Hubbry Logo
MiaiMiaiMain
Open search
Miai
Community hub
Miai
logo
7 pages, 0 posts
0 subscribers
Be the first to start a discussion here.
Be the first to start a discussion here.
Miai
Miai
Miai
View on Wikipedia
from Wikipedia

Miai (見合い, "matchmaking"; literally "look meet"), or omiai (お見合い) as it is properly known in Japan with the honorific prefix o-, is a Japanese traditional custom which relates closely to Western matchmaking, in which a woman and a man are introduced to each other to consider the possibility of marriage. The term omiai is sometimes mistranslated as an "arranged marriage" but it can be described as a meeting opportunity with more serious considerations for the future as a process of courtship. According to the National Institute of Population and Social Security Research, in 2005 it was estimated that around 6.2% of marriages in Japan are arranged via omiai.[1][2]

History

[edit]
Wedding of Pujie and Hiro Saga in an arranged marriage with a strategic purpose, Tokyo, 1937

The practice of omiai emerged in 16th century Japan among the samurai classes, with the intention to form and protect strong military alliances among warlords to ensure mutual support.[3] Later, during the Tokugawa period (1603–1868), the practice of omiai spread to other urban classes trying to emulate samurai customs. It became the practice for those seeking a union between families, and parents on both sides made all the decisions regarding marriage.[4]

Omiai was a solemn practice and involved considerations that are not given as much weight by most modern Japanese people, such as family bloodlines and class. Nowadays, this type of omiai is usually seen portrayed more in films and television dramas.

After the Pacific War, the trend was to abandon the restrictive arranged-meetings system. In the 1930s and 40s, omiai practices accounted for 69% of marriages in Japan; by 2010 the figure had dropped to 5.2%.[5] Modern forms of omiai are still practiced in Japan today by various marriage agencies; however, practices such as konkatsu or 'spouse hunting' have also emerged as alternatives to omiai for many single people who struggle to find a marriage partner, but might not want to go through a matchmaker.[6][7] There have also been accounts of how parents pressure their unmarried children into arranged meetings that eventually lead to marriages, particularly with children who would assume family responsibilities such as those inheriting a family business.[8]

In 2014, Japanese prime minister Shinzo Abe set aside ¥3 billion to help with omiai and konkatsu matchmaking efforts within Japan, as part of the Japanese governments efforts to increase the declining birth rate in Japan.[9]

Historically, omiai signified that the parties were brought together expressly for the purpose of marriage on the initiative of the parents, a friend of the family, or a go-between. It also meant that the initial criteria of selection were objective ones.[10] The potential spouse and their family met with the go-between (nakōdo) and examined all eligible persons. The nakōdo often had photographs of candidates and a rirekisho, a small personal history.[11] The rirekisho frequently included the name, age, health, education, occupation and marital status of all members of the candidate's family.

The families then sat down with the nakōdo and screened the portfolios to eliminate any obviously inappropriate candidates.[12] The photographs and rirekisho were then brought to the home of the potential spouse's family for the son or daughter to scrutinize. The participant and their family examined the photos and short personal histories based on an investigation of social consideration. The education level and occupations of the potential candidate's family were historically the first aspects taken into consideration at that meeting.[13] The potential mate and their mother then created a list of primary choices and asked the nakōdo to investigate the first choice.[14]

In more selective omiai, the candidates and their families were judged on a larger set of criteria aimed at determining the suitability and the balance of the marriage. These criteria are formally known in Japan as iegara (家柄). They included level of education, income, occupation, physical attractiveness, religion, social standing, and hobbies. The participant's bloodline (血統, kettō) also played a large role. Many were fearful of the possibility that a potential candidate's blood was contaminated with diseases such as epilepsy, neurosis, or mental illness. The fear was so prevalent that the Eugenic Protection Law of 1948 was passed to legalize sterilization and abortion for people with a history of mental defects and other hereditary diseases. Social status also played a large role in selecting a candidate. Ideally, paired candidates and their families would be of equal social status, so some candidates had a hard time finding a mate if their family was not of a certain social status. Family lineage also affected the quality of candidates historically; for example, a candidate with samurai blood was more likely to be picked than one with ancestry from a different class, especially during the Tokugawa era.[14]

Historically, omiai marriage was criticized for promoting patriarchal relationships with traditional power structures and distinct divisions of labor between males and females.[12]

Investigation

[edit]

The nakōdo provided, and still provides, a substantial amount of information regarding each candidate. The family researched the family lineage (iegara) of each candidate provided by the nakōdo once the preliminary list had been constructed. Vast differences in iegara between the two families would be cause of embarrassment when the two sides met.[14] One method of investigation in urban Japan was through a kooshinjo, or detective agency. In rural areas, a common investigative method was to personally ask about the family of interest by questioning shopkeepers and neighbors through kuchikiki ("inquiry of mouth").[11] More recently, the nakōdo would gather information about the family in question by asking around and comparing responses through kikiawaseru or toriawaseru ("inquire variously and compare"). If all criteria were acceptable, the matchmaker arranged an interview for a omiai.[10]

Introduction

[edit]

Before the omiai occurred, the parties scrutinized each other's pictures to prevent future rejection,[15] something which still occurs through online omiai-based services in Japan today. Although candidates rely on their photographs and resumes (rirekisho) in the modern omiai process, an older custom known as kagemi (hidden look) was once employed. Kagemi occurred when a potential male candidate attempted to catch a glimpse of the female in secret. The objective of the kagemi was to prevent embarrassing denials based on appearances.[11] The omiai was, and still is, a casual meeting between the potential couple, though historically the nakōdo and the parents of both parties would be present also. Historically the nakōdo determined the place and format of the meeting.

Historically, the omiai was an opportunity for the parents to survey the bride/groom as well as the couple themselves. The meeting began with an informal introduction between the two families by the nakōdo. The introduction was often followed by small talk between the parents. Occasionally, the conversation shifted to one of the potential candidates. Toward the end of the meeting, the potential couple were often advised to go off to spend some time alone, in order to get better acquainted.

Kotowari (excuse, apology, refusal)

[edit]

If the initial omiai introduction was successful, the potential couple went through a series of dates until a decision was reached. The decision was usually expressed at the couple's third meeting. If the potential couple chose to marry, they went through a formal marriage process known as miai kekkon (見合い結婚),[16] in which a betrothal ceremony (結納, yuinō) was arranged by the groom's family.[17] Contrastingly, there were also standard provisions to turn down an offer or proposal with relatively little loss of face for the party being refused.[11]

Historical discrimination

[edit]

Historically, there was some amount of racial, class, and genetic discrimination in the omiai process.

