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Central entry checkpoint to Seversk, a closed city in Russia's Tomsk Oblast, 2010

A closed city or closed town is a settlement where travel or residency restrictions are applied.[1] Historically, the construction of closed cities became increasingly common in the Soviet Union during the Cold War.[1] Since the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991, they remain widespread in Russia and some of the other post-Soviet countries. In modern Russia, closed cities are designated as "closed administrative–territorial formations".

Structure and operations

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A checkpoint in Zheleznogorsk, a closed city in Russia's Krasnoyarsk Krai, 2011

Closed cities are sometimes represented only on classified maps that are not available to the general public.[1]

Sometimes, closed cities are indicated obliquely as a nearby insignificant village, with the name of the stop serving the closed city made equivocal or misleading. For mail delivery, a closed city is usually named as the nearest large city and a special postcode, for example, Arzamas‑16, Chelyabinsk‑65. The actual settlement can be rather distant from its namesakes; for instance, Sarov, designated Arzamas-16, is in the federal republic of Mordovia, whereas Arzamas is in Nizhny Novgorod Oblast (roughly 75 kilometres (47 mi) away). People not living in a closed city were subject to document checks and security checkpoints, and explicit permission was required for them to visit.[2] To relocate to a closed city, one would need security clearance by the organization running it, such as the KGB in Soviet closed cities.

Closed cities may be guarded by a security perimeter with barbed wire and towers. The very fact of such a city's existence was often classified, and residents were expected not to divulge their place of residence to outsiders. This lack of freedom was often compensated by better housing conditions and a better choice of goods in retail trade than elsewhere in the country.[1]

In the Soviet Union

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Map of Russia's federal subjects, with those highlighted in red containing closed cities for nuclear research and development, as of July 2009.

Closed cities were established in the Soviet Union from the late 1940s onwards under the euphemistic name of "post boxes", referring to the practice of addressing post to them via mailboxes in other cities. They fell into two distinct categories.

  1. The first category comprised relatively small communities with sensitive military, industrial, or scientific facilities, such as arms plants or nuclear research sites.[3] Examples are the modern towns of Ozyorsk (Chelyabinsk-65) with a plutonium production plant, and Sillamäe, the site of a uranium enrichment facility. Even Soviet citizens were not allowed access to these places without proper authorization. In addition to this, some bigger cities were closed for unauthorized access to foreigners, while they were freely accessible to Soviet citizens. These included cities like Perm, a center for Soviet artillery, munitions, and also aircraft engines production, and Vladivostok, the headquarters and primary base of the Soviet Pacific Fleet.
  2. The second category consisted of border cities (and some whole border areas, such as the Kaliningrad Oblast,[citation needed] Saaremaa, and Hiiumaa), which were closed for security purposes. Comparable closed areas existed elsewhere in the Eastern bloc; a substantial area along the inner German border and the border between West Germany and Czechoslovakia was placed under similar restrictions (although by the 1970s foreigners could cross the latter by train). Citizens were required to have special permits to enter such areas.

The locations of the first category of closed cities were chosen for their geographical characteristics. They were often established in remote places deep in the Urals and Siberia, out of reach of enemy bombers. They were built close to rivers and lakes that were used to provide the large amounts of water needed for heavy industry and nuclear technology. Existing civilian settlements in the vicinity were often used as sources of construction labour. Although the closure of cities originated as a strictly temporary measure that was to be normalized under more favorable conditions, in practice the closed cities took on a life of their own and became a notable institutional feature of the Soviet system.[4]

Any movement to and from closed areas was tightly controlled. Foreigners were prohibited from entering them and local citizens were under stringent restrictions. They had to have special permission to travel there or leave, and anyone seeking residency was required to undergo vetting by the NKVD and its successor agencies. Access to some closed cities was physically enforced by surrounding them with barbed wire fences monitored by armed guards.

In post-Soviet countries

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Russia

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A view of housing units in Severomorsk, a closed town that serves as the headquarters of the Northern Fleet in Russia's Murmansk Oblast, 2010

Russia has the largest number of closed cities globally. The policy governing these cities underwent significant changes in the late 1980s and early 1990s. The adoption of a new constitution for the Russian Federation in 1993 prompted substantial reforms to the status of closed cities, which were subsequently renamed "closed administrative-territorial formations" (or ZATO, from the Russian acronym, Закры́тое администрати́вно-территориа́льное образова́ние (ЗАТО́)). Municipally, all such entities have the status of urban okrugs, as mandated by federal law.

There are 44 publicly acknowledged closed cities in Russia with a total population of approximately 1.5 million people. Seventy-five percent are administered by the Russian Ministry of Defense, with the remainder under the administration of Rosatom.[5] It is believed that about 15 additional closed cities exist, but their names and locations have not been publicly disclosed by the Russian government.[6]

Some Russian closed cities are open to foreign investment, but entry for foreigners requires a permit. An example of international cooperation in these cities is the Nuclear Cities Initiative (NCI), a joint effort of the United States National Nuclear Security Administration and Minatom, which involves, in part, the cities of Sarov, Snezhinsk, and Zheleznogorsk.

The number of closed cities has been significantly reduced since the mid-1990s. However, on 30 October 2001, foreign travel was restricted without exception in the northern cities of Norilsk, Talnakh, Kayerkan, Dudinka, and Igarka. Russian and Belarusian citizens visiting these cities are not required to have permits; however, local courts have been known to deport Belarusian citizens.[7]

The number of closed cities in Russia is defined by government decree. The reasons for restrictions vary. These cities include:

Altai Krai

Amur Oblast

  • Tsiolkovsky – renamed from Uglegorsk in 2013 and known as Svobodny-18 (Свободный-18) before that, site of the second Russian trial cosmodrome of the Ministry of Defense of the Russian Federation, also called Svobodny Cosmodrome.

Arkhangelsk Oblast

Astrakhan Oblast

Republic of Bashkortostan

  • Mezhgorye – formerly known as Ufa-105 (Уфа-105) and Beloretsk-15 (Белорецк-15), home to the 129th Directorate of strategic subjects' technical supply and maintenance.

