeles 1999, pp. 25–26.
- ^ Budiansky 1998, pp. 136–137.
- ^ Budiansky 1998, pp. 147–151.
- ^ Gardiner & Gray 1985, pp. 64–71, 120.
- ^ Hone, Friedman & Mandeles 1999, pp. 13–15, 41–43.
- ^ Gardiner & Chesneau 1980, pp. 7–8, 91, 168, 171–173.
- ^ Jordan & Dumas 2009, pp. 15–21, 29–31.
- ^ Garzke & Dulin 1985, pp. 128, 204–205.
- ^ Gardiner & Chesneau 1980, p. 220.
- ^ Gardiner & Chesneau 1980, pp. 15, 97–99.
- ^ Evans & Peattie 1997, p. 295.
- ^ Gardiner & Chesneau 1980, p. 178.
- ^ Gibbons 1983, p. 163.
- ^ Gibbons 1983, pp. 246–247.
- ^ Jordan & Dumas 2009, pp. 75–84, 139–147.
- ^ Garzke & Dulin 1985, pp. 383–388, 405–407.
- ^ Whitley 1998, pp. 166–168, 172–176.
- ^ Garzke & Dulin 1985, pp. 140, 158, 170–176, 211–223, 248, 272.
- ^ Peattie 2007, pp. 168–170.
- ^ Peattie 2007, p. 130.
- ^ Gibbons 1983, pp. 262–263.
- ^ Peattie 2007, p. 172.
- ^ Gardiner & Chesneau 1980, p. 87.
- ^ Frank 1990, pp. 475–488.
- ^ Rohwer 2005, pp. 258, 303–306, 354, 364.
- ^ Marriott 2010, p. 194.
- ^ Wilmott 2015, pp. 73–74, 110–123, 165–182.
- ^ Whitley 1998, p. 216.
- ^ Jentschura, Jung & Mickel 1976, p. 39.
- ^ Gardiner & Chesneau 1980, pp. 171–172, 178.
- ^ Marriott 2010, p. 201.
- ^ Gardiner & Chesneau 1980, pp. 15–16, 90, 97–99, 260.
- ^ a b Marriott 2010, p. 206.
- ^ Marriott 2010, pp. 202, 205.
- ^ Gardiner & Chesneau 1980, pp. 284, 290, 322, 416, 419.
- ^ Marriott 2010, pp. 206–208.
- ^ "WCBC files lawsuit" Archived April 16, 2010, at the Wayback Machine. Associated Press. April 14, 2010. Retrieved April 15, 2010.
- ^ "Battleship Cove: Exhibits". USS Massachusetts Memorial Committee. Archived from the original on April 2, 2013. Retrieved April 21, 2013.
- ^ "Battleship Updates". The Battleship Texas Foundation. October 9, 2021. Archived from the original on October 21, 2021. Retrieved October 21, 2021.
- ^ Dennis 2024.
- ^ "Park Complete History". ussalabama.com. USS Alabama Battleship Memorial Park. 2017. Retrieved May 1, 2019.
- ^ "USS Arizona Memorial". Naval History and Heritage Command. Retrieved March 11, 2025.
- ^ "USS Utah Memorial". Naval History and Heritage Command. Retrieved March 11, 2025.
- ^ a b Gardiner & Chesneau 1980, p. 171.
- ^ Massie 2005, p. 9.
- ^ Herwig 1987, pp. 15, 40.
- ^ Sondhaus 2001, pp. 162–164.
- ^ Maltby 2009, p. 160.
- ^ a b Sondhaus 2001, p. 225.
- ^ Herwig 1987, pp. 36–37.
- ^ Wilson 1896, pp. 153–155.
- ^ Sondhaus 2001, pp. 42, 96, 171.
- ^ Sondhaus 2001, p. 189.
- ^ Tully 2009, p. 189.
- ^ Friedman 2012, p. 23.
- ^ Hone, Friedman & Mandeles 1999, pp. 14–15.
- ^ Sondhaus 2001, p. 145.
- ^ Dahl 2005, p. 119.
- ^ Sondhaus 2001, pp. 168–169.
- ^ Sondhaus 2001, p. 201.
- ^ "USS Missouri". Dictionary of American Naval Fighting Ships. Naval Historical Center. Archived from the original on April 9, 2010. Retrieved March 18, 2007.
- ^ "USS New Jersey". Dictionary of American Naval Fighting Ships. Archived from the original on February 3, 2007. Retrieved March 18, 2007.
- ^ Dahl 2005, p. 115.
- ^ Dahl 2005, pp. 122–124.
- ^ Gardiner & Gray 1985, p. 330.
- ^ Gardiner & Gray 1985, p. 390.
- ^ Gardiner & Chesneau 1980, p. 399.
- ^ Gardiner & Gray 1985, p. 384.
- ^ Gardiner & Chesneau 1980, p. 222.
- ^ Gardiner & Gray 1985, p. 404.
- ^ Gardiner & Chesneau 1980, p. 284.
- ^ Gardiner & Chesneau 1980, p. 322.
- ^ Gardiner & Gray 1985, p. 401.
- ^ Gardiner & Gray 1985, p. 408.
- ^ Gardiner & Chesneau 1980, p. 16.
- ^ Gardiner & Chesneau 1980, p. 260.
References
[edit]- Beeler, John (2001). Birth of the Battleship: British Capital Ship Design 1870–1881. Annapolis: Naval Institute Press. ISBN 978-1-55750-213-1.
- Brown, David K. (1997). Warrior to Dreadnought: Warship Development 1860–1905. London: Chatham. ISBN 978-1-86176-022-7.
- Budiansky, Stephen (1998). Air Power: The Men, Machines, and Ideas That Revolutionized War, from Kitty Hawk to Iraq. New York: Penguin Books. ISBN 978-0-14-303474-2.
- Burr, Lawrence (2006). British Battlecruisers 1914–18. New Vanguard No. 126. Oxford: Osprey Publishing. ISBN 978-1-84603-008-6.
- Burt, R. A. (2013) [1988]. British Battleships 1889–1904. Barnsley: Seaforth Publishing. ISBN 978-1-84832-173-1.
- Campbell, John (1998). Jutland: An Analysis of the Fighting. London: Conway Maritime Press. ISBN 978-1-55821-759-1.
- Chesneau, Roger; Kolesnik, Eugene M., eds. (1979). Conway's All the World's Fighting Ships 1860–1905. Greenwich: Conway Maritime Press. ISBN 978-0-85177-133-5.
- Clowes, William Laird (1970) [1902]. Four Modern Naval Campaigns: Historical, Strategical, and Tactical. London: Cornmarket Press. ISBN 978-0-7191-2020-6.
- Dahl, Erik J. (2005). "Net-Centric before its time: The Jeune École and Its Lessons for Today". Naval War College Review. 58 (4): 109–135. ISSN 0028-1484. Archived from the original on March 4, 2016. Retrieved June 29, 2015.
- Dennis, Brady (January 1, 2024). "A Flood-Prone Historic Site Decides to Live With Rising Water Rather Than Fight it". Washington Post. Retrieved January 2, 2024.
- Dodson, Aidan (2016). The Kaiser's Battlefleet: German Capital Ships 1871–1918. Barnsley: Seaforth Publishing. ISBN 978-1-84832-229-5.
- Evans, David C.; Peattie, Mark R. (1997). Kaigun: Strategy, Tactics, and Technology in the Imperial Japanese Navy, 1887–1941. Annapolis: Naval Institute Press. ISBN 978-0-87021-192-8.
- Frank, Richard B. (1990). Guadalcanal: The Definitive Account of the Landmark Battle. Marmondsworth: Penguin Books. ISBN 978-0-14-016561-6.
- Friedman, Norman (1984). U.S. Battleships: An Illustrated History. Annapolis: Naval Institute Press. ISBN 978-0-87021-715-9.
- Friedman, Norman (2012). British Cruisers of the Victorian Era. Annapolis: Naval Institute Press. ISBN 978-1-84832-099-4.
- Gardiner, Robert (2011). Warships of the Napoleonic Era: Design, Development and Deployment. Annapolis: Naval Institute Press. ISBN 9781612519678.
- Gardiner, Robert; Gray, Randal, eds. (1985). Conway's All the World's Fighting Ships 1906–1921. Annapolis: Naval Institute Press. ISBN 978-0-87021-907-8.
- Gardiner, Robert; Chesneau, Roger, eds. (1980). Conway's All the World's Fighting Ships 1922–1946. London: Conway Maritime Press. ISBN 978-0-85177-146-5.
- Gardiner, Robert; Lambert, Andrew, eds. (2001). Steam, Steel and Shellfire: The Steam Warship 1815–1905 – Conway's History of the Ship. Edison: Chartwell Books. ISBN 978-0-7858-1413-9.
- Garzke, William H.; Dulin, Robert O. (1985). Battleships: Axis and Neutral Battleships in World War II. Annapolis: Naval Institute Press. ISBN 978-0-87021-101-0.
- Gibbons, Tony (1983). The Complete Encyclopedia of Battleships and Battlecruisers – A Technical Directory of all the World's Capital Ships from 1860 to the Present Day. London: Salamander Books Ltd. ISBN 978-0-517-37810-6.
- Greger, René (1997). Battleships of the World. Annapolis: Naval Institute Press. ISBN 1-55750-069-X.
- Grove, Eric (2011). "The Battleship Dreadnought: Technological, Economic and Strategic Contexts". In Lambert, Andrew; Rüger, Jan; Blyth, Robert J. (eds.). The Dreadnought and the Edwardian Age. London: Routledge. ISBN 978-1-315-24021-3.
- Halpern, Paul G. (2005). A Naval History of World War I. Annapolis: Naval Institute Press. ISBN 978-1-85728-498-0.
- Herwig, Holger (1987). Luxury Fleet, The Imperial German Navy 1888–1918. Humanity Books. ISBN 978-1-57392-286-9.
- Hone, Thomas C.; Friedman, Norman; Mandeles, Mark D. (1999). American and British Aircraft Carrier Development, 1919-1941. Annapolis: Naval Institute Press. ISBN 9781557503824.
- Ireland, Bernard; Grove, Eric (1997). Jane's War at Sea 1897–1997. London: Harper Collins Publishers. ISBN 978-0-00-472065-4.
- Jentschura, Hansgeorg; Jung, Dieter; Mickel, Peter (1976). Warships of the Imperial Japanese Navy, 1869–1945. Annapolis: Naval Institute Press. ISBN 978-0-87021-893-4.
- Jordan, John (2013). "The 'Semi-Dreadnoughts' of the Danton Class". Warship 2013. London: Conway. pp. 46–66. ISBN 978-1-84486-205-4.
- Jordan, John; Caresse, Philippe (2017). French Battleships of World War One. Annapolis: Naval Institute Press. ISBN 978-1-59114-639-1.
- Jordan, John; Dumas, Robert (2009). French Battleships 1922–1956. Barnsley: Seaforth Publishing. ISBN 978-1-84832-034-5.
- Keegan, John (1999). The First World War. London: Pimlico. ISBN 978-0-7126-6645-9.
- Kennedy, Paul M. (1983). The Rise and Fall of British Naval Mastery. London: MacMillan. ISBN 978-0-333-35094-2.
- Lambert, Andrew (1984). Battleships in Transition – The Creation of the Steam Battlefleet 1815–1860. London: Conway Maritime Press. ISBN 978-0-85177-315-5.
- Lambert, Andrew (1990). The Crimean War, British Grand Strategy Against Russia, 1853–56. Manchester: Manchester University Press. ISBN 978-0-7190-3564-7.
- Maltby, William S. (2009). "The Origins of a Global Strategy: England from 1558 to 1713". In Murray, Williamson; Knox, MacGregor; Bernstein, Alvin (eds.). The Making of Strategy: Rulers, States, and War. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. pp. 151–177. ISBN 978-0-521-56627-8.