Many Japan-born Koreans were discriminated against for being "half-bloods" — i.e. not of full Japanese ancestry.[14] Also, the year of the Horse in the fifth cycle of the Japanese lunar calendar, hinoeuma — every 60th year — were thought to be bad luck.[14][18] Women born during those years would often claim to have been born in the previous or following year. The belief was so widespread that in 1966, according to the Japan Statistical Yearbook, the birthrate in Japan took a 26% dip.[13]

The most widespread discrimination is against members of the burakumin, the descendants of workers traditionally associated with trades involving blood, death, or uncleanness, such as leather-workers, shoe-menders, and butchers, since shoes were too dirty to be taken into the house, and meat was in the past forbidden by the Buddhist faith.[14] During the Tokugawa shogunate, demotion to burakumin status was sometimes a way of punishing criminals.[19] Today, burakumin members may be identified by the region of the city where they live or by their street address,[14] though it is getting increasingly rare and Japanese people's views on shoes and beef among other things have changed significantly. Historically, a nakōdo would require a candidate to bring a family history to prove that they are not a member of the burakumin.[11]

Members of the Ainu people, an indigenous people from the Hokkaidō region, were commonly avoided as well. Descendants of people who were exposed to the radiation from the atomic bombs dropped on Hiroshima and Nagasaki were also avoided due to perceptions regarding possible child deformities and susceptibilities to rare diseases.[11]

Modern-day omiai practices

[edit]

Participants

[edit]

Today, most omiai processes only involve the potential partners to be married; rarely these days are the families of these candidates involved.

Nakōdo

[edit]

A matchmaker (仲人, nakōdo) still serves in the role of go-between for potential marriage partners in the omiai process. Though a nakōdo is not necessary for all omiai, especially with modern omiai parties. The nakōdo can be a family member, friend, or as is most common now, a marriage agency (結婚相談所, kekkonsōdansho).

The general purpose of the nakōdo, especially the traditional way of omiai, is to provide introductions for people entering a new arrangement and to assist candidates.[11] The nakōdo is expected to play a variety of roles throughout the omiai process. The first is the bridging role, hashikake (橋架け), in which the nakōdo introduces potential candidates, and potentially their families to each other depending on requirements. The second role, which is increasingly less common in modern Japan, is as a liaison for the families to avoid direct confrontation and differences in opinions between them by serving as an intermediary for working out the details of the marriage. The nakōdo is even consulted by the married couple after their wedding if they encounter problems in their married life.[20]

Even though omiai marriages are less common than they once were, they do still hold a place in popular media. One example is Wedding Bells, a panel type game show which ran from 1993 to 1997 in Japan on TBS, that substituted for the role of the nakōdo in which contestants were introduced and screened for marriage possibility.

Selection process

[edit]

Historically, the initiative for the omiai introductions often came from the parents who felt that their son or daughter was of a marriageable age (tekireiki), usually in the range of 22 to 30, but had shown little or no interest in seeking a partner on their own. Most commonly now, the decision to contact a marriage agency comes directly from the person who seeks a partner, and it is usually due to their lack of opportunity to meet a suitable spouse. Unlike in Western cultures, Japanese people very rarely talk to or trust strangers,[21] thus the nakōdo or marriage agency forms the bridge as a trusted third party. At other times, the individual may ask friends or acquaintances to introduce potential spouses in a similar way.

Sometimes, parents subtly interject the phrase onegai shimasu ("please") into casual conversation,[11] to imply that both parents have consented for their daughter to meet eligible men. The daughter may be unaware that her parents have suggested her availability through the use of "onegai shimasu". In exceptional circumstances, though growing increasingly rare now, some parents send a candidacy picture to a future husband or go-between without their daughter's knowledge or consent.[17] In general now, though, marriage agencies performing omiai duties only discuss introductions and registration with their clients directly, thus removing involvement of parents entirely in many cases.

In Japan, many women are stereotyped as looking for three attributes: height (specifically someone tall), high salary, and high education. This is commonly known as the "Three H's."[14]

Attitudes

[edit]

Modern attitudes toward omiai have changed significantly. According to an estimate in 1998, between ten and thirty percent of all marriages that took place in Japan at that time were omiai marriages.[13][16][22] The National Institute of Population and Social Security Research in 2005 estimated that 6.2% of marriages in Japan were arranged,[1] with younger generations estimated in 1995 to be more likely to pursue marriages preceded by romantic courtship instead. Though the Japanese term for romantic love (ren'ai) implies that there are no constraints against selecting individuals whom one can marry,[14] it is not always possible to classify a particular marriage as "love" or "arranged", as parental influence on potential spouses is present in both omiai and "love" marriages in Japan.[15]

In 1995, women were reported as more inclined to seek a romantic relationship than men, with the inculturation of Western ideals of true love, followed by marital and domestic bliss, at times seen as the cause for the discrepancy. Women in Japan were historically raised with the expectation that they may only find satisfaction within the home as wives and mothers, with later generations more likely to place greater emphasis on the less traditional ideals of romantic love.[14] Despite this, the number of Japanese women pursuing careers and other avenues of fulfillment has increased, resulting in a falling rate of marriages within Japan.[23]

There are several methods for meeting potential spouses that differ from the structure of the omiai. For example, konpa or kompa (companion) is a method young people have adopted into modern society.[24] Konpa occurs when groups of four or five men go out together with the same number of women to see how they all get along.[11] This method has become more popular among university students and younger company workers since it is highly informal and does not involve parents.[24]

Gender and omiai

[edit]

Although current rates of omiai marriages are fairly low, the persistence of omiai in modern Japanese society comes as a result of challenges in meeting new people. In recent decades, some companies have started offering various services to their employees as ways of helping them find potential partners. These services include marriage counseling and personal introductions, where the employees can join a club that provides guidance and services to match them up with suitable partners.[25]

The idea of the cutoff age is taken quite seriously,[15] with the tendency for women who remain unmarried past tekireiki to be treated as inferior. They are often compared to Japanese Christmas cake: fresh up until the 25th of December but becoming less appetizing with every day past this date.[14] A newer expression replaces Christmas cake with toshikoshisoba, a dish of noodles to see out the year on the 31st,[15] thus creating motivation for Japanese women after the age of 25 to seek help in the form of omiai introductions from a marriage agency.

Men possess a greater degree of choice and freedom. Previously, a man who was not married by his 30s was considered untrustworthy by colleagues and employers, who believed that such men have not been conditioned to learn the fundamental principles of co-operation and responsibility.[14] For males, marriage also makes an implicit statement about staying in the family business.[15] While previously men who engaged in omiai often occupied dominant roles within the marriage,[12] many of the men now registered with marriage agencies for help in finding a wife through omiai are seeking a balanced, loving relationship with mutual love between partners.[14]

In literature

[edit]

Omiai is one of the main topics of Jun'ichirō Tanizaki's The Makioka Sisters, which was published in the 1940s.[26]

See also

[edit]

References

[edit]
Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia

Miai

View on Grokipedia
from Grokipedia
Miai (見合い), also known as omiai (お見合い), is a traditional Japanese matchmaking practice in which eligible singles are introduced by intermediaries—typically parents, relatives, or professional called nakōdo (仲人)—to evaluate compatibility for based on background, , , and rather than prior romantic involvement. Historically, this custom facilitated the majority of unions in , with surveys indicating that around 69% of marriages in 1930 originated from miai arrangements, emphasizing continuity of lines and social harmony over individual romantic choice. The process generally begins with families exchanging detailed profiles (teigaki), including photographs, vital statistics, and occupational details, to pre-screen potential matches before arranging a formal meeting at a neutral venue like a or , where participants converse under the matchmaker's supervision to assess interpersonal dynamics without overt displays of . If mutual interest emerges, subsequent dates or family discussions may follow, culminating in if approved by both sides; rejection at any stage is handled discreetly to preserve face. This structured approach reflects deeper cultural values of group-oriented decision-making and long-term stability, contrasting with Western emphases on personal autonomy in partner selection. Post-World War II modernization, urbanization, and the spread of education led to a sharp decline in miai, dropping to less than 6% of marriages by the late 2010s, primarily persisting in rural regions or among older generations seeking to address demographic pressures like Japan's falling birth rates. Despite this, professional miai services have adapted with modern tools like online platforms and events, and government figures have occasionally advocated reviving elements of the tradition to combat population decline, as noted in discussions around low marriage rates contributing to fertility shortfalls.