Chelyabinsk Oblast

A street in Snezhinsk, a closed town in Russia's Chelyabinsk Oblast, 2006
  • Lokomotivny
  • Ozyorsk – formerly known as Chelyabinsk-65 (Челябинск-65) and Chelyabinsk-40 (Челябинск-40), nuclear material processing and recycling plant.[9][10]
  • Snezhinsk – formerly known as Chelyabinsk-70 (Челябинск-70), site of one of the two major Russian Federal Nuclear Centers.[9]
  • Tryokhgorny – formerly known as Zlatoust-36 (Златоуст-36), site of development of parts and machinery for atomic stations and weaponry.[9]

Kamchatka Krai

  • Vilyuchinsk – formerly known as Petropavlovsk-Kamchatsky-50 (Петропавловск-Камчатский-50), base of a squadron of submarines from the Russian Pacific Fleet, also involved in the production of nuclear submarines.[citation needed]

Kirov Oblast

  • Pervomaysky – formerly known as Yurya-2 (Юрья-2).

Krasnoyarsk Krai

Moscow Oblast

  • Krasnoznamensk – formerly known as Golitsyno-2 (Голицыно-2).
  • Molodyozhny – formerly known as Naro-Fominsk-5 (Наро-Фоминск-5).
  • Vlasikha – formerly known as Gorky-2 (Горький-2).
  • Voskhod – formerly known as Novopetrovsk-2 (Новопетровск-2).
  • Zvyozdny gorodok – formerly known as Shchyolkovo-14 (Щёлково-14).

Murmansk Oblast

A view of Snezhnogorsk, a closed town in Russia's Murmansk Oblast, 2008

Nizhny Novgorod Oblast

A view of the Sarov Monastery in 1904 in Sarov, which was a regular city in the Russian Empire at the time. It became a closed city in the Soviet Union in 1946, and has remained a closed city in the Russian Federation since 1991.

Orenburg Oblast

Penza Oblast

Perm Krai

A cultural centre in Zvyozdny, a closed "urban-type settlement" in Russia's Perm Krai, 2010
  • Zvyozdny – formerly known as Perm-76 (Пермь-76).

Primorsky Krai

  • Fokino – formerly known as Shkotovo-17 (Шкотово-17).[16]

Pskov Oblast

Saratov Oblast

Sverdlovsk Oblast

Tomsk Oblast

A view of Seversk, a closed city in Russia's Tomsk Oblast, 2006

Tver Oblast

Vladimir Oblast

Zabaykalsky Krai

  • Gorny – formerly known as Chita-46 (Чита-46).

Non-ZATO restricted territories

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There is a list of territories within Russia that do not have closed-city status but require special permits for foreigners to visit.[17] The largest locality within such territory is the city of Norilsk.[18]

Estonia

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There were two closed cities in Estonia: Sillamäe and Paldiski. As with all the other industrial cities, their population was mainly Russian-speaking. Sillamäe was the site for a chemical factory that produced fuel rods and nuclear materials for the Soviet nuclear power plants and nuclear weapon facilities, while Paldiski was home to a Soviet Navy nuclear submarine training centre. Sillamäe was closed until Estonia regained its independence in 1991; Paldiski remained closed until 1994, when the last Russian warship left.[19]

Tartu, home to Raadi Airfield, was partially closed. Foreign academics could visit the University of Tartu, but had to sleep elsewhere.

Kazakhstan

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A 2004 aerial photograph of Baikonur, which became a closed city in the Kazakh SSR of the Soviet Union after it began serving the Soviet space program in 1955. Although it is now within the Kyzylorda Region of Kazakhstan, it has been leased to Russia until 2050. Accordingly, those who visit the city require a permit from Russia's Roscosmos, which manages the Soviet-era Baikonur Cosmodrome.
  • Baikonur, a town close to the Baikonur Cosmodrome in Kazakhstan, which is rented and administered by Russia. Non-resident visitors will need pre-approval from the Russian authorities to visit both the town of Baikonur itself and the Cosmodrome. Note that said approval is completely separate from just having a Russian visa. Some tourism organisations in Kazakhstan provide services in organising trips to visit Baikonur and the museums contained there.
  • Priozersk, Kazakhstan[20]
  • Kurchatov, Kazakhstan[21] – a former closed city that was known by its postal code, Semipalatinsk-21.[22]

Kyrgyzstan

[edit]

Latvia

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  • Karosta, a former Russian and Soviet naval base.
  • Skrunda-1, a former Soviet communications base. Currently used by the Latvian Armed Forces as of 2022.

Moldova

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Moldova has one partially closed city: the village of Cobasna (Rîbnița District), which is under the control of the unrecognized state of Transnistria internationally recognized as part of Moldova. The village, on the left bank of the Dniester river, contains a large Soviet-era ammunition depot guarded by Russian troops.[24][25] Only the Transnistrian and Russian authorities have detailed information about this depot.[26]

Ukraine

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Ukraine had eighteen closed cities, including:

In other countries

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Albania

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During the period of communist rule in Albania, the towns of Çorovodë and Qyteti Stalin (now Kuçovë) were closed cities with a military airport, military industry and other critical war infrastructure.

Australia

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Canada

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China

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Germany

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  • Riems, Germany, an island in the Bay of Greifswald, is home to the oldest virological research institution in the world and is closed to the public. Quarantine stables and laboratories have a high level of security. This means employees and visitors to the complex must change their clothes and shower when entering and exiting.

Hong Kong

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A signboard for the Frontier Closed Area in Hong Kong, 2006

The Frontier Closed Area (FCA) is a restricted zone along the northern border of Hong Kong, serving as a buffer between the closed border and the rest of the territory. Access to this area requires a Closed Area Permit. From 1951 to 2012, the FCA encompassed an area of 28 square kilometres, containing numerous villages. Following several stages of reduction, by 2016, the border town of Sha Tau Kok remained as the sole settlement within the FCA.