- Marriott, Leo (2010). Battleships: The Definitive Guide to the World's Greatest Battleships. Sywell: Igloo Books. ISBN 978-0-85734-249-2.
- Massie, Robert (2005). Castles of Steel: Britain, Germany and the Winning of the Great War at Sea. London: Pimlico. ISBN 978-1-84413-411-3.
- Peattie, Mark R (2007). Sunburst: The Rise of Japanese Naval Air Power, 1909-1941. Annapolis: Naval Institute Press. ISBN 978-1-61251-436-9.
- Ropp, Theodore (1987). Roberts, Stephen S. (ed.). The Development of a Modern Navy: French Naval Policy, 1871–1904. Annapolis: Naval Institute Press. ISBN 978-0-87021-141-6.
- Rohwer, Jürgen (2005). Chronology of the War at Sea, 1939–1945: The Naval History of World War Two. Annapolis: Naval Institute Press. ISBN 978-1-59114-119-8.
- Sondhaus, Lawrence (2001). Naval Warfare 1815–1914. London: Routledge. ISBN 978-0-415-21478-0.
- Sumrall, Robert (1992). "The Battleship and Battlecruiser". In Gardiner, R (ed.). The Eclipse of the Big Gun. London: Conway Maritime. ISBN 978-0-85177-607-1.
- Tarrant, V. E. (1995). Jutland: The German Perspective. London: Cassell Military Paperbacks. ISBN 978-0-304-35848-9.
- Tucker, Spencer (1989). Arming the Fleet, US Navy Ordnance in the Muzzle-Loading Era. Annapolis: Naval Institute Press. ISBN 978-0-87021-007-5.
- Tully, Anthony P. (2009). Battle of Surigao Strait. Bloomington: Indiana University Press. ISBN 978-0-253-35242-2.
- Whitley, M.J. (1998). Battleships of World War Two: An International Encyclopedia. Annapolis: Naval Institute Press. ISBN 978-1-55750-184-4.
- Wilmott, H. P. (2015). The Battle of Leyte Gulf: The Last Fleet Action. Bloomington: Indiana University Press. ISBN 978-0-253-01901-1.
- Wilson, Herbert Wrigley (1896). Ironclads in Action: A Sketch of Naval Warfare from 1855 to 1895. London: S. Low, Marston and Company. OCLC 1111061.
Further reading
[edit]- Brown, D. K. (1999). The Grand Fleet: Warship Design and Development 1906–1922. Annapolis: Naval Institute Press. ISBN 978-1-84067-531-3.
- Parkes, Oscar (1990) [1957]. British Battleships. Annapolis: Naval Institute Press. ISBN 978-1-55750-075-5.
- Taylor, Bruce, ed. (2018). The World of the Battleship: The Lives and Careers of Twenty-One Capital Ships of the World's Navies, 1880–1990. Barnsley: Seaforth Publishing. ISBN 978-0-87021-906-1.
External links
[edit]Battleship
View on GrokipediaDefinition and Historical Role
Core Characteristics and Design Principles
Battleships were defined by their role as capital ships optimized for decisive surface engagements, featuring large displacement to accommodate heavy armament, extensive armor protection, and sufficient speed to maintain fleet formation. Typical standard displacement ranged from approximately 20,000 tons for early 20th-century designs to over 50,000 tons in later classes, allowing for the integration of multiple heavy gun turrets and layered defensive plating.[8] The three primary design factors—armament, protection, and speed—dictated trade-offs, with displacement constraints forcing prioritization based on tactical doctrine emphasizing fleet-line broadside duels.[9] Armament centered on a homogeneous main battery of large-caliber guns, evolving from 12-inch (305 mm) weapons in pre-1906 vessels to 16-inch (406 mm) or larger in interwar and World War II designs, mounted in revolving turrets for concentrated fire. These guns, often numbering eight to twelve in twin or triple mountings, were intended to penetrate enemy armor at ranges up to 20,000 yards, with superfiring arrangements enabling overlapping fields of fire without compromising deck space. Secondary batteries of medium-caliber guns (5- to 8-inch) provided anti-torpedo boat defense, while anti-aircraft armament increased post-1918 to counter aerial threats.[10][11] Protection schemes prioritized vital areas such as magazines, machinery spaces, and command centers, with belt armor thicknesses reaching 12 to 16 inches inclined to deflect projectiles, complemented by deck armor of 5 to 9 inches to counter plunging fire. The "all-or-nothing" principle, first implemented in the U.S. Navy's Nevada-class battleships of 1912–1916, abandoned partial armoring of extremities to allocate weight for thicker plating over critical sections, enhancing survivability against long-range armor-piercing shells while accepting risks to unarmored ends under damage control assumptions.[12] This approach influenced subsequent designs by the United States, United Kingdom, and Japan, reflecting empirical lessons from gunnery tests showing diminishing returns from distributed thin armor.[13] Propulsion systems, transitioning from reciprocating steam engines to turbines, aimed for speeds of 21 knots in early dreadnoughts to 30 knots or more in fast battleships, balancing fuel efficiency with operational radius exceeding 5,000 nautical miles. Structural integrity relied on longitudinal framing and compartmentalization to mitigate flooding, with stability ensured through low centers of gravity and progressive flooding resistance. These principles derived from first-principles hydrodynamics and ballistics, validated by live-fire experiments like those on ex-German battleship Ostfriesland in 1921, underscoring armor's limitations against aerial bombs and evolving threats.[9]Classification and Variants
Battleships were formally classified as capital ships exceeding 10,000 tons standard displacement or mounting guns larger than 8 inches (203 mm) in caliber, designed for decisive surface engagements with heavy armor protection and large-caliber main batteries.[14] This definition, rooted in post-World War I naval treaties, emphasized their role as fleet dominators, with U.S. Navy examples ranging from 15,000 to 45,000 tons, armed with up to 16-inch (406 mm) guns, and speeds varying from 21 knots in early designs to over 27 knots in later variants.[15] Early classifications distinguished pre-dreadnought battleships, built before 1906, by their mixed armament of four heavy guns (typically 12-inch/305 mm) supplemented by secondary batteries of intermediate calibers for close-range fire, with displacements around 10,000–15,000 tons.[16] The revolutionary HMS Dreadnought, launched in 1906, introduced the dreadnought type: an "all-big-gun" main battery of ten 12-inch guns in uniform caliber, steam turbine propulsion for 21 knots, and centralized fire control, rendering pre-dreadnoughts obsolete within months due to superior firepower concentration at range.[16] Super-dreadnoughts followed from 1910 onward, featuring larger guns (13.5-inch/343 mm or 14-inch/356 mm), increased numbers of main battery weapons (often twelve), and displacements exceeding 22,500 tons, as seen in U.S. Nevada-class ships with "all-or-nothing" armor schemes prioritizing vital areas.[17] Variants arose from national design priorities and operational needs. Standard-type battleships, a U.S. Navy doctrine from 1912–1917 encompassing classes like Nevada and Pennsylvania, prioritized fleet uniformity in speed (21 knots), turning radius (700 yards), and armament progression to 16-inch guns, contrasting with varied foreign approaches focused on quantity or qualitative edges.[17] Fast battleships, such as Britain's Queen Elizabeth class (24–25 knots), traded some armor thickness for higher speeds to enable scouting or pursuit, while coastal variants like smaller monitors limited range and displacement for littoral defense.[15] Pocket battleships, exemplified by Germany's Deutschland class (commissioned 1933, ~10,600 tons, 11-inch/280 mm guns), were compact raiders optimized for commerce destruction with diesel propulsion for extended range, blurring lines with heavy cruisers but classified as light battleships under treaty ambiguities.[14]| Variant | Key Characteristics | Examples |
|---|---|---|
| Fast Battleship | Speeds >23 knots; balanced armor/gun trade-offs for tactical flexibility | HMS Queen Elizabeth (1915, 24.5 knots, 15-inch guns)[17] |
| Coastal Battleship | <15,000 tons; shallow draft for near-shore operations; limited endurance | Russian Admiral Ushakov class (1890s, ~4,500 tons, 12-inch guns)[14] |
| Pocket Battleship | ~10,000–12,000 tons; battleship-caliber guns on cruiser hulls; long-range diesels | SMS Deutschland (1933, 11.1-inch guns, 28 knots)[15] |
Early Development
From Sailing Ships of the Line to Ironclads
Ships of the line were large wooden warships with two or three continuous decks mounting dozens of smoothbore cannon in broadside batteries, forming the backbone of European fleets from the 17th century through the early 19th century.[18] These vessels, often displacing 2,000 to 3,000 tons and carrying 74 to 120 guns, fought in rigid lines to maximize firepower while minimizing exposure.[18] The vulnerability of wooden hulls to explosive shells, pioneered by French naval officer Henri-Joseph Paixhans in the 1820s, accelerated the shift away from unarmored sailing ships. Paixhans guns fired hollow shells filled with gunpowder that detonated on impact or via fuses, igniting wooden structures rather than merely punching holes like solid shot.[18] This weakness was starkly revealed during the Crimean War (1853–1856), where Russian shore batteries inflicted severe damage on French and British wooden floating batteries despite their steam propulsion.[18] France initiated the ironclad era by launching Gloire on November 24, 1859, the world's first ocean-going ironclad warship. Gloire, a wooden-hulled screw frigate of 5,630 tons displacement, featured 4.7-inch (120 mm) iron armor plates over her battery amidships, protecting 36 smoothbore guns while retaining sails for long-range cruising alongside steam engines producing 2,500 horsepower.[19] Her armored belt resisted penetration from 68-pounder shells at 20 yards, rendering traditional broadside fire ineffective against her.[18] Britain countered with HMS Warrior, laid down in 1859 and commissioned in 1861, the first all-iron-hulled armored frigate. Displacing 9,210 tons, Warrior carried 40 rifled muzzle-loading guns behind 4.5-inch (114 mm) armor over teak backing, achieved 14.3 knots under steam, and measured 418 feet in length—nearly twice Gloire's size.[20] These broadside ironclads combined steam power for tactical maneuverability independent of wind with armor that obsolete wooden ships of the line could not match.[21] The American Civil War provided the first combat validation of ironclads' superiority. On March 8, 1862, the Confederate casemate ironclad CSS Virginia (formerly USS Merrimack), armed with 10 guns and iron plating over a wooden hull, sank the wooden steam frigates USS Cumberland and USS Congress at Hampton Roads, Virginia, using ramming and gunfire—demonstrating unarmored warships' defenselessness against armored foes.[22] The next day, the Union turret ironclad USS Monitor, designed by John Ericsson with a revolving 11-inch Dahlgren gun turret and low freeboard for coastal defense, fought Virginia to a tactical draw in the first clash between ironclads.[23] Though neither inflicted decisive damage, the engagement underscored that iron armor neutralized the firepower advantages of wooden vessels, hastening their retirement worldwide.[22] By the mid-1860s, navies globally converted or built ironclads, evolving designs from broadside batteries to centralized armaments in casemates or turrets for better protection and fire concentration. This transition ended the dominance of sailing ships of the line, replacing sail-dependent, inflammable wooden behemoths with armored, steam-driven capital ships capable of withstanding modern shellfire.[18]Pre-Dreadnought Innovations and Early Combat