Definition and Etymology

Core Concept and Historical Terminology

Miai, formally known as omiai, constitutes a longstanding Japanese custom wherein unattached individuals are introduced by an , termed a nakōdo (matchmaker), for the express purpose of assessing marital suitability through a structured initial encounter. This process prioritizes pragmatic factors including familial lineage, socioeconomic standing, , and occupational prospects over emotional or romantic affinity, aiming to forge stable unions beneficial to both families. Etymologically, "miai" derives from the Japanese verb miru (to see or look) combined with the reciprocal -ai, yielding a literal meaning of "mutual viewing" or "seeing each other," which encapsulates the observational essence of the introductory meeting where participants gauge one another's attributes. The variant omiai prepends the prefix o-, rendering it more deferential and commonly employed in polite discourse. In broader marital nomenclature, miai delineates the preliminary meeting itself, whereas miai-kekkon denotes the resultant , explicitly contrasted with ren'ai kekkon (), wherein partners self-select based on personal affection independent of external orchestration. Historically, the terminology and practice trace to the (1185–1333), when aristocratic families utilized such introductions to secure political and economic alliances, evolving into a pervasive norm by the (1603–1868) across and commoner strata alike. Ancillary terms like tsurigaki emerged to describe the biographical profiles—encompassing photographs, vital statistics, and pedigree—circulated prior to the meeting to facilitate preliminary vetting. This lexical framework underscores miai's role as a deliberate, intermediary-driven mechanism distinct from spontaneous pairings, persisting in nomenclature even as societal adoption waned post-World War II.

Distinction from Love Marriages and Other Arrangements

Miai marriages differ fundamentally from ren'ai kekkon (love marriages) in their initiation and selection process, with the former relying on familial or intermediary introductions rather than individual romantic pursuit. In miai, parents, relatives, or a nakōdo (matchmaker) identify and screen candidates based on objective criteria such as background, socioeconomic status, , occupation, and , aiming to ensure long-term household stability and alliance formation rather than immediate emotional attraction. This contrasts with love marriages, where partners typically meet through social, educational, or professional networks and choose each other based on personal chemistry and mutual affection developed prior to commitment. A core distinction lies in the emphasis on practical compatibility over romantic as the foundation. Historical miai practices prioritized continuity of the family line (ie system) and social harmony, viewing marriage as a contractual that could foster post-union, whereas love marriages invert this by requiring emotional bonds as the primary driver, often leading to periods of (dēto) before formal . Respondents in sociological studies describe arranged introductions as parent-driven selections focused on pragmatic fit—such as shared values and economic viability—while love marriages highlight agency and passion, sometimes resulting in elopements (tōbō kekkon) to bypass familial approval. Unlike forced marriages in some non-Japanese contexts, miai requires explicit from both parties, with formal meetings (miai kaigi) serving as stages where is common and socially accepted without stigma, distinguishing it from coercive arrangements. Hybrid forms, such as miai ren'ai kekkon (arranged love marriages), blend elements by starting with introductions but allowing subsequent free dating to cultivate romance, reflecting a transitional norm since the post-World War II of partner choice. This evolution underscores miai's adaptability, yet preserves its distinction from purely self-directed unions by retaining intermediary oversight in initial matching.

Historical Evolution

Pre-Modern and Feudal Era Practices

In the (794–1185 CE), marriages among the were primarily arranged by family patriarchs to maintain social rank, secure political alliances, and ensure inheritance of titles and estates, with little emphasis on romantic compatibility. These unions followed a matrilocal system, where the groom typically resided in or near the bride's family home, reflecting the clan's control over resources and the bride's higher status in such arrangements; was common among noblemen, who maintained multiple wives in a hierarchical structure to maximize heirs and connections. Betrothals could occur in childhood, but consummation awaited maturity, often around ages 12–15 for girls and slightly later for boys, prioritizing lineage continuity over individual preference. During the (1185–1333) and Muromachi (1336–1573) periods, as influence grew, arranged marriages shifted toward military and feudal loyalties, with clans using unions to forge or reinforce alliances between and retainers, often mediated by go-betweens who assessed family backgrounds and dowries. Among rising bushi families, criteria emphasized martial prowess, land holdings, and loyalty to overlords rather than courtly aesthetics, though noble influences persisted in urban centers; child betrothals remained prevalent, sometimes as young as 7, to bind families early against rivalries. marriages, less documented, followed similar parental arrangements for economic stability, such as farm labor or trade partnerships, without formalized rituals but guided by village elders. In the (1603–1868), under the Tokugawa shogunate's stability, miai-like practices formalized among and merchant classes, with parents or intermediaries (nakōdo precursors) negotiating based on class , economic viability, and political utility— arranged over 80% of elite unions for domain governance, while families averaged betrothals by age 15 to sustain household hierarchies. Matchmaking involved exchanging genealogies () and portraits, evaluating health, temperament via reports, and compatibility in Confucian filial duties; refusal rates hovered low due to social pressure, with non-compliance risking status demotion. For chōnin (townsfolk), arrangements prioritized business mergers, comprising nearly all unions per contemporary records, though concubines supplemented primary wives for heirs. These practices reinforced (household) systems, where individual agency yielded to collective survival amid sankin-kōtai obligations and rice economy constraints.

Meiji to Post-War Transformations

During the Meiji period (1868–1912), the practice of miai, traditionally limited to and aristocratic families, extended to , , and broader classes amid Japan's centralization and of Western-inspired legal frameworks. The 1898 formalized the (household) system, vesting the family head—typically the —with authority over marital decisions to preserve lineage, property, and social standing, thereby institutionalizing miai as a mechanism for strategic family alliances rather than individual romantic choice. This shift supplanted more autonomous rural unions based on proximity and mutual acquaintance, prioritizing compatibility in , , and to support national modernization goals of stable s contributing to imperial strength. In the Taishō (1912–1926) and early Shōwa (1926–1945) eras, miai retained dominance, comprising the majority of unions despite emerging urban influences like Taishō-era "café culture" and fleeting advocacy for "" among intellectuals. Matchmakers (nakōdo) formalized processes with preliminary exchanges of photographs (shashin hanayome) and family backgrounds, ensuring alliances aligned with economic imperatives amid industrialization and . Wartime exigencies from onward reinforced miai to sustain population growth and morale, with government policies promoting rapid marriages to offset military casualties, though individual consent remained subordinate to familial and state priorities. By 1940, arranged marriages via miai accounted for over 90% of Japanese weddings, reflecting entrenched patriarchal norms codified since Meiji. These transformations embedded miai within a hierarchical structure geared toward collective continuity over personal autonomy, adapting feudal customs to modern while resisting Western individualism until Allied occupation prompted reevaluation post-1945.

