Recent from talks
Nothing was collected or created yet.
Kelantan
View on Wikipedia
Kelantan (Malay pronunciation: [kəˈlantan]; Kelantanese Malay: Klate; Pattani Malay pronunciation: [kläˈtɛ]) is a state in Malaysia. The capital, Kota Bharu, includes the royal seat of Kubang Kerian. The honorific name of the state is Darul Naim ("The Blissful Abode"). Kelantan is located in the north-eastern corner of Peninsular Malaysia. Kelantan is an agrarian state with paddy fields, fishing villages and casuarina-lined beaches. Kelantan is home to some of the most ancient archaeological discoveries in Malaysia, including several prehistoric aboriginal settlements.
Key Information
Due to Kelantan's relative isolation and largely rural lifestyle, Kelantanese culture differs somewhat from Malay culture in the rest of the peninsula; this is reflected in the cuisine, arts and the unique Kelantanese Malay language, which is not readily intelligible with standard Malay.
Kelantan is bordered by Narathiwat province of Thailand to the north, Terengganu to the south-east, Perak to the west and Pahang to the south. To the north-east of Kelantan is the South China Sea. Kelantan has diverse tropical rainforests and an equatorial climate. The state's mountain ranges belong to the Titiwangsa Mountains, which are part of the Tenasserim Hills that span southern Myanmar, southern Thailand and Peninsular Malaysia, with Mount Yong Belar being the state's highest point.
Etymology
[edit]
There are a number of theories for the origin of the name Kelantan. One theory proposes that the word Kelantan comes from a modified version of the word gelam hutam, the Malay word for the cajuput, or swamp tea tree (Melaleuca leucadendron). Other theories claim that the name comes from the Malay word kilatan, "shiny or glittery" or kolam tanah, "clay pool".[9] Kelantan was called Kalantan (Thai: กลันตัน) by the Siamese when it was under their influence.
History
[edit]Prehistoric
[edit]Kelantan's early history is not very clear, but archaeological evidence shows human settlement in prehistoric times.[10][11]
Pre-Malaccan Era
[edit]Early Kelantan had links to the Funan Kingdom, the Khmer Empire, Champa and Siam.[12][13] Around 1411, there was an Islamic ruler named Raja Kumar and Kelantan was an important centre of trade at that time.
Kelantan Sultanate
[edit]In 1499, Kelantan became a vassal state of the Malacca Sultanate. With the fall of Malacca in 1511, Kelantan was divided up and ruled by petty chieftains, paying tribute to Patani, then a powerful Malay Kingdom of the eastern peninsula. By the early 17th century, most of these Kelantanese chiefs became subject to Patani. The legendary Cik Siti Wan Kembang was said to have reigned over Kelantan between 1610 and 1667.[14][15] Kelantan made a political alliance with Patani during the reign of Raja Biru in 1619 for mutual trade and military interests.[16] The Queen of Patani was deposed in 1651 by the Raja of Kelantan, starting a period of Kelantanese rule in Patani.[17]

Around 1760, Long Yunus, an aristocratic warlord of Patani origin succeeded in unifying the territory of present-day Kelantan and was enthroned by his father-in-law Ku Tanang Wangsa (Regent of Terengganu) as Yang di-Pertuan Muda or Deputy Ruler of Kelantan. Long Yunus was succeeded in 1795 by his son-in-law Tengku Muhammad by Sultan Mansur of Terengganu. The enthronement of Tengku Muhammad by Terengganu was opposed by Long Yunus' sons, triggering a war against Terengganu by Long Muhammad, the eldest son of Long Yunus. The pro-Terengganu faction was defeated in 1800 and Long Muhammad ruled Kelantan with the new title of Sultan as Sultan Muhammad I.
Later, when the Sultan died childless, it triggered another civil war among claimants to the throne. His nephew Long Senik Mulut Merah, triumphed over his uncles and cousins and assumed the throne in 1835 as Sultan Muhammad II.