The pre-dreadnought era marked the transition from wooden sailing ships and early ironclads to steel-hulled battleships powered by steam and armed with heavy turret-mounted guns protected by advanced armor plating. Key innovations began with the adoption of iron armor plating on wooden hulls, as exemplified by the French warship Gloire, launched in 1859, which was the first sea-going armored ship capable of sustained ocean voyages. This design shifted naval architecture toward steam propulsion combined with armor, replacing sail-dependent line-of-battle ships. By the 1870s, steel hulls superseded iron, enabling lighter yet stronger structures, while compound and later Harvey-nickel steel armor provided superior resistance to shellfire without excessive weight. Propulsion advanced with the triple-expansion steam engine in the late 1880s, which improved efficiency by using steam across three cylinders at decreasing pressures, allowing pre-dreadnoughts to achieve speeds of 15-18 knots—essential for fleet maneuvers. Armament evolved from broadside batteries to centralized turrets, pioneered by British inventor Cowper Coles in the 1860s, enabling heavier calibers like 12-inch guns in twin mounts fore and aft, supplemented by quick-firing intermediate batteries for anti-torpedo boat defense. These features standardized in ships like Britain's Royal Sovereign class (1891), which featured barbette-supported turrets and full steel construction, laying the groundwork for all-big-gun designs.[24] Early combat validated these innovations while exposing limitations in tactics and gunnery. In the First Sino-Japanese War, the Battle of the Yalu River on September 17, 1894, pitted Japan's modern cruiser squadron against China's Beiyang Fleet, including ironclads Dingyuan and Zhenyuan. Japanese Admiral Tōgō Heihachirō employed a "flying squadron" tactic, circling to engage the Chinese flank at close range (under 5,000 meters), where quick-firing guns inflicted rapid damage; the Chinese fleet, hampered by poor training and defective shells, lost eight ships while Japan suffered minimal losses, demonstrating the superiority of maneuverability and fire control over static armored might.[25][26] The Spanish-American War's Battle of Manila Bay on May 1, 1898, further highlighted vulnerabilities of outdated designs. U.S. Commodore George Dewey's squadron, led by protected cruiser USS Olympia, annihilated the Spanish fleet—comprising cruisers and wooden auxiliaries sheltered behind mines—in a one-sided engagement at ranges from 2,000 to 5,000 yards. American ships fired over 5,000 shells with only light damage sustained, underscoring the effectiveness of steam-powered, quick-firing ordnance against wooden or poorly armored opponents, though true battleship-vs-battleship clashes remained rare.[27] The Russo-Japanese War provided the era's defining pre-dreadnought confrontation at the Battle of Tsushima on May 27-28, 1905. Japanese Admiral Tōgō's fleet of four battleships and eight armored cruisers intercepted Russia's Second Pacific Squadron—eight battleships strong—using the innovative "crossing the T" maneuver, positioning his line to fire broadsides while the Russians could only reply with forward-facing guns. At ranges initially exceeding 10,000 yards, Japanese gunnery, aided by improved rangefinders and training, sank or crippled most Russian capital ships within hours, with losses including flagship Knyaz Suvorov; Russia's poor powder quality and crew inexperience contributed to the annihilation of 21 vessels versus Japan's three torpedo-struck cruisers. This engagement affirmed the tactical primacy of speed, fire concentration, and command cohesion in pre-dreadnought warfare, influencing doctrines until the all-big-gun revolution.[28][29]Dreadnought Era and Arms Race
Launch of HMS Dreadnought (1906)
The keel of HMS Dreadnought was laid down at HM Dockyard, Portsmouth, on October 2, 1905, under the direction of Admiral Sir John Fisher, First Sea Lord of the Royal Navy, who championed radical design reforms to counter perceived threats from foreign navies.[30][31] The ship's hull was launched on February 10, 1906, in a ceremony attended by King Edward VII, who named the vessel after breaking a bottle of champagne against its bow, marking the rapid progression from design to waterborne status in under five months.[24][32] HMS Dreadnought incorporated several innovations that defined the modern battleship: an all-big-gun armament of ten 12-inch (305 mm) breech-loading guns in five twin turrets, eliminating mixed-caliber batteries common in pre-dreadnoughts for improved firepower concentration at long range; and propulsion by Parsons steam turbines on four shafts, delivering 23,000 shaft horsepower to achieve a designed speed of 21 knots, surpassing the 18 knots of contemporary battleships reliant on reciprocating engines.[33][34] The turbines, supplied by the Parsons Marine Steam Turbine Company, provided smoother, more reliable power without the vibration of piston engines, enabling sustained high speeds essential for fleet maneuvers.[35] With a displacement of approximately 18,120 tons normal and dimensions of 527 feet in length and 82 feet in beam, the ship represented a leap in scale and efficiency, constructed in a record 19 months from keel-laying to commissioning on December 2, 1906.[31][30] The launch rendered existing pre-dreadnought battleships obsolete overnight, as their mixed armaments of heavy guns supplemented by numerous smaller quick-firing pieces proved inferior in gunnery duels where uniform heavy caliber allowed for higher volume of fire from longer ranges, compounded by Dreadnought's superior speed for dictating engagement terms.[33] This obsolescence stemmed from first-principles naval tactics: battles would be decided by the heaviest guns firing first and fastest, with speed enabling concentration of force against divided enemies, a calculus validated by Fisher's analysis of emerging threats like Japan's pre-dreadnought victories at Tsushima in 1905.[31] Consequently, the Royal Navy's entry into service in 1906 ignited a global arms race, prompting nations including Germany, the United States, and Japan to abandon incomplete pre-dreadnought programs and prioritize "dreadnought-type" constructions, escalating naval expenditures and strategic tensions leading into World War I.[32][33]Global Proliferation and Pre-WWI Buildups
The launch of HMS Dreadnought in 1906 invalidated fleets of pre-dreadnought battleships worldwide, igniting a frenzied global construction of all-big-gun, turbine-powered successors to preserve naval influence and deter rivals.[36] This shift escalated pre-existing tensions into a multifaceted arms race, as shipyards strained under unprecedented demand for capital ships displacing 20,000–25,000 tons, armed with 10–12-inch main batteries in superfiring turrets.[37] By 1914, major powers had collectively laid down over 50 dreadnought battleships, diverting billions in adjusted contemporary currency toward steel, armor, and propulsion technologies, while secondary nations like Brazil and Argentina commissioned vessels abroad to assert regional dominance.[38] The Anglo-German contest epitomized the escalation, with Germany's 1906 Naval Bill authorizing three dreadnoughts annually under Admiral Tirpitz's risk theory to challenge British supremacy, followed by the 1908 amendment raising the quota to four capital ships per year.[38] Britain, adhering to its two-power standard plus a 10–60% margin, responded via the 1909 "Dreadnought scare" and People's Budget, commissioning classes from Bellerophon (laid down 1906, completed 1909) to Iron Duke (laid down 1912, completed 1914), yielding 22 dreadnought battleships in service by August 1914 against Germany's 17 (Nassau through König classes).[37] This numerical edge, bolstered by superior basing and manpower, reflected Britain's industrial primacy but imposed fiscal burdens that fueled domestic political debates.[39] Extraterritorial powers mirrored the trend: the United States, guided by Alfred Thayer Mahan's advocacy for fleet projection, initiated dreadnoughts with the South Carolina class (laid down December 1906, completed 1910) and expanded to 10 completed vessels by 1914, including Florida (1910) and New York (1914) classes, emphasizing 14-inch guns in later super-dreadnoughts.[40][37] Japan, capitalizing on 1905 treaty gains from the Russo-Japanese War, transitioned from semi-dreadnoughts like Satsuma (laid down 1905) to true dreadnoughts via Kawachi class (laid down 1909, completed 1912–1913), prioritizing speed and long-range gunnery for Pacific expansion.[37] Russia's Gangut class (four ships laid down 1909, completed 1914) drew on British designs amid domestic yard limitations, while France's Courbet class (laid down 1910, completed 1913–1914) integrated turbine power to counter German threats.[37] In the Adriatic, Italy's Dante Alighieri (laid down 1909, completed 1913)—innovating triple 12-inch turrets—and Austria-Hungary's Tegetthoff class (laid down 1910–1912, three completed by 1914) fueled a bilateral rivalry, with both navies allocating 20–30% of budgets to these behemoths despite limited blue-water ambitions.[37] Such diffuse buildups, often outsourcing to foreign yards, underscored causal pressures from technological leapfrogging and alliance dynamics, culminating in overcapacity that WWI would expose as tactically mismatched.[41]World War I Applications
Key Naval Engagements
The Battle of Jutland, fought on May 31 to June 1, 1916, in the North Sea near the coast of Denmark's Jutland Peninsula, represented the only major fleet action between dreadnought battleships in World War I. It pitted the British Grand Fleet, commanded by Admiral Sir John Jellicoe, against the German High Seas Fleet under Vice Admiral Reinhard Scheer, involving approximately 250 warships and 100,000 personnel in total. The British deployed 28 battleships, including dreadnoughts from the 1st, 2nd, 4th, and 5th Battle Squadrons, alongside battlecruisers and supporting vessels, while the Germans fielded 16 dreadnought battleships primarily from the 1st, 2nd, and 3rd Battle Squadrons, plus pre-dreadnoughts and battlecruisers.[42][43] The engagement began with a clash between British battlecruisers under Vice Admiral David Beatty and German battlecruisers led by Vice Admiral Franz von Hipper, drawing the full fleets into action. German forces achieved early successes, sinking three British battlecruisers—HMS Indefatigable, HMS Queen Mary, and HMS Invincible—due to ammunition handling flaws and inferior armor protection, but the arrival of Jellicoe's main battle fleet forced Scheer to execute a fighting withdrawal using battlecruiser "battle turns." Night actions saw further destroyer engagements, with Germans inflicting damage but failing to break contact decisively. British losses totaled 14 ships, including six capital ships, and over 6,000 killed; German losses were 11 ships, including one battlecruiser (SMS Lützow) and one pre-dreadnought (SMS Pommern), with about 2,500 killed.[44][45] Tactically inconclusive with no fleet decisively destroyed, Jutland affirmed British numerical and qualitative superiority in battleships, as the High Seas Fleet returned to port and did not challenge the Royal Navy's blockade again, shifting German strategy toward unrestricted submarine warfare. Battleship gunnery proved effective at ranges up to 20,000 yards, with British 15-inch guns and German 12-inch guns exchanging over 2,500 heavy shells, though signaling errors and reconnaissance failures by seaplanes and zeppelins limited coordination.[42][43] Other notable battleship engagements were limited and peripheral. On November 18, 1914, Russian battleships of the Black Sea Fleet clashed briefly with Ottoman vessels at Cape Sarych, exchanging fire without decisive losses and demonstrating early dreadnought use in secondary theaters. In the Adriatic, Austro-Hungarian dreadnoughts like Szent István engaged Allied forces sporadically but avoided major fleet actions, prioritizing defensive minelaying over offensive sorties. These incidents underscored the reluctance of battleship commanders to risk capital ships after Jutland's high stakes, favoring attrition via submarines and smaller craft instead.[46]Tactical Lessons and Adaptations
The Battle of Jutland on May 31–June 1, 1916, provided critical tactical insights into dreadnought-era fleet actions, revealing that engagements occurred at extended ranges exceeding 15,000 yards, far beyond pre-war expectations of 8,000–10,000 yards. This necessitated advanced rangefinding and fire control systems, as British battlecruisers suffered heavy losses due to inaccurate spotting and premature shell detonation from thin deck armor under plunging fire. German forces, employing concentrated fire on individual targets and superior damage control, inflicted disproportionate damage despite numerical inferiority, sinking three British battlecruisers while losing one.[47][48] Adaptations followed swiftly, with the Royal Navy implementing centralized director firing towers and improved gyroscopic stabilizers for gunlaying to enhance accuracy at long range, drawing from post-battle analyses that highlighted signaling delays and fleet maneuvers like the controversial "turn away" orders under Admiral Jellicoe. The Germans refined their "battle fleet in being" strategy, emphasizing hit-and-run tactics with high-speed destroyer screens to exploit torpedo threats, which proved effective in avoiding decisive defeat. Both sides recognized the vulnerability of unarmored topsides to shellfire, prompting incremental armor redistributions in subsequent dreadnought designs, though treaty constraints later amplified these shifts.[49][47] Smaller actions, such as the Battle of Heligoland Bight on August 28, 1914, underscored the risks of poor coordination in misty conditions, where British light forces nearly trapped German cruisers but were hampered by indecisive command, leading to adaptations in cruiser-battleship integration for better reconnaissance. Overall, WWI confirmed the primacy of battleship gunnery duels but exposed limitations against submarines and mines, fostering destroyer flotillas as essential screens and shifting emphasis toward operational attrition over single fleet battles. These lessons influenced interwar doctrines, prioritizing flexibility in fleet composition.[50]Interwar Transformations
Naval Treaties and Design Constraints