Decline and Persistence Post-1945

Following the end of in 1945, omiai practices, which had accounted for nearly 70% of marriages in the late 1940s, began a marked decline as underwent rapid socioeconomic transformation under Allied occupation and subsequent . The introduction of Western ideals emphasizing romantic and individual choice, alongside legal reforms like the 1947 Constitution's promotion of and the abolition of the ie family system, eroded traditional parental authority in mate selection. By the second half of the , love-based marriages had surpassed omiai, reflecting , expanded —particularly for women—and that enabled personal autonomy in partnering. This downward trend accelerated through the 1970s and 1980s, with omiai falling to less than 10% of marriages by the late 1990s, driven further by women's increasing workforce participation and delayed marriage ages, which prioritized career and self-fulfillment over familial arrangements. Empirical data from national surveys indicate that by 2010, omiai constituted approximately 5.2% of unions, a figure that edged slightly higher to 6.4% by 2015 amid broader declines in overall marriage rates. Contributing causal factors included the shift from agrarian to industrial economies, reducing reliance on family alliances for social stability, and cultural exposure via media to individualistic mating norms. Despite the overall decline, omiai persists in niche contexts, particularly in rural regions and among demographics facing , such as older professionals or those in stable but demanding occupations where family-vetted compatibility offers efficiency. Its endurance stems from enduring cultural valuation of harmony (wa) and pragmatic matching on socioeconomic compatibility, which empirical studies link to lower rates in arranged unions compared to love marriages in . Professional agencies and hybrid services have adapted traditional mechanics, facilitating persistence by incorporating participant consent and preliminary profiling, though these represent a fractional share amid Japan's fertility crisis and rising singlehood—over 25% of adults unmarried by age 50 in recent cohorts. encouragements, such as local omiai events in response to , underscore its residual utility, even as love and semi-arranged introductions dominate.

Traditional Miai Mechanics

Role of the Nakōdo Matchmaker

The nakōdo (仲人), or go-between, traditionally serves as an intermediary facilitating communication and negotiations between the families of prospective spouses in the miai process, ensuring alignment on social, economic, and familial compatibility. This role emphasizes collective family interests over individual romantic preference, with the nakōdo acting as a trusted neutral party to mitigate direct confrontations and preserve harmony. Often selected from relatives, close friends, or respected community elders due to their and social standing, the nakōdo leverages personal networks to identify suitable candidates, prioritizing factors such as lineage, occupation, and reputation to safeguard familial alliances. Key responsibilities include preliminary vetting of profiles, where the nakōdo gathers detailed information on candidates' backgrounds—such as , , and —before proposing a match, thereby reducing mismatched introductions. During the formal miai meeting, typically held in a neutral setting like a or , the nakōdo accompanies the parties, initiates polite conversation, and observes interactions to gauge mutual suitability without overt pressure. Post-meeting, the nakōdo relays feedback confidentially, mediates any hesitations or refusals to avoid embarrassment, and, if agreement is reached, assists in engagement formalities, including the exchange of yuinō betrothal gifts. In historical contexts, particularly from the onward, the nakōdo's involvement extended to verifying social hierarchies to prevent unions that could disrupt community structures, with their endorsement carrying significant weight in rural and classes where marriages fortified alliances. While not mandatory for every miai, the absence of a nakōdo was rare in traditional settings, as their mediation minimized risks of familial discord; professional nakōdo emerged in urban areas by the early , charging fees equivalent to around 20,000 yen (approximately $160 in valuations) for services in metropolitan arrangements. This role underscores miai's emphasis on pragmatic, lineage-preserving unions rather than spontaneous affection, contributing to reported marital stability rates exceeding 90% in pre-war arranged marriages per anthropological surveys.

Matching Criteria and Preliminary Screening

In traditional miai, the nakōdō (matchmaker) screened potential partners by prioritizing objective compatibility factors, including social standing, , levels, and occupations, to ensure alignment between households and minimize future familial discord. These criteria emphasized long-term viability over romantic attraction, with lineage and financial prospects often weighted heavily to preserve or elevate . Health status and age proximity were also considered, though less rigidly than socioeconomic alignment, reflecting a pragmatic approach rooted in Confucian-influenced values of . Preliminary screening occurred through the exchange of detailed profiles (teiki or miaisho), typically comprising a formal , personal (such as name, age, address, , and occupation), and family background details like parental professions and household assets. The nakōdō facilitated this step by collecting information from each family and presenting curated options, allowing both sides to review and reject mismatches privately before committing to a face-to-face miai meeting. This vetting process, often conducted via written summaries and photos to assess physical compatibility and demeanor indirectly, served as a filter to avoid unsuitable unions, with rejection rates high if discrepancies in status or values emerged. data was sometimes included explicitly to gauge financial equivalence, underscoring the role of economic parity in traditional matchmaking. The nakōdō's discretion in initial selection drew on personal networks and reputational , enabling informal background checks beyond documented profiles, such as verifying character through ties or prior associations. This layer of screening reinforced causal links between partner selection and marital success, as mismatches in core attributes like or family correlated with higher dissolution risks in historical data. Families retained power at this stage, prioritizing collective welfare over individual preference to uphold intergenerational continuity.

The Formal Meeting and Evaluation Process

The formal miai (or omiai) meeting serves as the pivotal stage for direct assessment of compatibility between prospective spouses, following preliminary screening of profiles known as tsurigaki, which include photographs, backgrounds, , and occupations. These meetings typically occur at a neutral, upscale venue such as a , , or traditional tea house to ensure a dignified atmosphere conducive to evaluation. Participants include the prospective bride and groom, often accompanied by their parents to gauge familial harmony and long-term viability, with the nakōdo (matchmaker) presiding to facilitate introductions and moderate discussions. The nakōdo initiates proceedings by presenting the parties, after which conversations cover neutral topics like careers, hobbies, and daily interests to reveal personality traits, communication styles, and mutual rapport. Parents contribute by observing manners, demeanor, and subtle indicators of suitability, such as and poise, while the nakōdo may briefly withdraw to allow private dialogue between the candidates. Evaluation emphasizes observable compatibility beyond pre-screened data, including physical appearance, conversational fluency, shared values, and alignment with socioeconomic expectations like age parity, income stability, and educational attainment. Family involvement underscores the collectivist orientation, prioritizing intergenerational approval to mitigate risks of discord, though ultimate consent rests with the individuals. An initial meeting often provides sufficient insight for a go/no-go determination, though additional encounters—potentially up to three—may follow if preliminary impressions warrant deeper exploration. Outcomes hinge on consensus: affirmative interest advances to engagement rituals like the yuinō exchange of betrothal gifts, while refusal is conveyed indirectly and courteously through the nakōdo to preserve face and social relations, citing vague incompatibilities without personal recrimination. This mediated decline mechanism historically minimized stigma, enabling participants to pursue alternative matches without relational fallout, though exact refusal rates remain undocumented in pre-modern records. In traditional contexts, such as the Edo period (1603–1868), these processes reinforced class endogamy and familial alliances, with success measured by progression to marriage rather than romantic fulfillment.