South Korea (ROK)

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Within the Korean Demilitarized Zone between North Korea and South Korea are two "peace villages" (one maintained by each nation): Daeseong-dong (South) and (possibly) Kijŏng-dong (North). Access by non-residents to Daeseong-dong requires a military escort, while Kijŏng-dong is not accessible to visitors.

North Korea (DPRK)

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The Yongbyon Nuclear Scientific Research Center is within a closed city with checkpoint access.[34]

Mexico

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Saudi Arabia

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  • Mecca is closed to non-Muslims. Similar restrictions are in place for the city centre of Medina.[38][39]

South Africa

[edit]
  • Alexander Bay, Northern Cape. After diamonds were discovered along this coast in 1925 by Hans Merensky, Alexander Bay became known for its mining activities. The town was a high-security area and permits were needed when entered. Today, it is no longer a high-security area and no permits are needed.

Sweden

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  • Fårö and the northernmost parts of Gotland were closed to foreign citizens until 1998.[40]

United Kingdom

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  • Imber, England, has been closed since 1943 when its residents were evicted by the British Army, who continue to use the village as a training ground for urban warfare. While most of the village's buildings have been demolished and replaced for training purposes, the village church (St Giles') was kept intact and the village is occasionally opened to the public during holidays.
  • Foulness Island contains two villages with permanent residences, but public right of way is limited to certain paths and access controlled by the Ministry of Defence. The site contains an active live firing range, as well as several inactive firing ranges and other structures as well as the site of the development and testing of the UK's first atomic weapons.

United States

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A street in the Gold Coast Historic District, which was a closed zone in Richland, Washington, during the Manhattan Project in the United States, 2007

Between 1957 and 1962, approximately one-third of the United States was closed to Soviet citizens.[48] Only seven states were accessible in their entirety: Oregon, Wyoming, Utah, North Carolina, Arkansas, Vermont, and Mississippi.[48][49]

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The 2020 film Tenet prominently features a fictional Soviet-era closed city in Siberia called Stalsk-12.[50]

See also

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References

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Further reading

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[edit]
Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
A closed city is a restricted-access settlement established by governments to house personnel engaged in highly sensitive , nuclear, or scientific activities, thereby minimizing risks of and leakage through controlled entry, residency permits, and isolation from external populations. These entities, most prominently developed in the during the mid-20th century, were designed around strategic facilities such as atomic bomb production sites and rocket development centers, with residents often unaware of the broader national context of their work. Officially designated as "closed administrative-territorial formations" (ZATO) in Russian, they were omitted from public maps, postal systems, and official records to enhance secrecy. Originating in the 1940s amid the Soviet nuclear weapons program initiated under , closed cities like Arzamas-16 (now ) and Chelyabinsk-65 (now Ozersk) became hubs for thousands of scientists, engineers, and laborers sequestered to accelerate analogs. By the 1950s and 1960s, the system expanded to encompass over 100 such formations across the USSR, supporting not only but also and naval bases, with internal self-sufficiency in housing, services, and governance to sustain operational security. The rigid controls—ranging from guarded perimeters and pass systems to prohibitions on unauthorized correspondence—reflected a prioritization of state secrecy over individual mobility, though they fostered specialized expertise in isolated environments. Following the Soviet Union's dissolution in 1991, many closed cities were declassified and integrated into open administrative structures, but retains approximately 40 ZATOs as of the 2020s, including sites like and Zheleznogorsk, where restrictions persist due to ongoing strategic imperatives. Analogous but typically temporary restricted zones appeared elsewhere, such as the ' Los Alamos and Oak Ridge during World War II's , though without the enduring closed status of ZATOs. These formations highlight governments' historical resort to geographic containment as a mechanism for safeguarding technological edges amid geopolitical rivalries.

Definition and Characteristics

In the , closed cities were established via secret decrees from the or the Communist Party Central Committee, typically from the late 1940s onward, to safeguard nuclear, military, and scientific projects without formal public legislation. These formations operated under extralegal protocols enforced by agencies like the , with residents subjected to non-disclosure oaths and surveillance to prevent or information leaks. Operationally, access relied on a propusk (pass) system managed by internal security, barring unauthorized Soviet citizens and foreigners; cities featured fenced perimeters, checkpoints, and were omitted from official maps and censuses to maintain isolation. Post-Soviet codified these entities as zakrytyye administrativno-territorial'nyye obrazovaniya (ZATO, closed administrative-territorial formations) through Federal Law No. 3297-1 of July 14, , "On Closed Administrative-Territorial Formations," which defines their legal status, federal oversight, and resident privileges like enhanced wages and state-funded social services justified by needs. Amendments, including those in 1998 and 2011, refined , allowing limited commercial activities in non-sensitive zones while preserving restrictions; presidential decrees assign or rescind ZATO designation, supplemented by governmental decrees such as No. 693 (1996) and No. 655 (1998) for procedural details. Access controls remain stringent: entry requires permits vetted by the (FSB) for , with checkpoints enforcing identity verification, vehicle searches, and prohibitions on outsiders, including most Russian citizens without affiliation. Residency is confined to approved workers, their families, and select others, integrated with No. 5485-1 on state secrets and No. 114-FZ on entry-exit regimes to curb information dissemination; violations trigger penalties under criminal codes for breaching . ZATO governance blends federal subsidies for infrastructure with local administrations tied to primary employers, often military-industrial complexes, ensuring operational autonomy but dependency on for policy.