The Washington Naval Treaty, signed on February 6, 1922, by the United States, United Kingdom, Japan, France, and Italy, aimed to curb post-World War I naval expansion by imposing strict limits on capital ship construction.[51] It established a ten-year "building holiday" prohibiting new battleship construction until 1931, required the scrapping or conversion of excess tonnage exceeding national ratios (5:5:3 for the US, UK, and Japan), and capped individual battleships at 35,000 long tons standard displacement with main battery guns not exceeding 16-inch caliber.[52] These provisions forced naval powers to decommission numerous pre-dreadnought and early dreadnought vessels, reducing active battleship fleets and redirecting resources away from unchecked arms races. Subsequent London Naval Treaties extended and refined these constraints. The 1930 treaty prolonged the battleship construction moratorium to 1936 while maintaining the 35,000-ton limit and allowing limited replacements for aging ships, emphasizing qualitative restrictions over sheer numbers to balance qualitative superiority.[53] The 1936 Second London Naval Treaty sought to further restrict main gun caliber to 14 inches unless triggered by non-compliance from non-signatories like Japan, incorporating an "escalator clause" that permitted reversion to 16-inch guns if any power exceeded limits, though enforcement proved ineffective as Japan denounced the treaties in 1936.[54] These treaties profoundly shaped interwar battleship designs, compelling engineers to prioritize efficiency within tonnage caps, such as adopting "all-or-nothing" armor schemes to concentrate protection on vital areas and integrating lighter, high-pressure machinery for speed without excess weight.[55] Exemplifying this, Britain's Nelson-class battleships, laid down in 1922 as treaty-compliant replacements, mounted nine 16-inch guns in three triple turrets forward to maximize firepower while adhering to the displacement limit, though actual weights often approached or exceeded standards through creative accounting or post-completion modifications. Non-signatories and eventual violators, including Germany with the Bismarck (displacing over 50,000 tons fully loaded) and Japan with the Yamato class (exceeding 70,000 tons), highlighted the treaties' uneven adherence, as powers evaded limits via overweight "standard" displacements or outright withdrawal, undermining long-term efficacy.[56]Responses to Emerging Threats like Air Power
The vulnerability of battleships to aerial attack gained prominence following the 1921 bombing trials conducted by the U.S. Army Air Service against the captured German battleship SMS Ostfriesland. On July 21, 1921, Army bombers, led by Brigadier General William Mitchell, sank the stationary, undefended vessel using six 2,000-pound bombs after initial damage from smaller ordnance, demonstrating that large aerial bombs could penetrate and flood armored decks.[57][58] The U.S. Navy contested the trial's validity, arguing it failed to replicate wartime conditions such as the ship maneuvering at speed, deploying smoke screens, or employing anti-aircraft fire from escorts, yet the event intensified inter-service debates and prompted naval reviews of air defense needs.[59] In response, major navies initiated modernization programs to enhance anti-aircraft capabilities within the constraints of the Washington Naval Treaty of 1922 and subsequent London Naval Treaty of 1930, which curtailed new battleship construction but permitted refits. U.S. battleships, for instance, incorporated 5-inch/25-caliber and 3-inch/50-caliber guns dedicated to anti-aircraft roles during the 1920s, with these secondary batteries repurposed from surface fire to track and engage low-flying aircraft.[60] By the 1930s, designs emphasized dual-purpose secondary armaments, such as the 5-inch/38-caliber gun, capable of both surface and anti-air missions, alongside lighter machine guns and pom-poms for close-range defense; these upgrades were tested on existing dreadnoughts like the New Mexico and Pennsylvania classes during refits in the mid-1930s.[61] Naval exercises further shaped adaptations, as seen in the U.S. Navy's Fleet Problems series from 1923 to 1940, which simulated carrier-based strikes against battle fleets. Fleet Problem IX in 1929 pitted aircraft carriers against battleships, revealing gaps in detection and interception but affirming the potential of scout planes launched from battleship catapults to extend early warning horizons.[62][63] European powers followed suit: the Royal Navy added high-angle guns to Queen Elizabeth-class ships, while Japan integrated Type 89 twin 13mm machine guns on Kongo-class vessels by the late 1930s, reflecting a consensus on layered air defenses despite persistent doctrinal emphasis on battleship-centric fleets.[64] These measures, however, underscored a transitional tension; while empirical tests like the Ostfriesland sinking validated air power's disruptive potential, naval establishments largely viewed aircraft as supportive rather than supplanting surface gunnery, leading to incremental rather than revolutionary redesigns amid treaty-limited tonnage.[65] Fire control advancements, including radar prototypes by the late 1930s, aimed to improve AA accuracy, but pre-war assessments often downplayed carrier strike ranges and bomb penetrations based on controlled experiments that underrepresented coordinated, high-altitude attacks.[60]World War II Deployments
Atlantic and European Theaters
In the Atlantic theater, German battleships primarily served as commerce raiders to disrupt Allied supply lines, though their operations were constrained by limited numbers and British countermeasures. The Kriegsmarine's Bismarck and heavy cruiser Prinz Eugen sortied from Gotenhafen on May 18, 1941, under Operation Rheinübung, aiming to break into the Atlantic for attacks on convoys. On May 24, Bismarck engaged the British battlecruiser HMS Hood and battleship HMS Prince of Wales in the Denmark Strait, sinking Hood with a single 15-inch shell that detonated her magazines after approximately three minutes of combat, resulting in 1,415 deaths; Prince of Wales was damaged and withdrew. Bismarck sustained hits that reduced her speed, prompting Prinz Eugen to detach, after which British cruiser gunfire and Swordfish torpedo bombers from HMS Ark Royal on May 26 jammed Bismarck's rudders, immobilizing her. On May 27, Bismarck was overwhelmed by battleships HMS King George V and HMS Rodney, which fired over 700 16-inch and 14-inch shells from ranges as close as 8,000 yards, combined with torpedoes from cruisers and destroyers, leading to her sinking with 2,100 of 2,200 crew lost.[66][67] Sister ships Scharnhorst and Gneisenau conducted Operation Berlin from February 8 to March 22, 1941, evading detection to sink 22 merchant ships totaling 115,622 gross register tons before returning to Brest due to damage and fuel shortages. Gneisenau was later crippled by British bombers on February 26, 1942, and both attempted the Channel Dash on February 12, 1942, slipping through to German waters under air cover, though sustaining minor damage from destroyers and aircraft. Scharnhorst alone sortied from Norway on December 25, 1943, to intercept Arctic convoy JW 55B during the Battle of the North Cape; shadowed by HMS Belfast's force, she engaged destroyers at 4:17 a.m. on December 26, inflicting no losses before radar-directed fire from HMS Duke of York—firing 452 14-inch shells—straddled and hit her repeatedly from 12,000 yards, disabling turrets and causing fires. After breaking contact temporarily, Scharnhorst was re-engaged at 7:11 a.m., torpedoed by destroyers, and sunk by combined gunfire and torpedoes by 7:45 a.m., with only 36 survivors from 1,968 crew; her wreck lies in 870 feet of water off North Cape.[68][69] The battleship Tirpitz, Bismarck's sister, posed a persistent threat from Norwegian fjords but conducted no major Atlantic sorties, instead serving as a "fleet in being" to tie down British resources; she was damaged by midget submarines in Operation Source on September 22, 1943, and sunk by RAF Lancasters with Tallboy bombs on November 12, 1944, without battleship involvement. These engagements demonstrated battleships' vulnerability to air attack and the Royal Navy's effective use of radar and coordination, limiting German surface raiders to sporadic successes amid the U-boat-dominated Battle of the Atlantic.[70] In the European Mediterranean theater, Italian Regia Marina battleships focused on securing supply routes to North Africa but faced British naval superiority and air power. At the Battle of Calabria (Punta Stilo) on July 9, 1940, six Italian battleships—Conte di Cavour, Giulio Cesare, Littorio (under repair), Vittorio Veneto, Andrea Doria, and Caio Duilio—clashed inconclusively with three British battleships (Warspite, Malaya, Royal Sovereign) from 9,000–27,000 yards, exchanging about 2,000 shells over 50 minutes with minimal damage: Giulio Cesare hit once, Warspite sustaining superficial hits. Italian caution stemmed from concerns over torpedo bombers, preventing closure for decisive action. Subsequent operations, including the Battle of Cape Matapan on March 27–29, 1941, saw Vittorio Veneto damaged by torpedoes but Italian battleships withdrew after losing three heavy cruisers and two destroyers to British cruisers and aircraft, avoiding further fleet engagement.[71][72] The November 11–12, 1940, British carrier raid on Taranto harbor damaged Littorio and Duilio with torpedoes, neutralizing half of Italy's battleship strength temporarily and influencing Japanese planning for Pearl Harbor. Fuel shortages and Allied air dominance confined later Italian battleship sorties to convoy escorts, with Littorio-class vessels like Roma seeing minimal action before Italy's 1943 armistice; Roma was sunk by German-guided bombs on September 9, 1943. French battleships, post-1940 armistice, were targeted in Operation Catapult: on July 3, British Force H from HMS Hood and Valiant attacked Mers-el-Kébir, sinking Bretagne and damaging Dunkerque, Strasbourg, Provence, and Bretagne to prevent Axis use, killing 1,297 French sailors. These limited clashes underscored battleships' shift toward defensive roles amid emerging carrier and submarine threats in European waters.[73]Pacific Theater Operations
The Japanese aerial attack on Pearl Harbor on December 7, 1941, launched from aircraft carriers, sank the battleships USS Arizona and USS Oklahoma, while severely damaging USS Nevada, USS California, USS West Virginia, USS Maryland, USS Pennsylvania, and USS Tennessee, temporarily eliminating the U.S. Pacific Fleet's battleship strength and demonstrating battleships' vulnerability to long-range carrier-based strikes.[74][75] Six of these battleships were subsequently repaired and recommissioned for service, with vessels like USS West Virginia and USS California returning in mid-1944 to participate in later operations.[74] Japanese battleships, including the Kongō-class units, supported early carrier strikes and invasions but saw limited direct surface engagements as carrier aviation dominated the central Pacific.[76] This shift was exemplified by the Battle of Midway in June 1942, where U.S. carrier-based aircraft sank four Japanese carriers, decisively determining the battle's outcome through aviation superiority without battleship-to-battleship combat, reinforcing the move away from battleship-centric strategies.[77] U.S. battleships shifted to roles supporting amphibious assaults and carrier task forces, providing heavy pre-landing bombardments during the island-hopping campaign. In the Gilbert Islands operation at Tarawa on November 20–23, 1943, battleships USS Maryland and USS Tennessee delivered sustained gunfire against shore defenses.[78] Similar support occurred at Kwajalein, Saipan, and Peleliu, where battleships like USS Pennsylvania and USS Tennessee targeted fortifications ahead of Marine landings.[79] Fast battleships of the North Carolina and South Dakota classes, including USS North Carolina and USS South Dakota, screened carriers during the Battle of the Philippine Sea on June 19–20, 1944, contributing antiaircraft fire that downed over 200 Japanese aircraft in the "Marianas Turkey Shoot," though no surface gunnery occurred.[80] The Battle of Leyte Gulf in October 1944 marked the Pacific War's last major battleship-versus-battleship action. In the Battle of Surigao Strait on October 25, Rear Adm. Jesse B. Oldendorf's force of six U.S. battleships—USS West Virginia, USS Maryland, USS Tennessee, USS California, USS Mississippi, and USS Pennsylvania—ambushed the Japanese Southern Force using radar-directed gunfire and destroyer torpedo attacks, crossing the enemy's T formation.[81] The engagement sank the battleships Yamashiro and Fusō, a cruiser, and three destroyers, with over 2,000 Japanese casualties and no U.S. capital ship losses, demonstrating the superiority of U.S. fire control and night-fighting capabilities.[82] Earlier that day, October 24, the Japanese super-battleship Musashi was sunk in the Sibuyan Sea by U.S. carrier aircraft after absorbing 19 torpedoes and 17 bombs across multiple waves.[83] Japanese super-battleship Yamato participated in Leyte Gulf but avoided decisive surface combat, later undertaking a suicidal run to Okinawa on April 7, 1945, during Operation Ten-Go, where it was sunk by over 300 U.S. aircraft delivering 11 bombs and at least 7 torpedoes, resulting in nearly 2,500 crew deaths.[84] U.S. battleships continued providing bombardment support at Iwo Jima starting February 16, 1945, with USS Arkansas, USS New York, USS Texas, USS Nevada, USS Idaho, and USS Tennessee firing thousands of shells against defenses.[85] At Okinawa from March 1945, battleships including USS Iowa, USS New Jersey, and USS Missouri delivered intensive pre-invasion barrages described as a "typhoon of steel," suppressing artillery and aiding the landings despite kamikaze threats.[86] These operations underscored battleships' value in shore support but highlighted their vulnerability to air attack, contributing to the postwar shift toward carrier and missile dominance.[87]Bombardment and Escort Roles