Refusal Mechanisms and Outcomes

In traditional miai, refusals were conveyed indirectly through the nakōdo to maintain social harmony and avoid direct confrontation, which could damage family relations or reputations. The term kotowari referred to this polite declination, often framed as an apology or excuse rather than outright rejection, emphasizing indirect communication typical in Japanese etiquette. This mechanism allowed participants to preserve face (mentsu), as direct refusals were culturally discouraged in favor of ambiguous phrasing that implied non-commitment without explicit negativity. Decisions to refuse typically occurred after one to three formal meetings, where the couple assessed compatibility based on conversation, appearance, and family input, with the nakōdo facilitating feedback between families. If either party or their family found incompatibilities—such as mismatched , , or personal demeanor—the nakōdo would relay the kotowari promptly, often without specifying reasons to prevent offense. Unlike forced marriages in some historical contexts, miai required mutual , and refusals were normalized; participants frequently underwent multiple miai attempts until a suitable match was found, reflecting the iterative nature of the process. Outcomes of refusal were generally amicable, with no legal or social penalties imposed on the refusing party, as the system prioritized voluntary agreement over . The terminated match ended without further obligation, though the nakōdo might receive a nominal for their efforts regardless, and families could retain cordial ties for future networking. Successful refusals preserved resources for subsequent arrangements, contributing to the high prevalence of miai marriages—estimated at 69% in —by enabling efficient filtering without prolonged entanglements. In cases of acceptance instead, the process advanced to the yuinō ceremony, but refusals underscored the veto power of individuals and families, ensuring only viable unions proceeded.

Contemporary Omiai Adaptations

Shift to Professional Agencies and Technology

In the late 20th and early 21st centuries, traditional family- or acquaintance-based nakōdo matchmaking in miai increasingly yielded to professional agencies, which formalized the process with structured databases, compatibility assessments, and paid services tailored for career-focused adults facing time constraints. These agencies, such as those affiliated with networks like the Japan Bridal Organization, emerged prominently in the 1990s amid Japan's economic stagnation and rising singlehood rates, offering screened profiles, counseling, and guaranteed introductions to mitigate risks of mismatched unions. By professionalizing miai, agencies shifted emphasis from informal social networks to data-driven matching, with fees often ranging from hundreds of thousands to millions of yen depending on service tiers. The integration of accelerated this evolution, particularly from the onward, as platforms adapted miai principles for digital efficiency while preserving elements like preliminary screening and serious intent verification. Apps like Omiai, launched in 2012 and named after the traditional practice, exemplify this hybrid model by requiring identity verification via government-issued IDs and focusing on -oriented users through detailed questionnaires on values, income, and family background. By April 2021, Omiai had amassed 6.8 million registered users, reflecting its role in addressing Japan's demographic challenges, including a marriage rate of just 4.8 per 1,000 people in 2020. Usage statistics underscore the scale of this shift: online matchmaking services, encompassing app-based miai variants, generated 78.8 billion Japanese yen in market revenue in 2023, with Omiai alone linked to 15.4% of annual marriages by late 2022, up from 5.2% in 2010. These platforms employ algorithms to prioritize compatibility in education, occupation, and lifestyle—criteria rooted in historical miai—while features like video chats and AI-assisted profile suggestions reduce reliance on in-person preliminaries. Despite vulnerabilities, such as a 2021 data breach exposing over 1.7 million users' personal documents, the sector's growth signals sustained demand amid cultural persistence of structured pairing over casual dating.

Participant Profiles and Motivations in the 21st Century

In contemporary , participants in omiai, increasingly mediated through professional agencies and apps like Omiai, are predominantly unmarried individuals aged 25 to 39, with a skew toward those in their early to mid-30s who have delayed marriage due to demands. Surveys of users indicate a profile of urban, college-educated professionals, including salary workers in sectors like , IT, and , where long hours limit organic social interactions. Women participants often hold stable roles, while men are frequently mid-level managers; both groups report higher-than-average income stability but lower success in . Motivations for engaging in omiai center on seeking efficient, marriage-focused partnerships amid Japan's low fertility rate of 1.26 births per in 2023 and rising median marriage ages of 31 for women and 33 for men. Individuals cite with dating apps' emphasis on superficial traits and casual encounters, preferring omiai's structured verification of identity, income, and intentions to align on core compatibilities like and lifestyle. Parental involvement, evident in events with over 40,000 participants annually, stems from intergenerational pressure to secure heirs, as seven in ten singles report uncertainty in finding spouses independently. This approach appeals to those valuing risk-averse matching over prolonged trial-and-error , with omiai contributing to 15.4% of by 2022.

Selection and Decision-Making Processes Today

In contemporary , professional matchmaking agencies dominate the omiai process, where individuals register by submitting detailed profiles known as tsurigaki, including photographs, personal histories, educational backgrounds, occupations, and preferred partner criteria such as age, income, compatibility, and . Agencies, often charging membership fees, use these specifications to screen and propose matches from large member databases—major firms boasting tens of thousands of registrants—to ensure alignment with client priorities like and shared values over superficial traits. This selection emphasizes pragmatic compatibility, incorporating both traditional factors like family background and modern elements such as career aspirations and hobbies, with algorithms or human consultants facilitating initial pairings in hybrid online-offline systems. Once matched, candidates proceed to the formal omiai meeting, typically arranged at neutral venues like tea houses or restaurants, where participants evaluate interpersonal chemistry through conversation; parents may attend for advisory input but hold diminished authority compared to historical norms, reflecting a shift toward individual autonomy. Subsequent decisions involve one or more casual dates to assess long-term viability, with refusals communicated discreetly via the agency to preserve —no obligation to proceed exists, and power rests primarily with the individuals, prioritizing mutual over familial . Successful pairings culminate in only after affirmative signals from both parties, often verified through agency mediation, contributing to omiai's role in approximately 5.2% of marriages as of data from Japan's National Institute of Population and Social Security Research, though exact contemporary figures vary with rising agency utilization amid demographic pressures.

Sociological and Empirical Perspectives

Public Attitudes and Cultural Shifts

Public attitudes toward miai (also known as omiai), the traditional Japanese arranged marriage meeting, have shifted markedly since the early , reflecting broader societal changes from collectivist obligations to individualistic romantic choice. In , surveys indicated that 69% of marriages resulted from miai arrangements, underscoring their dominance in prewar where familial alliances prioritized social, economic, and lineage compatibility over personal affection. By the , approximately 70% of unions were arranged, but post-World War II , economic modernization, and Western influences promoted ren'ai kekkon (love marriages), reducing miai-initiated marriages to under 10% by the late and around 6% in the early . Contemporary surveys reveal a nuanced persistence in approval despite the decline in practice, driven by Japan's demographic challenges including delayed , rising singles rates, and declines below replacement levels. A 2020 Recruit Bridal Research survey found that 60% of Japanese singles approved of omiai-style introductions, viewing them as practical for those prioritizing amid social atomization, even if most prefer self-initiated . This acceptance correlates with parental interventions in , as evidenced by 2023 reports of increasing "parent-led konkatsu" (marriage-hunting activities) to counter disinterest in romance, with families leveraging agencies to facilitate introductions for adult children facing partner shortages. Cultural shifts emphasize hybrid models blending miai structure with modern autonomy, as traditional stigma fades amid pragmatic responses to structural barriers like lifestyles and urban isolation. National Institute of Population and Social Security Research data highlight that while only a minority now marry via formal miai, positive perceptions endure among those over 30 seeking stability, contrasting with younger cohorts' skepticism toward altogether—yet reinforcing miai's role as a low-risk evaluative tool in an era of high risks for ren'ai unions. These attitudes underscore a causal pivot: as free-choice yields prolonged singledom, miai adaptations regain traction not from but empirical utility in matching compatible profiles efficiently.