Key Features and Distinctions

Closed cities are characterized by stringent access controls enforced through physical barriers such as fences, checkpoints manned by guards, and mandatory special permits for entry or exit. Permits range from one-time visitor passes to documents, typically granted only to individuals employed at core facilities or born within the city, with approval from security services required for others. Foreigners are generally prohibited, and even domestic visitors face rigorous , reflecting a primary emphasis on preventing and safeguarding sensitive activities like nuclear or production. These settlements maintain high levels of self-sufficiency, featuring complete urban infrastructure including housing, schools, hospitals, stores, and recreational facilities to minimize external dependencies and support a stable . Residents historically enjoyed privileges such as superior access to , , healthcare, and a 20% premium compared to open cities, fostering a sense of isolation from broader economic scarcities. Governance often falls under or specialized administrative oversight rather than standard local soviets or municipalities, with cities omitted from public maps and documents to enhance . Distinctions from typical urban areas include their project-specific origins tied to strategic industries, such as atomic weapons development, where construction frequently relied on forced labor like prisoners comprising up to 23% of the non-agricultural workforce. Unlike military bases, closed cities house permanent populations with families, evolving into full towns rather than transient outposts. They differ from company towns by prioritizing over private enterprise, with ongoing ZATO (closed administrative-territorial formation) status in —encompassing over 40 such entities as of recent counts—preserving restrictions even post-Soviet era, though some have partially opened for economic reintegration. While analogous restricted zones exist elsewhere, such as historical U.S. sites like Oak Ridge (initially fenced and permit-controlled but de-restricted after 1950s) or China's nuclear test area, the Soviet model's scale and enduring secrecy set it apart, with residents often expressing pride in their insulated, secure environment.

Historical Origins

Pre-Cold War Precursors

![Richland during Manhattan Project][float-right] The concept of closed cities, involving purpose-built communities with restricted access for sensitive national security projects, emerged prominently during through the ' . Established in 1942, the project created three isolated sites—Oak Ridge in , Hanford Engineer Works near Richland in Washington, and Los Alamos in —to develop atomic weapons under utmost secrecy. These sites functioned as self-contained towns where workers and scientists lived, worked, and were subjected to stringent controls to prevent and information leaks. Oak Ridge, initiated in 1942 for uranium enrichment, rapidly expanded to house over 75,000 residents by 1945, featuring barracks, family housing, schools, theaters, and stores, all encircled by barbed-wire fences and guarded checkpoints. Access required security badges issued after FBI background checks, with mail censored and internal movement limited by compartmentalization principles that restricted knowledge to a need-to-know basis. Hanford, starting in 1943 for plutonium production, accommodated around 50,000 workers in a remote desert area, employing similar isolation tactics including 24-hour military police patrols and fenced perimeters to deter unauthorized entry. Los Alamos, also founded in 1942 as the bomb design laboratory, operated as a fenced mesa-top community for about 6,000 personnel, where even residents were unaware of the full project scope, and external communication was heavily monitored. These sites exemplified early implementations of closed city principles, prioritizing geographic isolation, physical barriers, and personnel vetting over open societal integration, setting precedents for postwar restricted areas in nuclear and military programs. While no equivalent large-scale secret towns predated these in modern industrial contexts, the wartime urgency of atomic development accelerated their creation, influencing subsequent global models without direct pre-World War II analogs in scale or structure.

Soviet Foundation and Expansion

The Soviet closed cities, known internally as zakrytye administrativno-territorial'nye obrazovaniia (ZATO), originated in the immediate as secure enclaves to support the Union's nascent nuclear weapons program. In 1945, following intelligence on the American atomic bombings of and , accelerated the Soviet atomic project under Lavrentiy Beria's oversight, establishing isolated settlements to house scientists, engineers, and workers involved in enrichment, plutonium production, and bomb design. These cities were constructed rapidly using forced labor, which comprised up to 23% of the non-agricultural workforce at the time, enabling the relocation of entire research institutes and facilities to remote areas shielded from foreign and domestic scrutiny. The first such cities were founded in 1946, marking the formal inception of the system; Arzamas-16 (now ), located 250 miles east of , was established on for theoretical nuclear research leading to the bomb, while Sverdlovsk-44 and sites like Chelyabinsk-65 (now Ozersk) followed for plutonium processing in the . These "post box" designations—euphemistic codes omitting locations from maps and official records—ensured compartmentalized secrecy, with residents bound by non-disclosure oaths and restricted movement enforced via checkpoints and internal passports. Construction often repurposed existing monasteries or villages, but new infrastructure was built from scratch, prioritizing functionality over civilian amenities to maintain operational security. During the , the network expanded dramatically in the 1950s and 1960s to underpin the , incorporating not only atomic sites (Atomgrads) but also facilities for missile development, bases, and , with dozens of cities built across the Union. This growth reflected the escalating demands of hydrogen bomb production, intercontinental ballistic missiles, and naval commands, such as for the ; by the late Soviet period, the system encompassed around 40-50 major ZATOs housing over a million residents, though exact figures remain obscured by classification. Expansion mechanisms included relocating elite scientific personnel with incentives like higher rations and housing privileges, while obfuscation tactics—dual naming, censored correspondence, and exclusion from censuses—preserved isolation amid broader militarization.

Rationale and Implementation

Security and Espionage Prevention

Closed cities employed layered physical and administrative barriers to prevent unauthorized access and mitigate espionage risks, particularly during the Soviet era when nuclear and research demanded absolute secrecy. Perimeter fencing, concrete walls, and guarded checkpoints encircled these settlements, with entry requiring special permits vetted by the or equivalent agencies. For instance, in Arzamas-16 (now ), established in 1946 for atomic bomb development, such isolation was deemed essential to counter American intelligence operations. Pass control stations, known as KPP, enforced rigorous document checks at entry and exit points, monitoring residents and visitors to detect potential infiltrators. Relocation to closed cities necessitated security clearances from the , which screened individuals for loyalty and background, effectively limiting the population to cleared personnel and their families. Additional measures included omitting cities from official maps, using double or coded names for correspondence—such as addressing mail for Ozersk via "Chelyabinsk-40" until 1992—and prohibiting external photography or discussions of activities. Internal KGB oversight extended to surveillance of communications and movements within the city, fostering an environment where espionage attempts were deterred through constant vigilance and rapid response capabilities. These protocols, rooted in decrees like the September 25, 1948, order enhancing secrecy for special construction projects, successfully compartmentalized sensitive operations, though occasional leaks occurred via human sources rather than physical breaches. In post-Soviet Russia, the FSB inherited these roles, maintaining checkpoints and clearances, as seen in cities like , where access remains tightly controlled to protect ongoing nuclear facilities.