Battleships provided critical naval gunfire support during amphibious assaults in World War II, particularly in the European and Pacific theaters. On June 6, 1944, during the Normandy landings, USS Texas fired 255 14-inch shells in 34 minutes to suppress German defenses at Omaha Beach, achieving a rate of fire of 7.5 shells per minute.[88] USS Nevada and USS Arkansas also contributed to the bombardment of Omaha and Utah beaches as part of the five battleships in the Allied naval force supporting Operation Neptune.[89] In support of Sword Beach, HMS Warspite engaged the German Villerville Battery at a range of 26,000 yards starting at 0500 hours.[90] Later in the European theater, battleships continued shore bombardment duties. On September 10, 1944, HMS Warspite, alongside the monitor HMS Erebus, fired approximately 300 15-inch shells at German coastal batteries around Le Havre, contributing to the garrison's surrender on September 12.[91] In the Pacific, battleships intensified pre-invasion bombardments against fortified Japanese positions. For the Iwo Jima assault beginning February 16, 1945, Task Force 54, under Rear Admiral William H. P. Blandy, conducted multi-day gunfire support with battleships such as USS New York firing on island defenses.[85][92] Ships closed to as near as 2,000 yards to maximize impact despite limited effects on deeply entrenched targets.[93] Toward war's end, Allied battleships executed direct attacks on the Japanese home islands starting July 14, 1945, with the largest effort on July 17-18 involving six battleships targeting industrial sites like steel works at Kamaishi and Muroran.[94][95] Battleships also fulfilled escort duties, leveraging their speed, firepower, and anti-aircraft capabilities to protect vital assets. In the Atlantic, HMS Duke of York escorted Arctic convoy JW 55B, departing Loch Ewe on December 20, 1943, and decisively engaged the German battleship Scharnhorst on December 26 during the Battle of the North Cape, contributing to its sinking through gunfire and supporting destroyer torpedo strikes.[96] In the Pacific, fast battleships like the Iowa-class integrated into carrier task forces for surface and air defense. USS Iowa, for instance, joined Task Force 58 in February 1944 to escort aircraft carriers during strikes on Japanese-held islands, providing anti-aircraft protection against incoming aircraft.[97] These ships' 33-knot speeds enabled them to maintain formation with fast carrier groups, screening against potential surface threats while their heavy batteries deterred enemy cruisers and battleships.[98]Postwar Decline and Reactivations
Limited Use in Korea and Vietnam
During the Korean War, the United States Navy reactivated four Iowa-class battleships—USS Iowa (BB-61), USS New Jersey (BB-62), USS Missouri (BB-63), and USS Wisconsin (BB-64)—from reserve status to provide naval gunfire support along North Korean coastal targets, marking their final major combat deployment before a period of decommissioning.[99][100] USS Missouri, the only battleship active at the war's outset in June 1950, conducted two deployments to Korean waters, alternating between carrier escort and shore bombardments from early 1951, including strikes on Wonsan where it responded to enemy fire on March 10, 1953, by expending 998 rounds.[101][102] USS Wisconsin operated from November 1951 to April 1952 as flagship of the Seventh Fleet, conducting extensive shelling missions along the North Korean coast.[103] These vessels delivered precise, heavy-caliber fire—primarily 16-inch shells—to interdict supply lines, destroy bunkers, and support amphibious operations, but their role was confined to littoral bombardment rather than open-sea fleet engagements, reflecting the shift toward air-delivered ordnance as the dominant naval strike method.[104] In the Vietnam War, battleship employment was even more restricted, with only USS New Jersey recommissioned in April 1968 for a single deployment providing gunfire support off the North Vietnamese coast from September 1968 to April 1969.[105][106] Operating under Operations Sea Dragon and Pocket Money, New Jersey fired over 5,000 16-inch shells and more than 14,800 5-inch rounds at coastal targets, infiltration routes, and enemy positions, achieving effects comparable to multiple air sorties per broadside due to the shells' destructive radius and psychological impact on North Vietnamese forces.[107] This deployment, lasting approximately 120 days on the gun line, demonstrated the battleship's utility in denying sanctuary to enemy logistics but was curtaled by high ammunition consumption, logistical demands, and vulnerability to counter-battery fire or evolving anti-ship threats, leading to its deactivation in December 1969 without further battleship reactivations.[108] The limited scope underscored the obsolescence of capital ships in peer-level naval warfare, supplanted by carrier aviation and guided missiles, though their firepower remained tactically valuable in permissive coastal environments.[106]Final Phasing Out Amid Missile and Carrier Dominance
Following World War II, the United States Navy placed its Iowa-class battleships in reserve rather than scrapping them outright, unlike most other major navies that rapidly divested their capital ships in favor of emerging carrier-centric forces.[109] This retention reflected a transitional doctrinal hesitation, as carriers had demonstrated decisive long-range strike capabilities in the Pacific theater—for instance, the attack on Pearl Harbor exposed battleship vulnerability to carrier-based aircraft, while the Battle of Midway illustrated carriers' superiority in determining naval outcomes over surface fleets—projecting power via aircraft far beyond the 20-30 nautical mile horizon-limited range of battleship guns, with US military assessments post-WWII confirming carrier aviation's surpassing of gun-based firepower in range and flexibility.[110] However, the Iowas were reactivated in the early 1980s as part of the Reagan administration's expansion to a 600-ship fleet, modernized with additions like Tomahawk cruise missiles and Phalanx CIWS for limited anti-air and surface warfare roles, though US Navy evaluations deemed these modernization attempts too expensive—costing approximately $1.66 billion for four ships—and ineffective compared to versatile smaller platforms like destroyers that carried more missiles with reduced crews, while their primary armament remained 16-inch guns optimized for shore bombardment.[109] During the 1991 Gulf War, the reactivated Iowa-class ships, including USS Missouri and USS Wisconsin, provided naval gunfire support against Iraqi coastal defenses and fired Tomahawk missiles, expending over 2,700 16-inch shells in operations that showcased their enduring utility in littoral scenarios where precision air-delivered munitions were less immediately available.[111] Yet, this proved to be their final combat deployment, as carrier-based air wings handled the bulk of long-range strikes, underscoring the shift toward aviation-dominated task forces capable of operating hundreds of miles from threats.[110] The end of the Cold War, coupled with post-Gulf War budget constraints, accelerated the final decommissioning of the Iowa-class between 1990 and 1992, with USS Missouri stricken from the Naval Vessel Register on March 12, 1992, marking the end of active battleship service worldwide.[111] High operational costs—exceeding $4 million per month per ship for maintenance and crew of over 1,500—proved unsustainable amid fiscal drawdowns, while vulnerabilities to supersonic anti-ship missiles (e.g., Exocet or Harpoon equivalents fielded by adversaries) and submarine-launched ballistic or cruise missiles rendered the large, slow (27-33 knot) platforms causal liabilities in peer conflicts, as their armor schemes designed against shells and torpedoes offered marginal protection against precision-guided warheads penetrating at Mach speeds, making these large armored gun platforms vulnerable "missile magnets" without proportional advantages, with US assessments emphasizing large platforms as massive targets susceptible to saturation attacks in the missile age; post-war guided missiles further outranged battleship guns with greater precision and deployability from smaller, lower-cost platforms.[112][109] Carrier strike groups, screened by Aegis destroyers and submarines, provided equivalent or superior firepower projection through standoff weapons and aircraft, without the battleship's exposure to saturation attacks.[113] This obsolescence stemmed from first-principles naval physics: missiles and carrier-launched ordnance extended engagement ranges to 100+ nautical miles, negating the battleship's all-big-gun doctrine while amplifying risks from over-the-horizon threats that big guns could not counter effectively, as affirmed in military evaluations of technological shifts where long-range missiles completed the supplanting of gun-centric designs.[110]Technical Specifications
Armament and Fire Control
The primary armament of battleships centered on heavy-caliber guns designed for long-range engagements against peer warships, transitioning from mixed-caliber batteries in pre-dreadnought designs to uniform "all-big-gun" configurations after HMS Dreadnought's completion in 1906, which featured ten 12-inch (305 mm) guns in five twin turrets capable of firing 850-pound (386 kg) shells at up to 18,000 yards (16 km).[17] Subsequent classes increased caliber and firepower; U.S. Navy examples included the Nevada-class with ten 14-inch (356 mm)/50-caliber guns in the 1920s, and the Iowa-class with nine 16-inch (406 mm)/50-caliber Mark 7 guns in three triple turrets during World War II, each launching 2,700-pound (1,225 kg) armor-piercing projectiles at muzzle velocities exceeding 2,500 feet per second (760 m/s) and maximum ranges over 24 miles (39 km).[114][60] These guns emphasized penetration and destructive power, with turret arrangements optimized for broadside fire, typically achieving firing rates of 1.5 to 2 rounds per minute per gun under optimal conditions.[60] Secondary batteries evolved to counter torpedo boats and smaller surface threats, initially comprising quick-firing intermediate-caliber guns such as six-inch weapons in early dreadnoughts, but shifted toward dual-purpose designs by the interwar period to address aircraft as well.[60] In U.S. battleships, pre-World War II secondaries often included twelve 5-inch (127 mm)/51-caliber low-angle guns for surface fire alongside 5-inch/25-caliber anti-aircraft mounts, later standardized to 5-inch/38-caliber dual-purpose guns—twenty on Iowa-class ships—for versatility, with rates of fire up to 15-20 rounds per minute and effective ranges of 10-15 miles against surface targets or 30,000 feet against aircraft.[60] Tertiary anti-aircraft armament proliferated in the 1930s-1940s, featuring automatic 40 mm Bofors and 20 mm Oerlikon guns in dozens per ship, enhanced by proximity fuzes introduced in 1942 that boosted hit probabilities from under 10% to over 50% in some engagements.[60] Fire control systems advanced from rudimentary optical spotting to integrated electro-mechanical and radar-directed mechanisms, fundamentally improving accuracy amid relative motion and environmental factors. Early 20th-century setups relied on stereoscopic rangefinders with baselines of 20-33 feet (6-10 m) mounted in conning towers, turrets, and masthead directors, feeding data to manual plotting rooms for salvo calculations.[115] The 1916 Ford Mk1 rangekeeper introduced analog computing to predict target position, solving for range, bearing, and deflection in real-time; U.S. battleships achieved about 2.5 shots per gun per minute by 1930 using stable vertical gyro-stabilized directors.[60] By World War II, the Mark 37 Gun Fire Control System on ships like the Iowa-class incorporated radar sets such as the Mark 8 (surface search) and Mark 13 (fire control), enabling blind firing at 35,000 yards with pattern dispersions reduced to 1-2% of range, as demonstrated in 1945 tests where radar-directed salvos yielded hits at extreme distances previously unattainable optically.[115][60] Remote power control (RPC) loops further automated turret training and elevation, minimizing human error in following director orders.[115]Armor Schemes and Vulnerability Assessments
