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Japanese family
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Japanese family
The family is called kazoku (家族) in Japanese. It is primarily composed of a couple as is the family in other societies. The Japanese family is based on the line of descent and adoption. Ancestors and offspring are linked together by an idea of genealogy, keizu, which rather than relationships based on mere blood inheritance and succession refers to a bond inherent in the maintenance and continuance of the family as an institution.
In any given period of history, all family members have been expected to contribute to the perpetuation of the family, which is held to be the highest duty of the member.
A great number of family forms have existed historically in Japan, from the matrilocal customs of the Heian.
As official surveys conducted during the early years of the Meiji dynasty demonstrated, the most common family form during the Edo (Tokugawa) period was characterized by patrilocal residence, stem structure, and patrilineal primogeniture, so a set of laws were promulgated institutionalizing this family pattern, beginning with the "Outline of the New Criminal Law" in 1870. In 1871, individuals were registered in an official family registry (戸籍, koseki).
In the early twentieth century, each family was required to conform to the ie (家; household) system, with a multigenerational household under the legal authority of a household head. In establishing the ie system, the government moved the ideology of family in the opposite direction of trends resulting from urbanization and industrialization. The ie system took as its model for the family the Confucian-influenced pattern of the upper classes of the Tokugawa period.
Authority and responsibility for all members of the ie lay legally with the household head. Each generation supplied a male and female adult, with a preference for inheritance by the first son and for patrilocal marriage. When possible, daughters were expected to marry out, and younger sons were expected to establish their own households.
After World War II, the Allied occupation forces established a new family ideology based on equal rights for women, equal inheritance by all children,[citation needed] and free choice of spouse[citation needed] and career.[citation needed] From the late 1960s, most marriages in Japan have been based on the mutual attraction of the couple and not the arrangement by the parents (お見合い, omiai).[citation needed] Moreover, arranged marriages might begin with an introduction by a relative or family friend, but actual negotiations do not begin until all parties, including the bride and groom, are satisfied with the relationship.[citation needed]
Under the ie system, only a minority of households included three generations at a time because nonsuccessor sons (those who were not heirs) often set up their own household.[citation needed] From 1970 to 1983, the proportion of three-generation households fell from 19% to 15% of all households, while two generation households consisting of a couple and their unmarried children increased only slightly, from 41% to 42% of all households. The greatest change has been the increase in couple-only households and in elderly single-person households.
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Japanese family
The family is called kazoku (家族) in Japanese. It is primarily composed of a couple as is the family in other societies. The Japanese family is based on the line of descent and adoption. Ancestors and offspring are linked together by an idea of genealogy, keizu, which rather than relationships based on mere blood inheritance and succession refers to a bond inherent in the maintenance and continuance of the family as an institution.
In any given period of history, all family members have been expected to contribute to the perpetuation of the family, which is held to be the highest duty of the member.
A great number of family forms have existed historically in Japan, from the matrilocal customs of the Heian.
As official surveys conducted during the early years of the Meiji dynasty demonstrated, the most common family form during the Edo (Tokugawa) period was characterized by patrilocal residence, stem structure, and patrilineal primogeniture, so a set of laws were promulgated institutionalizing this family pattern, beginning with the "Outline of the New Criminal Law" in 1870. In 1871, individuals were registered in an official family registry (戸籍, koseki).
In the early twentieth century, each family was required to conform to the ie (家; household) system, with a multigenerational household under the legal authority of a household head. In establishing the ie system, the government moved the ideology of family in the opposite direction of trends resulting from urbanization and industrialization. The ie system took as its model for the family the Confucian-influenced pattern of the upper classes of the Tokugawa period.
Authority and responsibility for all members of the ie lay legally with the household head. Each generation supplied a male and female adult, with a preference for inheritance by the first son and for patrilocal marriage. When possible, daughters were expected to marry out, and younger sons were expected to establish their own households.
After World War II, the Allied occupation forces established a new family ideology based on equal rights for women, equal inheritance by all children,[citation needed] and free choice of spouse[citation needed] and career.[citation needed] From the late 1960s, most marriages in Japan have been based on the mutual attraction of the couple and not the arrangement by the parents (お見合い, omiai).[citation needed] Moreover, arranged marriages might begin with an introduction by a relative or family friend, but actual negotiations do not begin until all parties, including the bride and groom, are satisfied with the relationship.[citation needed]
Under the ie system, only a minority of households included three generations at a time because nonsuccessor sons (those who were not heirs) often set up their own household.[citation needed] From 1970 to 1983, the proportion of three-generation households fell from 19% to 15% of all households, while two generation households consisting of a couple and their unmarried children increased only slightly, from 41% to 42% of all households. The greatest change has been the increase in couple-only households and in elderly single-person households.
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