Economic and Administrative Structures

Closed cities in the Soviet Union were administered through a centralized, ministry-level structure that integrated security, production, and municipal governance, distinct from the hierarchical local soviets of open settlements. Nuclear-focused closed cities, or atomgrads, fell under the Ministry of Medium Machine Building (Minsredmash), formed in June 1953 to oversee the nuclear weapons program, including research, production, and associated urban development. This ministry directed both the core facilities—such as plutonium production plants or weapons design bureaus—and city administration, handling propiska residency permits, infrastructure maintenance, and internal security via dedicated directorates, which ensured operational secrecy and loyalty to Moscow over regional authorities. Economically, these cities embodied a state-planned, model tailored to high-priority defense sectors, with the primary enterprise functioning as a self-contained responsible for nearly all , typically 80-90% of the in specialized roles like physicists and engineers. derived from classified state orders and quotas, supplemented by central budget transfers that prioritized capital-intensive infrastructure, yielding per capita investments 1.5-2 times higher than in comparable open cities to support rapid expansion and resident retention in isolated locales. , including , healthcare, and , were financed directly by the enterprise or ministry allocations, fostering a paternalistic system that traded mobility for stability but engendered dependency on military-industrial output amid the broader command economy's inefficiencies. In post-Soviet , closed administrative-territorial formations (ZATOs), numbering around 40 as of the early 2020s, retained federal oversight under entities like for nuclear sites or the Ministry of Defense for military ones, per No. 3297-1 enacted December 14, 1992. Budgets blend enterprise-generated from dual-use technologies with federal subsidies covering 50-80% of expenditures in underdiversified ZATOs, reflecting continued reliance on state support despite partial market reforms; local taxation remains limited compared to open municipalities, prioritizing security over fiscal autonomy. This framework has sustained relative economic vitality, with ZATOs exhibiting 86% higher nighttime light luminosity—and thus proxy GDP over 50% above—adjacent open areas from 1992-2018, driven by preserved skilled labor pools and targeted federal aid, though vulnerability to defense budget fluctuations persists.

Closed Cities in the Soviet Union and Successor States

Soviet-Era Development and Scale

The development of closed cities in the began in the late , coinciding with the launch of the atomic bomb project under . Following a in establishing a special committee for work, the first such cities were constructed to centralize nuclear research, production, and weapons design in secure, isolated locations. Arzamas-16 (now ), founded in 1946, served as the primary design bureau for atomic and later hydrogen bombs, functioning as the Soviet counterpart to [Los Alamos](/page/Los Alamos). Similarly, Chelyabinsk-65 (now Ozersk), established in 1947, hosted the facility for production. These initial sites relied on forced labor for construction and were fortified with , guard posts, and restricted access to safeguard against . Expansion accelerated during the and 1960s amid the , incorporating additional cities for missile technology, space programs, and military-industrial complexes. By the Soviet era's peak, the ZATO system included facilities across remote regions, with early nuclear efforts alone yielding about 10 cities by the early : five in the Urals, three in , and two in . The network grew to encompass dozens of entities, primarily in the Russian SFSR, supporting strategic priorities like the hydrogen bomb program initiated in the early . In scale, these cities accommodated key personnel with incentives such as superior housing, food supplies, and wages relative to the broader Soviet populace, in return for lifelong secrecy commitments. Populations varied, but major nuclear centers like Ozersk reached over 100,000 residents. The post-Soviet Russian government acknowledged 42 such cities in , with a combined nearing 1.5 million, indicative of the Soviet system's extensive footprint. This concentrated elite talent while isolating it from public scrutiny, contributing to rapid advancements in restricted fields at the cost of broader societal integration.

Post-1991 Transitions in Russia

Following the on December 26, 1991, formalized the status of closed cities as zakrytyye administrativno-territorial'nyye obrazovaniya (ZATO) under Federal Law No. 3297-1, enacted on July 14, 1992, which established their legal regime, restricted access protocols, and provisions for federal subsidies to compensate residents for isolation and higher living costs. This framework preserved secrecy for approximately 40 known ZATO, including at least 10 nuclear-focused sites housing around 800,000 people under the Ministry of Atomic Energy (Minatom), prioritizing amid nuclear arsenal reductions under treaties. While some pre-1991 openings occurred (e.g., certain non-strategic sites in the late 1980s), post-dissolution declassifications were limited; larger or less sensitive cities integrated into open regions, but most military and research hubs like , , and Zheleznogorsk retained ZATO designation to prevent and proliferation risks. Economically, ZATO transitioned from state-directed military production to partial market integration, with housing enabling resident ownership and some facilities shifting to civilian goods or by the mid-1990s. Federal allocations totaled about $762 million in 1994 across regions (e.g., $175 million for Eastern ), but , disruptions, and reduced defense orders triggered crises: workers endured months-long wage arrears, prompting protests like railroad blockades, while brain drain saw 5-10% of scientists emigrate for opportunities abroad. Nuclear stockpile cuts from the late exacerbated job losses in single-industry towns, heightening risks of illicit technology sales, though federal support mitigated total collapse; by the 2000s, ZATO like those under the 1998 Nuclear Cities Initiative diversified via commercial parks (e.g., Sarov's 500-job industrial zone for medical equipment). By the 2010s, around 27-44 ZATO persisted with populations of 10,000-200,000 each, outperforming adjacent open areas by 86% in economic luminosity metrics due to sustained subsidies and skilled labor retention, though isolation persisted for security. Examples include , which maintained closure since 1991 for plutonium production, and Bolshoy Kamen, adapting repair amid decommissioning hazards. Critics, including policy analysts, argued that partial openings could foster partnerships and reduce dependency, but retention aligned with causal security imperatives in a post-Cold War environment of proliferation threats. As of 2025, roughly 44 ZATO house about 1.5 million residents, reflecting continuity over full .