Sultan Muhammad II used his loose alliance with Siam to form the modern Kelantan state, centered in his new fort on the eastern bank of the Kelantan river, which became Kota Bharu in 1844.
Unfederated Malay States
[edit]Under the terms of the Anglo-Siamese Treaty of 1909, the Thais relinquished their claims over Kelantan, Terengganu, Kedah and Perlis to the British Empire, and Kelantan thus became one of the Unfederated Malay States with a British Adviser.
Japanese occupation
[edit]Kelantan was where the Japanese first landed during their invasion of Malaya, on 8 December 1941. In 1943, Kelantan was transferred by the Japanese to Thailand and became a province of Thailand. Kelantan reverted to Malaya upon the end of World War II in August 1945.
Malayan Union and the Federation of Malaya
[edit]Kelantan became part of the Malayan Union in 1946 and then the Federation of Malaya on 1 February 1948, and together with other Malayan states attained independence on 31 August 1957. On 16 September 1963, Kelantan became one of the states of Malaysia.
Modern history
[edit]The Malaysian Islamic Party (PAS) came to power in Kelantan for the first time in 1959. In November 1977, the federal government declared a state of emergency in Kelantan following a political crisis and street violence. An election took place soon after the emergency, in which the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO) won removing the PAS from power. Kelantan was then governed by the Barisan Nasional coalition (of which UMNO was part of) until the 1990 General Election when the PAS returned with an overwhelming victory, winning all 39 State and 13 Parliamentary seats. The success was achieved through the PAS-led coalition, called Angkatan Perpaduan Ummah (APU). In the following General Election in 1995, PAS won again, though with a reduced majority. The PAS won a large victory in 1999 due in part to Malayan anger over the treatment of former Deputy Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim by Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad and other officials of the national government. In 2004 the PAS nearly lost control of Kelantan, retaining it with only a 1-seat majority, when the Barisan Nasional, under the new leadership of Abdullah Badawi following Mahathir's retirement, won by a landslide nationally. However, after the 2008 Malaysian general election, the PAS regained a two-thirds majority of seats in the state assembly.
Geography
[edit]Rising high on the slopes of Gunung Korbu, the second highest peak in Peninsular Malaysia, the Nengiri River flows east to merge first with the Galas, and then with the Lebir — the latter begins in the Taman Negara National Park — before turning decisively northwards and emptying into the shallow waters of the South China Sea. From Kuala Krai the conjoined streams become the Kelantan River (also known as Sungai Kelantan), a broad, mud-coloured stream which dominates the fertile coastal plains and defines the geography of the region. The Kelantan River valley is a fertile rice-bowl, rich in hardwoods and rubber and lush with tropical fruits.
For centuries, Kelantan was mostly separated from the rest of the country by the Titiwangsa Mountains, which runs from north to south through the peninsula. Weeks of hard travel were required to reach Kelantan. The easiest way to Kelantan was to sail around the peninsula. For this reason Kelantan's history often involves the sea and boats. Even today, many of its people are tied to the sea.
A railway line was built in the 1920s, during British colonial rule, linking Tumpat on the state's northern coast, through the jungles of upper Kelantan and Pahang and then on to other states. Also, between the 1920s and 1980s, trunk roads were built to link Kelantan with adjacent states. Presently, one can travel by road from the capital city Kuala Lumpur to Kota Bharu using national highway 8 through the mountain range within 8 hours.
Climate
[edit]Kelantan has a tropical climate, with temperatures from 21 to 32 °C and intermittent rain throughout the year. The wet season is the east-coast monsoon season from November to January.
Environment
[edit]Some experts claim groundwater extraction is causing land in Kelantan to lower, causing more floods.[18]
Economy
[edit]Kelantan has a chiefly agrarian economy dominated by rice, rubber and tobacco. Fishing along its 96-kilometre coastline is also an important economic activity. Cottage industries which employ traditional skills in handicraft production such as batik, woodcarving and songket weaving are also evident. Logging activities are active given the vast remaining area of forest. In recent years, tourism, especially to offshore islands, has increased in importance. A few reputable hotels have been established and more modern shopping malls have been opened to cater to urban populations.