Battleship armor schemes evolved to balance protection against projected threats like gunfire, torpedoes, and later aerial bombs, prioritizing vital areas such as magazines, machinery spaces, and command centers. The "all or nothing" scheme, pioneered by the U.S. Navy in the Nevada-class battleships laid down in 1912, concentrated thick armor plating over a central citadel enclosing propulsion and armament systems, while leaving extremities like bow and stern with minimal or no armor to optimize weight distribution for speed and stability.[12] This approach assumed engagements at longer ranges where side armor faced flat-trajectory shells, rendering comprehensive coverage inefficient; post-World War I refinements addressed deck armor for plunging fire observed at Jutland.[12] The U.S. Iowa-class battleships exemplified advanced "all or nothing" design with a main belt of 12.1 inches (307 mm) Class A homogeneous armor sloped at 19 degrees amidships, tapering to thinner lower sections, complemented by 7.5-inch (190 mm) deck armor over vitals and up to 17.3 inches (439 mm) on turret faces.[116] British battleships, such as the Nelson class commissioned in 1927, adopted a similar scheme post-Jutland, featuring 14-inch (356 mm) belts over machinery and magazines but thinner protection elsewhere, reflecting empirical lessons from inconclusive fleet actions where partial armor failed against heavy shells.[12] Japanese Yamato-class vessels employed a variant with a 16.1-inch (410 mm) inclined belt and exceptionally thick 25.6-inch (650 mm) turret faces, designed to withstand 18-inch shells at 20,000 yards, though this added displacement without fully mitigating underwater threats.[117] Vulnerability assessments revealed armor's strengths against gunfire but limitations against torpedoes and massed air attacks. Pre-World War II tests, including the 1921 sinking of the ex-German battleship Ostfriesland by 1,000- and 2,000-pound bombs from Martin MB-2 bombers, demonstrated that unarmored decks could be penetrated, causing progressive flooding despite the ship's 13.5-inch (343 mm) belt remaining intact; however, the trial omitted anti-aircraft fire, damage control, and maneuvering, limiting its applicability to defended warships.[118] In World War II, empirical data from engagements showed battleships like HMS Prince of Wales sustaining critical damage from dive-bomber hits penetrating thinner deck armor, while torpedo strikes exploited underwater protection schemes—multi-layered compartments and bulges—that absorbed but could not always negate multiple impacts, as seen in the loss of five battleships to aerial torpedoes in the Mediterranean by 1941.[119] Against shellfire, assessments confirmed designed immunities: Iowa-class armor resisted 16-inch projectiles at combat ranges exceeding 20,000 yards, per Bureau of Ordnance models, though transverse bulkheads proved weaker points, as evidenced by simulated penetrations in gunnery exercises.[60] Torpedo vulnerabilities persisted despite innovations like the "sandwich" bulges on U.S. Standards, which mitigated single hits via liquid-filled voids but failed against coordinated strikes, contributing to sinkings like Yamato's in 1945 under over 300 aircraft-delivered ordnance.[117] Overall, while armor schemes enhanced survivability in gun duels, World War II outcomes underscored causal dependencies on escorts and air cover, with no battleship lost solely to gunfire after 1941, highlighting adaptive threats over inherent design flaws.[112]Propulsion, Speed, and Endurance
Early battleship propulsion relied on reciprocating steam engines driven by coal-fired boilers, typically achieving speeds of 15 to 18 knots in pre-dreadnought designs of the late 19th and early 20th centuries. These triple-expansion engines converted steam pressure into mechanical motion via pistons connected to propeller shafts, but they suffered from vibration, inefficiency at high speeds, and limitations in power output relative to weight.[120] The 1906 HMS Dreadnought marked a pivotal shift to steam turbines, employing Parsons direct-drive turbines powered by 18 Yarrow water-tube boilers to produce 23,000 shaft horsepower (shp), enabling a top speed of 21 knots—significantly faster than contemporaries while maintaining comparable endurance of around 6,620 nautical miles (nmi) at 10 knots or 4,910 nmi at 18.9 knots. Turbines offered smoother operation, higher rotational speeds, and better efficiency across a broader power band, though early versions required high-pressure steam and multiple units (high-pressure, cruising, and low-pressure) to optimize performance. This system became standard for dreadnought-era battleships, with subsequent refinements like geared turbines reducing mechanical losses.[24][121] By World War II, oil-fired boilers supplanted coal for superior energy density, easier refueling, and reduced crew requirements, paired with geared steam turbines for battleships prioritizing fleet speed. The U.S. Iowa-class exemplified this, with four Westinghouse geared turbines driven by eight Babcock & Wilcox boilers generating 212,000 shp to reach 33 knots sustained (up to 35.2 knots at light displacement), and endurance of approximately 15,000 nmi at 15 knots due to 2.5 million gallons of fuel oil capacity. Germany's Bismarck-class used three AEG geared turbines with 12 Wagner boilers for 150,170 shp and 30.1 knots, yielding 8,525 nmi at 19 knots, though its shorter hull limited high-speed efficiency compared to longer American designs. Japan's Yamato-class employed four Kanpon geared turbines with 12 boilers producing about 150,000 shp for 27 knots, constrained by massive displacement but adequate for doctrinal needs emphasizing decisive surface actions over extended transoceanic patrols. Diesel engines, while efficient for submarines and auxiliaries, were rarely adopted for fast battleships due to lower power-to-weight ratios unsuitable for 30+ knot requirements.[122][123][11][124][125]Strategic Doctrine and Tactics
All-Big-Gun Philosophy and Fleet Actions
The all-big-gun philosophy in battleship design emphasized a uniform main battery of large-caliber guns, abandoning the mixed armament of pre-dreadnought vessels that combined a few heavy guns with numerous intermediate-caliber weapons for varying engagement ranges. This shift, pioneered in HMS Dreadnought launched in 1906 under Admiral John Fisher's direction, enabled simplified fire control systems by standardizing shell ballistics, ranges, and spotting procedures across the battery, allowing for concentrated salvos at extended distances up to 10,000 yards or more.[30][126] Proponents argued that large-caliber guns offered superior penetration against armored targets due to heavier shells and higher muzzle velocities, while the uniformity permitted higher volume of effective fire without the confusion of disparate trajectories inherent in mixed batteries. The design's tactical advantages included the ability to dictate engagement ranges through superior speed—Dreadnought's turbine engines achieved 21 knots—and to overwhelm opponents with broadside fire in fleet maneuvers, rendering older battleships obsolete overnight and sparking a global naval arms race. Validation for this approach drew from the 1905 Battle of Tsushima, where Japanese battleships under Admiral Togo Heihachiro used concentrated 12-inch gun fire to devastating effect against the Russian Baltic Fleet, crossing the enemy's T-formation to maximize broadsides while minimizing exposure.[127][126] In fleet actions, the philosophy underpinned doctrines centered on decisive battles between battle lines, where battleships would steam in parallel formations to exchange salvos, employing tactics like crossing the T to bring maximum guns to bear while presenting only bow fire to the enemy. The Battle of Jutland on May 31, 1916, represented the largest such clash, pitting 28 British dreadnoughts against 16 German ones; initial German maneuvers crossed the British T, inflicting heavy damage with accurate long-range gunnery, but British numerical superiority and redeployments prevented a knockout, resulting in 14 British and 11 German battleships damaged but strategically preserving British naval dominance. Empirical outcomes at Jutland demonstrated the philosophy's strengths in gunnery accuracy and armor resilience under fire, with hits often decided by ranging and spotting rather than caliber alone, though fog and visibility limited ranges to under 15,000 yards.[128][5] Subsequent doctrines, such as the U.S. Navy's post-1918 emphasis on aggressive long-range fire informed by Jutland's lessons, reinforced the all-big-gun ship's role in seizing initiative for fleet decisions, yet World War II's absence of comparable surface actions—due to carrier aviation's rise—left the philosophy untested in its purest form, highlighting its causal reliance on surface gunnery supremacy amid evolving threats.[129]Psychological and Deterrent Effects
The deployment of battleships historically amplified national prestige and domestic morale by showcasing industrial might and technological superiority, serving as tangible emblems of resolve that bolstered public support for naval expansion. In the United States, debates surrounding the battleship fleet in 1890-1891 framed these vessels as both instruments and symbols of emerging global power, fostering a sense of national confidence amid imperial ambitions.[130] Similarly, pre-World War I naval architecture emphasized battleships' role in sustaining fleet morale, where their imposing presence reinforced crew discipline and operational cohesion under duress.[131] Battleships exerted deterrent effects by compelling adversaries to allocate resources against potential decisive engagements, often averting conflict through the credible threat of concentrated firepower. The 1906 commissioning of HMS Dreadnought psychologically disrupted global navies by obsoleting existing fleets, igniting an arms race that diverted German efforts into a "risk fleet" strategy under Admiral Tirpitz, intended to deter British intervention in continental affairs by raising the costs of confrontation.[38] This dynamic aligned with Alfred Thayer Mahan's advocacy for battleship-centric forces to command sea lanes and deter rivals via overwhelming local superiority, influencing doctrines that prioritized capital ships as the ultimate arbiters of naval supremacy.[132] In World War II, individual battleships demonstrated acute psychological leverage; the Bismarck's May 1941 sortie into the Atlantic, culminating in the May 24 sinking of HMS Hood with the loss of 1,415 lives, triggered panic over convoy vulnerabilities and prompted the Royal Navy to mobilize over 40 vessels in pursuit, diverting assets from other theaters and eroding British confidence until Bismarck's destruction on May 27 restored morale.[133][134] A successful escape by Bismarck would have inflicted a profound psychological setback on Britain, potentially emboldening Axis surface raids.[135] Likewise, the stationary Tirpitz in Norwegian waters tied down British forces, deterring German fleet operations while its mere threat justified sustained Allied reconnaissance and strikes, culminating in its November 12, 1944, sinking by RAF bombers. Postwar reactivations of Iowa-class battleships underscored their enduring deterrent value amid limited conflicts. During the Korean War (1950-1953), vessels like USS New Jersey and USS Iowa provided gunfire support—New Jersey alone expending nearly 3,000 16-inch shells—but their visible offshore presence signaled U.S. commitment, deterring broader Chinese intervention by demonstrating capacity for sustained coastal dominance.[113][136] In Vietnam, USS New Jersey's 1968-1969 deployment fired over 5,688 16-inch rounds against North Vietnamese targets, bolstering allied ground forces psychologically while intimidating enemy logistics through unpredictable, high-volume barrages that outranged land-based artillery.[113] These operations highlighted battleships' utility in "showing the flag" to project power without escalation to full fleet actions, a tactic rooted in deterrence theory where capital ship deployments raised adversaries' risk assessments.[137] Empirical outcomes reveal battleships' deterrent efficacy often stemmed from perceived invulnerability rather than frequent engagements; World War I's Battle of Jutland (May 31-June 1, 1916), where the British Grand Fleet's 28 battleships deterred the German High Seas Fleet's 16 from seeking further decisive clashes, preserved Allied sea control despite tactical ambiguities.[138] Critics noting limited surface battles overlook this indirect coercion, as battleships compelled opponents into defensive postures, conserving resources for own-side advantages—a causal mechanism evident in interwar treaties like the 1922 Washington Naval Treaty, which capped battleship tonnages to mitigate the psychological arms spiral.[139] However, overreliance on such symbols risked complacency, as aviation's rise post-1940s diminished their standalone intimidation absent integrated defenses.[140]Integration with Combined Arms