Status in Other Post-Soviet Nations

Following the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991, most closed cities in post-Soviet states outside Russia were declassified and integrated into open administrative systems, reflecting the transition to independent governance and reduced centralized secrecy. In Ukraine, Soviet-era closed cities such as Dnipro, a major aerospace hub, lost their restricted status post-independence, though some facilities retained security measures due to ongoing military or nuclear activities. These sites faced economic stagnation after severance from Russian military-industrial ties, particularly following the 2014 annexation of Crimea, which disrupted collaborations and led to population outflows and underutilization. In , stands as a notable exception, maintaining its closed status under a 1994 lease agreement with , extended until 2050, whereby the city and cosmodrome are administered as a Russian enclave with entry permits required for outsiders. Other former Kazakh closed cities, like Kurchatov (formerly Semipalatinsk-21), associated with nuclear testing, were opened after the Semipalatinsk site's closure on August 29, 1991, resulting in a drop from 30,000 to about 11,000 and conversion to research-focused access without formal restrictions. Belarus, maintaining close military alignment with , inherited Soviet closed sites but has not formalized ZATO-equivalent structures post-1991; instead, restricted zones exist around military installations without city-wide closures. In Central Asian states like , , and , Soviet-era secret cities were similarly declassified amid economic reforms and independence, with no prominent retained closures reported. (, , ) and nations (, , Georgia) fully opened such sites upon EU/NATO integration or geopolitical shifts, prioritizing transparency over secrecy. This pattern underscores how national sovereignty and diminished superpower imperatives eroded the Soviet model's viability outside .

Closed Cities in Other Countries

In Communist and Authoritarian States

In the , facilities analogous to Soviet closed cities were established for nuclear and military purposes, often under code names and in remote locations to ensure secrecy amid geopolitical tensions. The 404 Plant, situated in the of Province about 100 kilometers west of , was founded in the late as a primary site for production supporting China's inaugural atomic bomb tests in 1964. This isolated settlement operated under stringent access controls, with its existence omitted from maps for decades, though it has since been abandoned following the relocation of operations. The broader Third Front campaign, launched in 1964 to disperse vital industries inland against potential Soviet or American aggression, generated numerous secure industrial enclaves and underground complexes across provinces like , , and , many initially restricted to authorized personnel. Examples include the unfinished 816 Underground Nuclear Military Plant in , constructed during the 1960s and 1970s for wartime plutonium processing but halted in 1984 and later declassified for . These efforts fostered self-contained communities focused on defense production, with access limited to mitigate risks. Persistent restrictions characterize sites like those in , Province, which hosts the Academy of Engineering Physics—the cradle of 's nuclear arsenal—and continues to develop advanced facilities, including a massive laser-ignited fusion research center revealed via in 2025. Foreign visitors face prohibitions or special permits in such zones, underscoring ongoing compartmentalization for weapons simulation and energy research. In the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, the regime maintains extensive barriers to urban mobility, designating over 15 cities off-limits to foreigners while requiring state permits for domestic travel, a policy rooted in ideological control and security imperatives. exemplifies this, functioning as an elite enclave sealed by checkpoints and residency quotas favoring party loyalists, thereby isolating sensitive governmental and military assets. Nuclear complexes like Yongbyon further embody restricted-access principles, though integrated into the national framework of rather than standalone municipalities.

In Western and Democratic Nations

During World War II, the United States established three secret communities as part of the Manhattan Project to develop atomic weapons: Oak Ridge in Tennessee, Los Alamos in New Mexico, and the Hanford Engineer Works near Richland in Washington. These sites featured strict entry controls, security clearances for residents, censored mail, and exclusion from public maps to prevent espionage. Oak Ridge, dubbed the "Secret City," expanded rapidly to house over 75,000 workers by 1945, with prefabricated housing and self-contained infrastructure built by the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers. Los Alamos, constructed on isolated mesa land, accommodated scientists and families under military oversight, while Hanford focused on plutonium production amid vast restricted acreage. Access to these towns required passes and background checks, with guards at checkpoints enforcing isolation from outsiders. The scale involved displacing local populations and relocating workers under nondisclosure oaths, enabling enrichment at Oak Ridge and bomb assembly at Los Alamos. Postwar in 1946 transitioned them to civilian status; Oak Ridge incorporated as a in 1951, Los Alamos in 1947, and Richland evolved into a municipal entity by 1952, though federal facilities retain security perimeters. In other Western democracies, equivalents are limited to secure facilities rather than full cities. Canada's Ralston, Alberta, near the Suffield military range, imposed residency restrictions during chemical weapons research until the 1980s. Australia's , a joint U.S.-Australian intelligence base near since 1970, bars public entry with a 20-kilometer exclusion zone and armed security. The United Kingdom's at restricts site access but operates within open surrounding areas. Unlike Soviet models, these democratic instances emphasize temporary wartime secrecy or targeted installations, aligning with legal frameworks prioritizing over indefinite closures.