Data on Marital Stability and Success Metrics

Empirical evidence on the marital stability of omiai specifically remains limited, with few large-scale, peer-reviewed longitudinal studies isolating outcomes for arranged versus love-based unions in contemporary . However, correlational data linking the historical prevalence of omiai to low rates provides indirect support for greater stability. In 1950, when omiai accounted for roughly 70% of marriages, Japan's crude rate stood at 1.01 per 1,000 population. By contrast, as love marriages rose to over 90% of unions by the (with omiai comprising only 9% as of 2021), the cumulative risk of reached approximately 35%, representing a fourfold increase from mid-20th-century levels. Contemporary reports from matchmaking contexts reinforce this pattern, indicating lower divorce rates for omiai-facilitated marriages compared to self-selected love matches. A 2016 analysis cited journalistic sources noting that arranged marriage divorces are "dwarfed" by those from modern love unions, attributing stability to rigorous pre-marital screening for socioeconomic, familial, and value alignment. Similarly, professional agencies report efficient matching, with median enrollment-to-marriage timelines of about 9 months—far shorter than the 4.3-year average courtship for love marriages—suggesting effective compatibility assessments that foster enduring partnerships. Beyond , success metrics such as marital satisfaction and longevity show tentative advantages for omiai due to familial oversight, though direct Japanese data is scarce. Global studies on systems highlight lower dissolution rates (often under 10% in screened matches) linked to reduced romantic idealization and emphasis on pragmatic factors, patterns echoed anecdotally in Japan's residual omiai practices. The rise in divorces paralleling omiai's decline underscores potential causal roles for preliminary in mitigating mismatches, despite the absence of randomized controls to confirm causation.

Gender Dynamics and Familial Involvement

In the traditional omiai process, parents and extended family members held primary responsibility for initiating and overseeing marriage arrangements to preserve family lineage, social status, and economic stability. The nakōdo, often a relative or trusted intermediary, facilitated the exchange of teigaki—detailed profiles including age, education, occupation, family background, and health—to enable preliminary evaluations by both families. This involvement extended to accompanying candidates to initial meetings or even attending proxy omiai events on behalf of adult children, ensuring alignment with familial expectations over individual romantic preferences. Gender dynamics in omiai historically emphasized complementary roles rooted in societal norms, with prospective grooms assessed primarily for financial reliability and career prospects as primary breadwinners, while brides were evaluated for domestic aptitude, fertility, and adherence to ryōsai kenbo ideals of贤妻良母 (good wife, wise mother). Families of grooms prioritized candidates capable of managing household duties and child-rearing, reflecting expectations that women would prioritize family over professional advancement post-marriage. Conversely, a groom's family background and earning potential were scrutinized to guarantee support for the bride's kin, underscoring patriarchal structures where male provision secured female reproductive investment. Empirical observations indicate that these dynamics contributed to marital stability in omiai unions, as familial vetting mitigated risks associated with mismatched expectations; pre-World War II, omiai accounted for over 70% of marriages, with lower divorce rates compared to post-war love matches. In contemporary adaptations, while individual consent has increased, parental input persists, particularly for women facing career-family trade-offs, though evolving gender attitudes have led to greater female selectivity in rejecting traditional homemaker roles. Studies on Japanese gender roles affirm that persistent traditional expectations correlate with higher satisfaction in arranged setups where roles are predefined, contrasting with conflicts in egalitarian love marriages.

Criticisms, Controversies, and Defenses

Historical Instances of Discrimination

In feudal under the (1603–1868), the rigid shi-nō-kō-shō class system—comprising , farmers, artisans, and merchants—enforced endogamous marriages to maintain hierarchical stability, with omiai processes designed to verify compatibility in social rank and lineage. Inter-class unions were legally discouraged or prohibited, effectively discriminating against individuals from lower strata attempting to elevate their status through marriage, as families prioritized preserving economic and ritual purity over individual preference. The eta (later termed burakumin) and hinin outcast groups, relegated to "impure" occupations like butchery and execution, faced the most severe marital exclusion; they were segregated residentially and forbidden from formal unions with higher classes, confining omiai to within their communities and perpetuating hereditary stigma rooted in Shinto notions of pollution. This system, codified in edicts like the 1669 separation laws, resulted in generations denied access to mainstream marriage networks, with estimates of over one million affected individuals by the era's end. Following the Emancipation Edict under the Meiji government, which legally dissolved distinctions, social discrimination in omiai persisted due to traceable family registries () revealing burakumin origins. Families commissioned background investigations, including clandestine "buraku lists" sold by agencies until the 1980s, to screen candidates and reject proposals, leading to documented cases of broken engagements and parental vetoes based on ancestral associations rather than personal merits. A 1985 analysis reported that such prejudice manifested in up to 20–30% of investigated omiai cases involving suspected burakumin, underscoring the causal persistence of feudal purity ideologies despite formal equality. Gendered dimensions compounded these issues, as women from discriminated groups bore disproportionate burdens; burakumin daughters were often deprioritized in omiai negotiations due to fears of "diluting" family lines, with historical accounts from the early noting higher rates of unmarried status or forced intra-group matches among them compared to non-burakumin peers. This reflected broader causal realism in Japanese kinship systems, where familial reproductive strategies favored status preservation over egalitarian matching.

Debates on Autonomy Versus Familial Wisdom

Proponents of familial involvement in miai argue that parents and possess accumulated wisdom from life experience, enabling more rational assessments of long-term compatibility based on , family background, and shared values, which often predict marital better than initial romantic attraction. This perspective posits that individual in partner selection is clouded by transient emotions or limited personal insight, leading to mismatches that prioritize short-term passion over sustainable union. In traditional miai, families vetted candidates to align with continuity and practical considerations, reducing risks of financial or cultural discord. Critics emphasizing contend that family-directed miai undermines personal agency, potentially forcing unions lacking mutual or compatibility, which can foster or emotional dissatisfaction over time. They highlight how modern Japanese youth, influenced by Western , view such arrangements as outdated constraints on self-expression and romantic fulfillment, contributing to the practice's decline from over 70% of marriages in the mid-20th century to less than 6% by the . This shift reflects broader cultural moves toward prioritizing personal happiness and veto power in , even in contemporary miai services where individuals must consent. Empirical data lends support to familial wisdom's advantages in stability: global analyses indicate arranged marriages exhibit divorce rates roughly 4-6% lower than love-based ones, with satisfaction trajectories in arranged unions often rising or stabilizing post-initial adjustment, unlike the decline seen in self-selected pairings driven by fading infatuation. In Japan, the parallel rise in divorce rates—from 1.8 per 1,000 in 1990 to 3.1 in 2000—as miai waned from 25-30% to 6.4% of marriages suggests reduced family input correlates with heightened instability, though direct causal studies remain limited due to the practice's rarity. Perceived influence over selection, even in semi-arranged contexts, correlates with higher intimacy and commitment, indicating hybrid models may balance both paradigms effectively.