Battleships traditionally formed the core of naval battle lines, screened by destroyers and cruisers to counter torpedo threats from submarines and enemy light forces. Destroyers provided anti-submarine warfare and torpedo defense, while cruisers handled scouting and engaged opposing destroyers, enabling battleships to focus on gunnery duels with peer capital ships.[141][142] In World War I actions like Jutland on May 31-June 1, 1916, British battleships relied on destroyer flotillas for protection against German torpedo attacks, though coordination challenges limited effectiveness.[143] During World War II, integration extended to aircraft carriers in fast carrier task forces, particularly in the U.S. Pacific Fleet. Fast battleships, such as the Iowa-class vessels commissioned between 1943 and 1944, accompanied carriers to provide anti-aircraft fire and heavy surface gunfire against potential enemy battleships or cruisers. A typical task group in Task Force 58 included four carriers encircled by battleships, cruisers, and destroyers for layered defense, as seen in operations from 1944 onward, including the Battle of Leyte Gulf in October 1944 where battleships supported carrier strikes.[144][145] This combined arms approach leveraged carrier air superiority for scouting and strikes while battleships offered robust protection against surface and air threats, though battleships' vulnerability to air attack necessitated such screening.[146] In amphibious operations, battleships delivered pre-landing bombardment to suppress coastal defenses, integrating with Marine Corps landings and infantry advances. At Iwo Jima in February 1945, battleships like USS Tennessee provided sustained gunfire support alongside carrier air strikes and destroyer radar pickets, firing thousands of 16-inch shells to neutralize bunkers and artillery.[147] Similarly, during Okinawa from April 1945, older battleships focused on shore bombardment, coordinating with amphibious forces to enable beach assaults, though effectiveness varied due to terrain concealment of targets.[148] This role highlighted battleships' utility in combined arms when air and land elements compensated for their limitations in maneuverability and vulnerability to long-range air power.[149]Economic and Logistical Dimensions
Construction and Lifecycle Costs
The construction of battleships represented a substantial financial commitment, with costs escalating from the early 20th century due to advances in size, armor, armament, and propulsion systems. HMS Dreadnought, launched in 1906, cost approximately £1.8 million to build, equivalent to a significant portion of the Royal Navy's annual shipbuilding budget at the time.[150] By the interwar period, costs had risen markedly; for instance, the U.S. Navy's North Carolina-class battleships, authorized under the 1937 Vinson-Trammell Act, averaged $60 million per ship in late 1930s dollars.[151] The South Dakota class followed at $77-78 million each, reflecting increased displacement and speed requirements under treaty limitations.[151] World War II-era battleships further amplified expenses amid wartime urgency and material scarcities. The Iowa-class ships, such as USS Iowa, cost about $100 million apiece in 1940s dollars, encompassing steel, turbines, and 16-inch guns produced under accelerated contracts.[152] Germany's Bismarck-class incurred 196 million Reichsmarks for Bismarck (approximately matching a U.S. South Dakota's cost at prevailing exchange rates), driven by heavy Krupp armor and diesel-electric propulsion.[153] Japan's Yamato demanded around 250 million yen in total outlay, straining imperial resources equivalent to multiple destroyer flotillas, due to its unprecedented 18.1-inch guns and secretive dockyard expansions.[154] Lifecycle costs extended far beyond initial outlays, encompassing maintenance, fuel, ammunition, and crew sustainment over decades of service. Battleships required crews of 2,000-3,000 personnel, with the Iowa class needing up to 2,700 for full wartime operations, imposing ongoing payroll and training burdens within naval budgets.[152] Fuel demands were prodigious; an Iowa-class vessel carried 2.2 million gallons of oil but consumed it rapidly at high speeds—up to 1,000 tons per day at 29 knots—necessitating dedicated tanker escorts and straining global supply chains.[152] [155] Overhauls, such as those during wartime refits, added tens of millions; for example, pre-WWII U.S. battleship programs absorbed a disproportionate share of the Navy's $1.1 billion fiscal year 1940 appropriation amid rising tensions.[156] These factors underscored battleships' role as capital-intensive assets, where operational readiness often exceeded construction expenses by factors of 2-3 over their 20-30 year lifespans, prioritizing deterrence over frequent deployment.[157]| Battleship Class/Example | Construction Cost (Original Currency/Year) | Key Cost Drivers |
|---|---|---|
| HMS Dreadnought (1906) | £1.8 million | Turbine innovation, all-big-gun armament |
| North Carolina-class (1930s) | $60 million USD | Treaty-compliant design, dual-purpose guns |
| Iowa-class (1940s) | $100 million USD | High-speed boilers, radar integration |
| Bismarck (1939) | 196 million Reichsmarks | Thick armor plating, dual propulsion |
| Yamato (1941) | ~250 million yen | Massive gun turrets, secrecy measures |
Industrial Impacts and Manpower Demands
The construction of battleships required immense industrial resources, including specialized steel production for armor plating that could exceed 15 inches in thickness and heavy forgings for main battery guns weighing hundreds of tons each. In Britain, the pre-World War I dreadnought program drove expansion in heavy industry, with shipyards on the River Tyne—such as those of Armstrong Whitworth—equipped to handle up to five dreadnoughts simultaneously, necessitating advanced riveting, plating, and turbine manufacturing capabilities that boosted national steel output and metallurgical expertise.[158] Similarly, German efforts for the Bismarck class, displacing around 50,000 tons at full load, consumed vast quantities of high-quality steel and machined components, straining limited wartime forging and machining capacity and diverting resources from other armaments like submarines or tanks.[159] These projects often employed disintegrated production chains, outsourcing components to multiple firms while relying on skilled artisans for final assembly, which accelerated innovations in modular construction but highlighted dependencies on concentrated industrial clusters.[160] Manpower demands for battleship construction were acute, drawing on thousands of skilled workers per vessel over construction periods typically spanning 2–4 years. U.S. Navy yards exemplified this during World War II, where facilities like the New York Naval Shipyard—responsible for Iowa-class battleships—saw employment rise from about 1,650 workers pre-World War I to nearly 6,000 by war's end, with analogous surges at other sites like Mare Island reaching 39,000 civilians focused on warship repairs and builds amid broader mobilization.[161][162] In Britain, World War I shipbuilding at Barrow-in-Furness expanded the workforce to over 30,000, supporting submarine and battleship output through intensive labor in welding, fitting, and outfitting.[163] These efforts prioritized experienced riveters, boilermakers, and engineers, often leading to labor shortages in civilian sectors and reliance on batch scheduling to manage skilled trades amid high turnover from hazardous conditions.[164] Operational manpower further amplified demands, as dreadnought-era battleships required crews of 800–1,000 for early designs, escalating to 2,500–3,000 by World War II to handle expanded anti-aircraft batteries and damage control amid all-big-gun and hybrid warfare roles.[165] U.S. mobilization for such vessels contributed to the Bureau of Naval Personnel recruiting and training over 3.5 million personnel by 1945, with battleship complements emphasizing gunnery specialists and engineers to sustain prolonged fleet actions.[166] This human capital intensity underscored battleships' role in prioritizing quality over quantity in naval strategy, though it competed with aviation and amphibious forces for trained sailors.Debates and Controversies
Effectiveness Against Air and Submarine Threats
Early interwar tests demonstrated battleships' vulnerability to aerial bombing. On July 21, 1921, U.S. Army Air Service bombers under Brigadier General William Mitchell sank the captured German dreadnought SMS Ostfriesland off Virginia Capes using six 2,000-pound bombs dropped in quick succession after preliminary 1,000-pound bomb strikes caused structural damage, proving that unarmored decks could be penetrated by heavy aerial ordnance despite the ship's watertight compartments and damage control efforts.[57][167] This demonstration highlighted the potential of aircraft to exploit battleships' topside vulnerabilities from above, where deck armor was thinner than belt protection against surface gunfire.[168] During World War II, battleships faced repeated confirmation of this weakness in combat. Japanese land-based aircraft sank the British battleship Prince of Wales and battlecruiser Repulse on December 10, 1941, off Malaya using torpedoes and bombs without effective interception, as the absence of carrier-based fighter cover left anti-aircraft (AA) batteries overwhelmed by coordinated strikes.[169] Similarly, the Imperial Japanese Navy's super-battleship Yamato was sunk on April 7, 1945, north of Okinawa by approximately 386 U.S. carrier aircraft launching over 2,000 projectiles, including 11 confirmed torpedoes and at least 7 bombs that breached magazines and caused catastrophic flooding and fires, despite Yamato's extensive AA suite of 150+ guns and evasive maneuvers at 15-20 knots.[84][170] Efforts to bolster AA defenses evolved significantly, incorporating radar-directed fire control, proximity (VT) fuzes from 1943, and dense batteries of 40mm Bofors and 20mm Oerlikon guns alongside 5-inch dual-purpose mounts. U.S. Navy data indicated VT-fuzed 5-inch shells achieved roughly twice the kill rate against aircraft compared to contact-fuzed rounds, with overall shipboard AA downing thousands of planes fleet-wide.[171] Yet, empirical outcomes showed limitations against massed, high-altitude or low-level attacks by carrier aviation, where saturation overwhelmed point defenses; for instance, in late-war kamikaze assaults, only 69% of identified suicide planes were prevented from hitting targets despite integrated AA fire.[172] Battleships thus required friendly air superiority for viable operations, as isolated surface groups suffered disproportionate losses to unchallenged aerial torpedo and dive-bombing tactics.[173] Against submarine threats, battleships possessed minimal inherent countermeasures, relying primarily on escort screens for detection and engagement. Early designs featured torpedo nets deployable from booms, but these proved ineffective against fast-running torpedoes and were largely abandoned by World War I's end due to operational hindrance in high seas. Submerged submarines evaded visual detection, and battleships lacked dedicated sonar (hydrophones were rudimentary and ship-motion interfered), depth charges, or hedgehog projectors as standard fitments, rendering direct ASW futile without destroyer-led hunts.[174] Historical performance underscored this dependency: the British battleship Royal Oak was torpedoed and sunk by U-47 on October 14, 1939, in Scapa Flow due to undetected submarine penetration of harbor defenses, killing 835 crew.[175] HMS Barham capsized after three torpedo hits from U-331 on November 25, 1941, in the Mediterranean, with AA fire ineffective against underwater attack. Even with destroyer screens, battleships like Bismarck sustained torpedo damage from carrier aircraft-launched weapons on May 26, 1941, reducing speed and enabling pursuit, though submerged U-boat threats persisted in wolfpack tactics that prioritized merchant shipping over capital ships screened in fleets.[169] Convoy doctrines and dedicated ASW vessels, not battleship modifications, proved the causal determinants of submarine attrition, as surface gunnery offered no recourse against submerged periscopes or acoustic homing torpedoes.[176]Obsolescence Narratives vs. Empirical Performance