Achievements and Impacts

Contributions to Technological and Military Progress

Closed cities in the Soviet Union formed the backbone of the nation's rapid nuclear weapons development, enabling the USSR to detonate its first atomic device, RDS-1, on August 29, 1949, just four years after the United States' monopoly ended. Arzamas-16 (now Sarov), established in 1946 as a secretive scientific hub akin to Los Alamos, hosted KB-11 laboratory where physicists under Yulii Khariton conducted implosion research and assembled early bomb prototypes, contributing directly to RDS-1's plutonium implosion design. Similarly, Chelyabinsk-65 (now Ozersk), founded in 1947, included the Mayak Production Association's reactors and reprocessing plants that produced the plutonium for RDS-1 and subsequent weapons, achieving industrial-scale output by 1948 despite resource constraints. Snezhinsk (formerly Chelyabinsk-70), operational from 1955, advanced warhead design through the VNIITF institute, simulating explosions and innovating compact thermonuclear devices that bolstered Soviet strategic arsenals. These facilities, part of a network of over ten nuclear closed cities, concentrated thousands of scientists and engineers, fostering breakthroughs in production, computational modeling, and under Stalin's atomic project, which accelerated from espionage-aided starts to independent mastery. Beyond nuclear arms, closed cities like supported , launching on October 4, 1957, and enabling Yuri Gagarin's orbital flight on April 12, 1961, through isolated rocket testing and assembly. In the United States, sites functioned as de facto closed communities with severe access restrictions, driving atomic bomb creation. , developed electromagnetic and gaseous diffusion for uranium-235 enrichment, producing the Hiroshima bomb's core by mid-1945. , generated plutonium via reactors operational from September 1944, supplying the Nagasaki device and establishing production-scale reprocessing. , integrated designs for "" and "," culminating in the test on July 16, 1945, and wartime deployments that ended . These sites advanced uranium isotope separation, reactor engineering, and high-explosive lenses, laying foundations for postwar nuclear deterrence. Other nations emulated this model; China's restricted nuclear zones, including early facilities near , supported its first atomic test on October 16, 1964, by concentrating core component manufacturing. Such isolation preserved secrecy while enabling focused R&D, though at the cost of broader collaboration, ultimately propelling military capabilities through state-directed scientific isolation.

Socioeconomic Effects on Residents and National Economy

During the Soviet period, residents of closed cities benefited from state-subsidized privileges designed to secure loyalty and expertise for strategic projects, including guaranteed lifetime employment, private apartments ahead of communal housing norms elsewhere, comprehensive healthcare, and priority rations of scarce consumer goods like quality food supplies. These incentives elevated local living standards, with closed city workers often receiving a 20% bonus and access to superior infrastructure, such as dedicated educational institutions focused on physics and . However, strict entry controls and isolation from broader imposed social constraints, limiting personal mobility, external economic opportunities, and cultural exchanges, which fostered insularity and dependency on internal systems. Post-Soviet transitions in preserved many advantages for residents of remaining closed administrative-territorial formations (ZATOs), where federal funding and social compensations sustained higher socioeconomic outcomes compared to non-closed peers. Russian ZATOs demonstrated 86% higher nighttime light luminosity—proxying for roughly 50% greater economic output—relative to adjacent cities from 1992 onward, with science-focused ones exhibiting even stronger performance at 32% above average ZATOs. Stable populations and employment in sectors like nuclear research mitigated risks prevalent in deindustrializing regions, though reduced subsidies post-1991 introduced vulnerabilities, including slower diversification due to ongoing restrictions. On the national economy, closed cities enabled efficient resource concentration for military-industrial priorities, accelerating Soviet nuclear and technological capabilities that underpinned geopolitical leverage during the , yet secrecy regimes stifled broader diffusion and market competition, contributing to allocative inefficiencies. Post-1991, persistent federal subsidies—cycling with national fiscal health—imposed budgetary strains, with closed cities' specialized economies resisting integration into diversified growth models and risking brain drain amid funding shortfalls. Nonetheless, legacy effects endure positively in select locales, as former science cities sustain elevated metrics, such as higher outputs, correlating with enduring local economic vitality.

Criticisms and Challenges

Restrictions on Individual Liberties

In the , residents of closed cities—often dedicated to nuclear, , or sensitive research—encountered stringent controls on , with internal passports stamped using secret codes that barred relocation without official approval from authorities such as the . These measures, rooted in the propiska residence registration system established in the 1930s, effectively confined individuals to their assigned locations, limiting access to broader opportunities and enforcing population control in strategic areas. Disclosure of the city's existence or activities was prohibited under secrecy oaths, subjecting violators to criminal prosecution and suppressing free speech regarding professional or locational details. Post-1991, Russia's closed administrative-territorial formations (ZATO), numbering 43 and housing over 1 million people, perpetuate these limitations through No. 3297-1 of November 14, 1992, which mandates (FSB) clearance for residency and restricts entry and exit via checkpoints involving identity verification and vehicle searches. is confined to those born in the ZATO, employees of key enterprises, or their families, while temporary access requires security vetting, often denying entry to categories like former prisoners. Individuals privy to state secrets face bans abroad lasting 5 to 10 years under No. 114-FZ, further curtailing personal . These policies infringe on , , and association due to pervasive and isolation, contravening Article 12 of the International Covenant on (ICCPR) on liberty of movement and Article 8 of the (ECHR) on private , with critics arguing the security justifications lack proportionality given economic incentives like salary premiums that receive. In examples such as , a nuclear hub, annual visitors numbered only 27,000 in 1997 despite its population, underscoring the barriers to external interaction. Property ownership remains restricted to approved , tying economic to compliance with regimes.

Long-Term Economic and Social Consequences

The isolation inherent in closed cities fostered economic dependency on state subsidies and specialized industries, particularly in remote Soviet-era ZATOs, which struggled during the post-1991 transition to market economies due to limited diversification and outdated Stalinist production models. Many such cities experienced revenue losses after and subsidy cuts, with examples like Leninsk and Lesnoy facing permanent fiscal declines by the late 1990s, exacerbating and hindering integration into global markets. Remote locations amplified these issues, as ongoing reliance on central funding for essentials like and transport perpetuated inefficiency and vulnerability to federal budget fluctuations. Socially, the enforced and restricted mobility contributed to intergenerational insularity, with residents often facing , limited cultural exposure, and challenges in personal relationships due to the absence of external social networks. Post-collapse migration patterns were heavily influenced by economic disruptions, leading to brain drain in some cities as skilled workers sought opportunities elsewhere, while others retained populations through persistent security restrictions that limited outward mobility. Hazardous industries, especially nuclear-related, imposed long-term health burdens, including elevated risks of radiation-related illnesses among residents near sites like those in or , with environmental contamination persisting decades after operations scaled down. In non-Soviet examples, such as U.S. atomic cities like Hanford and Oak Ridge, economic legacies included successful diversification into civilian sectors by the 1990s—evident in Richland's integration into the Tri-Cities economy—but at the cost of protracted efforts spanning billions of dollars and ongoing groundwater contamination. Social consequences mirrored Russian patterns in worker exposure risks, with Hanford's plutonium production linked to chronic health issues in surrounding communities, underscoring how closed-city models prioritized over sustainable local . These outcomes highlight a causal pattern: initial state-driven isolation yields short-term stability but long-term rigidity, impeding adaptive resilience in open economies.