Comparative Advantages Over Individualistic Marriage Models

Arranged marriages facilitated through miai processes in have historically exhibited lower rates compared to ren'ai (love-based) marriages, with indicating that the shift toward individualistic partner selection since the mid-20th century correlates with rising overall rates from 1.22 per 1,000 in 1980 to approximately 1.8 by the early 2020s. This pattern aligns with broader empirical observations where arranged unions, by prioritizing compatibility in , family background, and long-term values over initial romantic attraction, foster greater marital endurance; for instance, pre-1960s omiai-dominant eras saw rates dwarfed by those in subsequent love-marriage-prevalent periods. Family involvement in miai selection mitigates risks associated with individualistic models, such as overemphasis on transient passion, which empirical studies link to higher disillusionment and dissolution once emotional highs subside. In contrast to self-selected pairings, where personal biases or limited pools can overlook critical compatibilities like financial or child-rearing alignment, miai leverages collective familial to screen for pragmatic fits, evidenced by sustained lower separation rates in arranged systems even amid Japan's modernization. This approach reduces post-marital adjustment conflicts, as participants enter with pre-vetted expectations rather than idealized romantic projections. Enhanced social and economic stability emerges as another advantage, with miai unions often embedding couples within supportive networks that buffer against stressors like financial strain or isolation—factors that exacerbate failures in individualistic models lacking such . Longitudinal data from arranged marriage contexts, including Japan's historical omiai, reveal that these networks contribute to comparable or superior long-term satisfaction, as commitment and shared obligations cultivate affection over time, bypassing the volatility of passion-driven bonds. While individualistic models promote , they frequently yield higher rates of regret due to unaddressed practical mismatches, underscoring miai's causal edge in promoting resilient partnerships grounded in realism over sentiment.

Broader Cultural Representations

Depictions in Japanese Literature and Media

In Jun'ichirō Tanizaki's novel The Makioka Sisters (serialized 1943–1948), omiai forms the core narrative tension, as the declining Osaka merchant family orchestrates repeated formal introductions for the reclusive third sister, Yukiko, emphasizing meticulous evaluations of suitors' pedigrees, financial stability, and compatibility with family prestige amid 1930s societal norms. The process highlights parental veto power, matchmaker negotiations, and Yukiko's passive resistance, with failed meetings underscoring risks of mismatched alliances and the erosion of traditional hierarchies. Japanese television dramas frequently portray omiai as a comedic or transitional rite, as in the 2000 Fuji TV series Omiai Kekkon, where a strait-laced trading executive and a navigate an arranged introduction mandated by career pressures, evolving into mutual through awkward encounters and shared vulnerabilities. Similarly, Omiai Hôrôki (2002) depicts a woman's 30th omiai as a weary quest for connection, blending humor with introspection on persistence amid repeated rejections. The 1991 drama The 101st Proposal centers on a persistent suitor's 100th omiai yielding success with a cellist, framing the practice as a numbers game yielding improbable harmony. In film, Going the Distance (2017) examines omiai within familial obligations, portraying it as a mechanism for intergenerational continuity in rural Japan, where introductions prioritize lineage over romance but adapt to individual agency. Anime and manga often adapt omiai into lighter, fantastical tropes, as in Futari Ecchi (manga 1997–ongoing), where protagonists meet via omiai and rapidly consummate a harmonious union, subverting expectations of formality with enthusiastic compatibility. The 2017 live-action adaptation of Omiai Aite wa Oshiego, Tsuyoki na, Mondaiji (originally a manga) features a teacher discovering her arranged match is her capable student, using the setup for romantic comedy centered on power imbalances and unexpected rapport. These portrayals typically resolve omiai tensions through personal growth, contrasting historical rigidity with modern individualism.

Influence and Parallels in Other Societies

In , the practice of seon (선) closely parallels miai, involving introductions arranged by parents, relatives, friends, or professional with the primary goal of assessing marital potential. These meetings emphasize compatibility in , occupation, background, and values, allowing participants to decide on further ; multiple seon dates are often required before , reflecting a semi-arranged approach where individual veto power is standard. Data from the early indicate that seon facilitated a notable share of marriages, though its prevalence has declined amid and dating apps, yet it persists among those prioritizing familial input. China's xiangqin (相亲), meaning "to see relatives," mirrors miai through parent- or intermediary-orchestrated meetings designed to expedite selection amid societal pressures for timely . Traditionally tied to arranged unions, modern xiangqin often begins with parental ads in public marriage markets or apps listing criteria like age, height, income, and status, followed by structured interviews where candidates evaluate fit. Studies show xiangqin accounts for a substantial portion of urban marriages, particularly among those in their late 20s to 30s, with parents influencing up to 14% of initial pairings in some surveys, though outcomes hinge on mutual . Across , these systems share miai's core mechanism of a formalized first encounter to gauge viability, negotiated by and prioritizing long-term familial harmony over romantic spontaneity, as evidenced by historical photo exchanges for betrothals in the early . Such parallels stem from shared cultural emphases on collectivism and social stability rather than direct Japanese export, with miai exerting negligible documented influence beyond regional academic comparisons. Outside , looser analogs appear in South Asian arranged marriages, such as in , where families negotiate alliances via initial meetings but integrate factors like and more rigidly than miai's focus on neutral introductions. Direct miai influence remains absent in these contexts, though global migration has prompted hybrid adaptations in diasporas, with some Asian-American communities reviving structured parental amid dissatisfaction with app-based .