Post-World War I demonstrations, such as the aerial sinking of the former German battleship SMS Ostfriesland on July 21, 1921, by U.S. Army bombers under Brigadier General Billy Mitchell, fueled early narratives portraying battleships as vulnerable to air power and thus on the path to obsolescence.[118] These tests involved stationary, undefended targets with rules restricting evasive maneuvers and damage control, conditions unrepresentative of operational scenarios, yet they were cited to advocate prioritizing aviation over capital ships.[118] In World War II, obsolescence claims intensified with high-profile sinkings like the Japanese battleships Musashi (October 24, 1944) and Yamato (April 7, 1945), which required coordinated strikes by hundreds of aircraft delivering torpedoes and bombs—Musashi absorbed 19 torpedo hits and 17 bomb hits from over 200 planes before sinking, while Yamato took 7–11 torpedoes and 11 bombs from 386 aircraft.[177] Such events, alongside the loss of HMS Prince of Wales and Repulse to land-based Japanese aircraft on December 10, 1941 (without carrier or fleet air cover), were generalized to argue aircraft carriers supplanted battleships as the dominant naval arm.[177] However, these cases involved exceptional concentrations of attackers against often isolated or defensively compromised targets, not typical fleet engagements. Empirical analysis of World War II battleship losses reveals air-delivered weapons caused only 18 of 69 operational sinkings, with the majority (51) attributable to underwater damage from submarines, surface ships, or mines, underscoring torpedoes as the primary threat rather than bombs alone.[177] No U.S. battleship was lost to enemy action after the Pearl Harbor attack on December 7, 1941, despite intense air campaigns; ships like the repaired USS West Virginia and USS California returned to service and contributed to victories such as Leyte Gulf (October 1944), where battleships provided critical gunfire support and anti-aircraft defense.[178] High-altitude level bombing proved largely ineffective against moving, armored battleships due to inaccuracy, with hit probabilities requiring formations of 9 or more planes for reliable damage, while low-level attacks succeeded mainly against lighter vessels.[179] Battleship anti-aircraft suites demonstrated resilience, downing or deterring attackers; U.S. Navy data indicate only 9% of enemy planes entering AA range achieved damaging or sinking hits on ships overall.[180] In fleet operations, battleships like the Iowa-class vessels shielded carriers during the Pacific campaign, enabling strikes while enduring kamikaze assaults—USS Missouri, for instance, survived multiple hits during Okinawa (April–June 1945) and continued shore bombardment.[181] Post-war Operation Crossroads nuclear tests (1946) further tested survivability: in the airburst Able shot (July 1), battleships USS Nevada and USS Arkansas sustained moderate to extensive topside damage but remained afloat at distances of 615–620 yards from ground zero, contrasting with lighter ships sunk nearby; the underwater Baker shot (July 25) capsized Nevada via shock wave, highlighting vulnerability to subsurface effects but affirming blast resistance absent radiation.[182] These data challenge blanket obsolescence narratives, as battleships adapted to roles in combined arms warfare—gunfire support devastated Iwo Jima (February–March 1945) and Okinawa defenses, firing over 40,000 shells from U.S. battleships alone—while their armor withstood conventional air threats better than unarmored carriers, which suffered higher attrition rates early in the war.[183] Strategic shifts toward carrier-centric fleets reflected resource allocation and range advantages, not inherent battleship ineffectiveness; empirical performance affirmed their utility until nuclear escalation and missile eras introduced unprecedented vulnerabilities.[183]Modern Revival Proposals and Feasibility
In September 2025, former U.S. President Donald Trump proposed reviving battleships in the U.S. Navy, emphasizing their heavy artillery for sustained firepower and thick armor as advantages in potential conflicts with peer adversaries like China.[184][185] This echoed earlier discussions among naval analysts about reactivating decommissioned Iowa-class ships, such as the USS New Jersey, potentially in as little as 60 days with focused repairs to propulsion and basic systems, though full combat readiness would require extensive modernization.[186] Proponents argue that battleships could provide cost-effective shore bombardment, with 16-inch guns delivering volumes of fire cheaper per ton than precision-guided missiles for prolonged operations; however, the effectiveness of such main armaments in contemporary naval operations would depend on technological maturity, such as reviving legacy large-caliber guns versus integrating emerging systems like railguns, operational costs contrasting ammunition and supply logistics with near-zero marginal costs of directed-energy weapons like lasers, and tactical utility, where big guns offer psychological deterrence and sustained shore support but exhibit inferior versatility to vertical launch systems for multi-role engagements against air, surface, and ground threats amid drone swarms and hypersonic weapons.[112][187] However, feasibility assessments highlight insurmountable vulnerabilities in modern warfare. Battleships' large size and low speed—typically 30 knots for Iowa-class—make them detectable by advanced radars and satellites, rendering them prime targets for hypersonic missiles, swarming drones, and submarine-launched torpedoes, as demonstrated by the rapid sinking of unarmored capital ships in World War II and the obsolescence of surface gun platforms post-1945. Modern naval warfare favors distributed, networked forces over concentrated firepower in large, expensive, vulnerable platforms to enhance resilience against such threats.[188] Even with hypothetical upgrades like railguns or directed-energy weapons, the physics of terminal ballistics favors distributed, missile-armed escorts over concentrated heavy hulls, which demand disproportionate defensive resources against saturation attacks.[184] Economic barriers further undermine revival. Reactivating the four Iowa-class battleships in the 1980s cost $1.66 billion, equivalent to over $4 billion today, while new construction would exceed $20 billion per ship due to lost expertise in forging heavy armor and casting massive gun barrels, diverting funds from multiple Arleigh Burke-class destroyers that offer superior versatility at lower unit costs. Building such vessels would encounter additional technical hurdles, including reviving obsolete big-gun technologies and integrating nuclear propulsion without recent operational experience; budgetary constraints for custom designs potentially reaching tens of billions per ship; political barriers, such as defense policies favoring non-offensive assets and public opposition to nuclear-powered warships; and industrial capacity issues, like shipyard overload from massive hulls and weapon systems. Allied programs involving shared technology could mitigate some risks compared to fully independent development.[109] Crew requirements—over 1,800 personnel per Iowa-class—exacerbate manpower strains in navies prioritizing unmanned systems and smaller crews, with no empirical evidence from simulations or exercises supporting battleships' survival in contested anti-access/area-denial environments dominated by carrier air wings and long-range strikes.[189] Naval doctrine since the 1991 Gulf War has empirically favored precision over massed gunfire, confirming battleships' marginal utility absent revolutionary defenses unproven against current threats.[184][190]Legacy and Influence
Shaping Modern Naval Architecture
The launch of HMS Dreadnought on February 10, 1906, established the foundational principles of modern capital ship architecture by integrating an all-big-gun armament of ten 12-inch guns in a uniform battery, eliminating intermediate calibers that had previously complicated fire control and ammunition handling.[33] This design rendered all prior battleships obsolete, compelling global navies to adopt similar configurations for their capital ships through World War II, thereby standardizing heavy, homogeneous main batteries as the benchmark for projecting naval power.[33] The emphasis on concentrated firepower over mixed armaments influenced subsequent warship classes, including cruisers and destroyers, where main gun or missile batteries prioritize uniformity for streamlined targeting and logistics.[191] Steam turbine propulsion, pioneered in Dreadnought using Charles Parsons' design to achieve 21 knots, marked a leap from reciprocating engines, offering higher efficiency, reduced vibration, and sustained high speeds essential for fleet maneuvers.[33] This system dominated battleship and cruiser propulsion into the 1940s, powering vessels like the Iowa-class at over 33 knots with four shafts and 212,000 shaft horsepower.[192] Even after the shift to gas turbines in the 1960s for smaller warships, nuclear-powered aircraft carriers such as the Nimitz-class retain steam turbines—driven by nuclear reactors producing steam at 1,000 psi—for propulsion and electricity, demonstrating the enduring reliability of turbine-driven systems for large-displacement vessels exceeding 100,000 tons.[193] Battleship armor schemes, particularly the U.S. Navy's "all-or-nothing" approach adopted in the Colorado-class from 1917, concentrated up to 13.5 inches of belt armor and 18 inches on turrets around vital machinery and magazines while leaving less critical areas unarmored to optimize weight for speed and guns.[13] This selective protection philosophy persists in modern naval architecture through layered defenses, where kevlar spall liners, composite vital area hardening, and citadel-like enclosures for command centers and reactors prioritize survivability against precision strikes over comprehensive plating.[194] Recent analyses suggest reviving partial armored belts—potentially 12-18 inches of advanced composites—could enhance resilience against anti-ship missiles, echoing battleship-era trade-offs between protection, displacement, and mobility in designs displacing 40,000-70,000 tons.[184] The battleship era also advanced structural hydrodynamics and materials, with innovations like bulbous bows for drag reduction—refined in interwar designs—and high-tensile steel welding that improved hull girder strength against torpedo damage, informing the robust, 1,000-foot armored flight decks of Essex-class carriers built during World War II.[9] These developments in balancing armament, armor, and speed as interdependent factors continue to guide contemporary warship sizing, where Arleigh Burke-class destroyers at 9,200 tons integrate vertical launch systems in a scaled-down echo of battleship modularity.[9]Preserved Vessels and Museums
Few battleships survive intact due to extensive scrapping after World War II under naval treaties and high maintenance costs, with most preserved examples from the United States Navy's World War II fleet. These vessels demonstrate advancements in armor, propulsion, and firepower, serving as educational resources on naval warfare evolution. Internationally, preservation is rarer, limited primarily to symbolic pre-dreadnought relics. The USS Texas (BB-35), commissioned on March 12, 1914, as a New York-class battleship, participated in both world wars and D-Day bombardment before decommissioning in 1948, becoming the first U.S. battleship designated a permanent museum ship that year.[195] After corrosion repairs, it relocated to Galveston, Texas, in 2025 for ongoing restoration as a state historic site.[196] Iowa-class battleships, designed for 33-knot speeds and 16-inch guns, represent the pinnacle of U.S. battleship development with four preserved: USS Iowa (BB-61, commissioned 1943, museum in San Pedro, California, since 2012), USS New Jersey (BB-62, Camden, New Jersey), USS Missouri (BB-63, Pearl Harbor, Hawaii, site of Japan's 1945 surrender), and USS Wisconsin (BB-64, Norfolk, Virginia).[197][198] USS Iowa, the class lead, fired over 600 16-inch shells in World War II and Korean War actions before museum conversion.[199] Other U.S. South Dakota-class and North Carolina-class examples include USS Alabama (BB-60, Mobile, Alabama) and USS North Carolina (BB-55, Wilmington, North Carolina), preserved post-1947 decommissioning to showcase gunnery and anti-aircraft systems amid carrier dominance. Japan's Mikasa, a 1902 pre-dreadnought with 12-inch guns, flagship at Tsushima in 1905, was saved from scrapping in 1925 as a memorial in Yokosuka, partially restored with concrete hull reinforcement, and remains the sole preserved battleship of its era globally.[200] No European dreadnoughts endure fully intact, as post-war demilitarization prioritized aircraft carriers and submarines.[201]| Ship Name | Class | Commissioned | Location | Key Preservation Note |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| USS Texas (BB-35) | New York | 1914 | Galveston, TX | First U.S. battleship museum, 1948; WWI/WWII veteran.[202] |
| USS North Carolina (BB-55) | North Carolina | 1941 | Wilmington, NC | Guadalcanal actions; museum since 1962. |
| USS Alabama (BB-60) | South Dakota | 1942 | Mobile, AL | North Africa/Italy campaigns; opened 1965. |
| USS Iowa (BB-61) | Iowa | 1943 | San Pedro, CA | Fast battleship lead; WWII/Korea/Cold War service.[199] |
| USS Missouri (BB-63) | Iowa | 1944 | Pearl Harbor, HI | V-J Day signing; museum 1998. |
| Mikasa | Mikasa | 1902 | Yokosuka, Japan | Tsushima victor; memorial since 1925.[200] |