Recent Developments and Ongoing Examples

Persistence in Russia and China

In , closed cities, designated as closed administrative-territorial formations (ZATO), have persisted post-Soviet Union due to ongoing needs surrounding nuclear weapons, military , and strategic industries. As of 2023, approximately 38 publicly acknowledged ZATO exist, with estimates suggesting up to 15 additional undisclosed ones, housing around 1.5 million residents in total. These entities maintain strict entry controls, requiring special permits for and prohibiting most foreigners, enforced via checkpoints and to protect sensitive facilities like those in (VNIIEF nuclear center) and (Tomsk-7, plutonium production site). While some ZATO opened partially after amid economic pressures, others remain sealed because declassification risks or proliferation, as evidenced by continued operations at sites tied to 's nuclear arsenal modernization under programs like the 2020 State Armament Program. Examples of enduring closures include Zheleznogorsk (Krasnoyarsk-26), focused on closed-cycle reprocessing, and , the headquarters, both retaining ZATO status into the 2020s to safeguard and technologies amid tensions with . Znamensk (Kapustin Yar cosmodrome) and (Chelyabinsk-70, weapons design) similarly enforce restrictions, with residents benefiting from and jobs but facing isolation that limits economic diversification. Recent enhancements in security, including heightened patrols post-2022 conflict, underscore the regime's prioritization of secrecy over openness, contrasting with partial liberalizations in the . In , the concept of closed cities akin to Soviet ZATO does not formally persist, but analogous restricted military zones and secret facilities maintain severe access controls for national defense purposes. Foreigners risk detention or deportation in designated military areas without authorization, as indicated by signage and enforced by the (PLA), covering sites involved in missile testing, nuclear development, and border security. Unlike Russia's populated ZATO, China's restrictions often apply to sprawling bases rather than civilian-integrated cities, such as those in or the for nuclear tests at , though these have evolved into broader "closed management" zones under the 2020s military modernization drive. Contemporary developments include massive undisclosed military complexes, exemplified by a 1,500-acre southwest of under construction as of 2025, featuring potential hardened bunkers for wartime continuity and dwarfing the U.S. in scale. from 2024-2025 reveals underground expansions at such sites, linked to PLA strategic commands and nuclear readiness, reflecting causal priorities of deterrence against perceived U.S. rather than ideological secrecy. These areas, while not labeled "closed cities," effectively function as such through perimeter controls and resident vetting, with persistence driven by opaque state directives prioritizing technological edge in hypersonics and AI-integrated warfare over public access.

Adaptations and Debates in the 21st Century

In , adaptations to the closed city (ZATO) system in the early included legislative efforts to facilitate partial openings, particularly for nuclear-focused settlements, to address proliferation risks and . The 1998 amendment to the on closed administrative-territorial entities enabled such cities to petition for , allowing greater integration into national markets while retaining core security protocols. This reflected post-Soviet pressures, where isolation had led to underutilized and scientist , prompting international initiatives like the International Science and Technology Center to redirect expertise toward civilian applications. However, implementation was uneven; security services reinforced access controls around 2000–2001, prioritizing containment of sensitive knowledge amid fears of illicit transfers to rogue actors. Notable examples of adaptation include the 2016 declassification of Polyarnik, a military settlement established during the , which lifted entry restrictions on to support resource extraction and infrastructure projects under Russia's northern development strategy. By contrast, nuclear hubs like and Zheleznogorsk retained strict perimeters, with renewed state investment under President from the mid-2000s onward revitalizing their roles in weapons production and energy research. As of 2025, over 40 ZATOs persist, often with heightened and patrols, adapting Soviet-era models to hybrid threats including cyber espionage. Debates over these changes pit against security imperatives, with advocates for broader openings citing evidence of socioeconomic drawbacks—such as limited foreign investment and resident dependency on state subsidies—in closed locales. Russian analysts and Western observers argue that perpetual closure exacerbates isolation, stifling diversification into high-tech exports and contributing to demographic decline in remote areas. Opponents, including officials, emphasize empirical risks of openings, pointing to post-1991 incidents where and designs proliferated via underemployed specialists, justifying sustained restrictions despite opportunity costs estimated in billions of rubles annually from forgone trade. In authoritarian contexts like , analogous restricted zones around missile sites and enclaves have evolved with minimal public discourse, incorporating AI-driven monitoring as a 21st-century complement to physical barriers, though data on their internal debates remains opaque due to state opacity. These tensions underscore a global recalibration, where closed systems adapt to persist amid , often at the expense of transparency and mobility. In Christopher Nolan's 2020 film Tenet, the primary antagonist Andrei Sator originates from Stalsk-12, a fictional Soviet closed city modeled after real atomgrady—restricted settlements built around nuclear facilities during the —where residents lived under strict secrecy protocols and the site later served as a repository for inverted artifacts from the future, emphasizing themes of isolation and hidden geopolitical threats. The 2019 HBO miniseries Chernobyl dramatizes events in , established in 1970 as the Soviet Union's ninth atomgrad to house 50,000 workers for the under closed-city restrictions that limited external access and information flow, portraying the pre-disaster routine of controlled mobility and the April 26, 1986, explosion that rendered the area uninhabitable. Video games have referenced closed cities through the term "atomgrad," as in Call of Duty: Modern Warfare II's 2022 raid mode "Atomgrad," a cooperative mission set in a covert underwater nuclear installation requiring puzzle-solving and combat in confined, high-security environments, evoking the clandestine operations and engineering feats associated with Soviet nuclear secrecy. Literary depictions appear in thriller novels like Martin Cruz Smith's The Siberian Dilemma (2019), part of the series, where closed cities symbolize lingering post-Soviet opacity and restricted zones tied to political intrigue and resource extraction.

References

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