References

  1. https://www.nippon.com/en/features/jg00049/
  2. https://marriagematching.love/omiai/
  3. https://traditionaljapanesematchmaker.us/blog/omiai-matchmaking-japan/
  4. https://www.asianstudies.org/publications/eaa/archives/marriage-in-japan-yesterday-today-and-tomorrow/
  5. https://www.animenewsnetwork.com/answerman/2019-06-19/.147958
  6. https://www.oldphotosjapan.com/photos/901/omiai-wedding-japanese-marriage-ceremony-meiji-japan-vintage-photographs
  7. https://unseen-japan.com/birth-rate-japan-pm-opinion/
  8. https://blog.gaijinpot.com/not-everyone-says-i-love-you/
  9. https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC4852488/
  10. https://www.researchgate.net/publication/286861456_Marriage_in_Contemporary_Japan
  11. https://www.asianstudies.org/wp-content/uploads/marriage-in-japan-yesterday-today-and-tomorrow.pdf
  12. https://www.japanpowered.com/history/sexual-politics-heian-period
  13. https://samurai-archives.com/w/index.php?title=Marriage&mobileaction=toggle_view_desktop
  14. https://www.metmuseum.org/essays/japanese-weddings-in-the-edo-period-1615-1868
  15. https://www.japantimes.co.jp/news/1999/12/13/national/century-of-change-marriage-sheds-its-traditional-shackles/
  16. https://imagesofoldhawaii.com/shashin-hanayome/
  17. https://web-japan.org/trends98/honbun/ntj980729.html
  18. https://tokyoesque.com/marriage-market-in-japan/
  19. https://www.yourhappymoments.net/nakodo-the-secret-matchmakers-of-japanese-weddings-history-traditions-modern-love-stories/
  20. https://heianperiodjapan.blogspot.com/2015/08/nakodo-matchmaker.html
  21. https://www.japan-experience.com/plan-your-trip/to-know/understanding-japan/match-making
  22. https://www.japantimes.co.jp/community/2003/02/16/general/an-omiai-conjurer-of-couples-out-of-singles/
  23. https://go.gale.com/ps/i.do?id=GALE%257CA16791301&sid=googleScholar&v=2.1&it=r&linkaccess=abs&issn=00141828&p=AONE&sw=w
  24. https://go.gale.com/ps/i.do?id=GALE%257CA16791301&sid=googleScholar&v=2.1&it=linkaccess%3Dabs&issn=00141828&p=AONE&sw=w
  25. https://www.scribd.com/document/61186620/Arranged-Marriages-in-Japan
  26. https://faculty.tru.ca/jhu/Omiai.pdf
  27. https://swathimoorthy.wordpress.com/2017/03/19/japanese-omiai-structure-in-tamils-arranged-marriages/
  28. https://www.academia.edu/639646/Marriage_with_the_Proper_Stranger_Arranged_Marriage_in_Metropolitan_Japan
  29. https://www.researchgate.net/publication/269487702_Municipal_Matchmaking_in_Rural_Japan
  30. https://archive.carla.umn.edu/speechacts/refusals/japanese.html
  31. https://marriagematching.love/dating-advice/omiai-dating-site-and-app-usage-in-japan/
  32. https://www.datingsitesreviews.com/article.php?story=hackers-expose-user-data-of-japan-s-most-popular-dating-app
  33. https://www.statista.com/topics/11959/online-dating-in-japan/
  34. https://tech.hindustantimes.com/tech/news/over-1-7-million-accounts-exposed-in-leading-japanese-dating-app-breach-71621840857599.html
  35. https://savvytokyo.com/marriage-centered-dating-apps-in-japan/
  36. https://japantoday.com/category/features/lifestyle/marriage-centered-dating-apps-in-japan-finding-your-partner-for-life
  37. https://www.cnn.com/2023/09/02/asia/japan-speed-dating-parents-low-fertility-intl-hnk
  38. https://mainichi.jp/english/articles/20210528/p2a/00m/0li/015000c
  39. https://www.stat.go.jp/english/data/kokusei/2020/summary/pdf/01.pdf
  40. https://www3.nhk.or.jp/nhkworld/en/news/backstories/3672/
  41. https://geinokai.jp/blog/2025/05/16/arranged-marriages-in-japan-omiai/
  42. https://www.myjoyonline.com/in-japan-the-young-find-dating-so-hard-their-parents-are-doing-it-for-them/
  43. https://www.ipss.go.jp/ps-doukou/e/doukou16/Nfs16R_summary_eng.pdf
  44. https://etd.ohiolink.edu/acprod/odb_etd/ws/send_file/send?accession=bgsu1302197506&disposition=inline
  45. https://www.mhlw.go.jp/english/database/db-hw/FY2022/dl/divorce_4.pdf
  46. https://www.facebook.com/groups/1201123683590697/posts/1943787565990968/
  47. https://japantoday.com/category/features/lifestyle/more-japanese-marrying-friends-and-acquaintances-because-they-dont-want-to-bother-with-dating
  48. https://www.ibj-gl.com/wp-content/themes/ibj-gl-wp/img/ir/ir_pdf/Marriage_white_paper2023.pdf
  49. https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC3711098/
  50. https://swopec.hhs.se/eijswp/papers/eijswp0201.pdf
  51. https://datingapp.jp/the-role-of-the-family-in-japanese-marriage/
  52. https://jref.com/threads/omiai-by-proxy-when-parents-date-for-their-offspring.572383/
  53. https://sweetescapejapan.com/articles/165
  54. https://japanryan.com/marriage/
  55. https://www.nakasendoway.com/marriage/
  56. https://japantoday.com/category/features/lifestyle/a-century-of-love-%25E2%2580%2593-how-dating-and-marriage-have-evolved-in-japan
  57. https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC7711028/
  58. https://www.researchgate.net/publication/378566891_The_Legal_History_of_Burakumin_Discrimination_in_Japan
  59. https://www.britannica.com/topic/burakumin
  60. https://journals.law.harvard.edu/hrj/wp-content/uploads/sites/83/2020/06/12_Reber_Buraka-Mondai-in-Japan.pdf
  61. https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-34615972
  62. https://minorityrights.org/communities/burakumin-buraku-people/
  63. https://www.researchgate.net/profile/Charlie-Morgan-4/publication/290857775_A_Case_Study_of_Buraku_and_Non-Buraku_Couples_in_Japan/links/5a6620564585158bca54478c/A-Case-Study-of-Buraku-and-Non-Buraku-Couples-in-Japan.pdf
  64. https://academic.oup.com/lawfam/article/35/1/ebab005/6344842
  65. https://adjuvalegal.com/global-divorce-rates-marital-stability-analysis/
  66. https://swopec.hhs.se/hastef/papers/hastef0631.pdf
  67. https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC5222618/
  68. https://www.researchgate.net/publication/335728550_Marital_Quality_in_Arranged_and_Love_Marriages_The_Role_of_Perceived_Influence_over_Partner_Selection
  69. https://www.nytimes.com/1982/06/11/style/women-s-views-on-divorce-are-changing-in-japan.html
  70. https://medium.com/japonica-publication/my-first-and-only-omiai-aa4d43f67ed2
  71. https://www.goodreads.com/topic/show/22154938-the-makioka-sisters
  72. https://mydramalist.com/2948-omiai-kekkon
  73. https://www.imdb.com/title/tt1133476/
  74. https://www.roku.com/whats-on/tv-shows/the-101st-proposal
  75. https://www.japantimes.co.jp/culture/2018/02/21/films/film-reviews/going-distance-powerful-take-japanese-definition-family/
  76. https://tvtropes.org/pmwiki/pmwiki.php/ArrangedMarriage/AnimeAndManga
  77. https://www.imdb.com/title/tt7763912/
  78. https://factsanddetails.com/korea/South_Korea/People_2/entry-7234.html
  79. https://koreajoongangdaily.joins.com/2004/05/18/features/Lexicon-of-love-adapts-to-times/2416018.html
  80. http://www.inquiriesjournal.com/articles/946/finding-love-in-china-an-overview-of-chinese-marriage-markets-baifaxiangqin
  81. https://www.asianews.it/news-en/Marriages-in-China-are-falling.-And-local-governments-promote-their-dating-apps-61204.html
  82. https://www.asianstudies.org/publications/eaa/archives/marriages-and-families-in-east-asia-something-old-something-new/
  83. https://mavmatrix.uta.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1046&context=honors_spring2022
  84. https://worldpopulationreview.com/country-rankings/arranged-marriage-countries
  85. https://www.nbcnews.com/news/asian-america/dating-apps-south-asians-arranged-marriage-rcna154392
Add your contribution
Related Hubs
User Avatar
No comments yet.