Kota Bharu, the capital, is the major urban centre, and there are also plans to open up the southern portion of the state under an ambitious multimillion-dollar development project. The main market at the city centre is a top attraction.[citation needed]
Kelantan had a GDP per capita in 2006 at RM7,985.[19] The State Socioeconomic Report 2017 published on 26 July 2018 reported that Kelantan has a GDP per capita of RM13,593 in 2017, significantly lower than any other state in Malaysia.[20]
Kelantan's cultural ties with Pattani make use of the Malaysian-Thai border, where Kelantanese and Southern Thais cross frequently to visit their relatives and transport goods for small business.[citation needed]
Politics
[edit]
A part of the conservative Malay heartland, Kelantan has been ruled by the Malaysian Islamic Party (PAS) since 1990. It is one of four Malaysian states led by PAS after the 2022 elections, the others being Terengganu, Kedah, and Perlis.
Almost all PAS members are Malay Muslims, as are about 97% of Kelantan's population.
For years, the PAS has attempted to impose a strict interpretation of Islamic Law on Kelantan. It has successfully imposed certain social strictures such as single-sex supermarket queues, separate public benches for men and women, and limiting entertainment centers to prohibit "salacious behavior."[citation needed] An Islamic regional law such as caning for unmarried couples doing cohabitation (khalwat), amputation of limbs for thievery, execution for murder, and stoning for adultery (collectively known as Hudud Law) have been passed and enacted into law, however, have been unenforced by the national government on constitutional grounds.[21][22]
One of the most controversial steps that PAS have taken in Kelantan is to place strict restrictions or outright bans on the traditional performance of syncretic Malay theatrical forms, such as Wayang Kulit, Mak Yong, Dikir Barat, and Main Puteri. PAS also took action to remove any sculpture that looked like human or animal, modified versions without the traditional references to Hindu dewa–dewi and traditional Malay hantu (spirits or ghosts) and otherwise in keeping with orthodox Islam are, however, tolerated in some instances. Also restricted are public performances by women: Aside from Quran recitals, such arrangements are entirely banned if men are in the audience. While PAS has maintained that these steps were to promote Islam and put an end to immoral behavior among the Muslim population, many consider them an act of defiance against Barisan Nasional's laws — which are more tolerant, depending on one's viewpoint — and also a significant loss to Malay traditional arts.
A 2019 directive from the office of the Sultan prohibited state government buildings from displaying portraits of individuals other than the Sultan, Crown Prince, previous Sultan, and the state's First Minister.[23] This was quickly amended also to allow images of the Malaysian King and Queen.[24]
PAS has also defended the practice of child marriage,[25] a practice that been the focus of recent controversy due to recent cases in Kelantan.[26][27]
Government composition
[edit]| Affiliation | Coalition/party leader | Status | Seats | ||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 2023 election | Current | ||||
| Perikatan Nasional | Mohd Nassuruddin Daud | Government | 43 | 42 | |
| |
Pakatan Harapan Barisan Nasional |
Vacant | Opposition | 2 | 3 |
| Government majority | 41 | 39 | |||
Oil royalties
[edit]Assignment deed
[edit]On 9 May 1975, an agreement was signed between the Menteri Besar of Kelantan, Datuk Mohamed Nasir, and the Chairman of Petronas, Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah. According to the terms of the agreement, Kelantan was to receive a cash payment of 5 percent a year biannually, for any oil found in Kelantan or its coastal areas. In return, Kelantan grants Petronas to exclusive rights to "petroleum whether lying onshore or offshore of Malaysia".
It became an issue as to whether Kelantan had the right to claim oil royalties from federal government as described in the agreement. Relevant to the issue, in Schedule 9, List I of the Federal Constitution, the following topics are assigned to the Federal Government:
- Except as to State rights over permits and licences, the Federal Government has rights over development of mineral resources, mines, mining, minerals and mineral ores, oils and oilfields, petroleum products, safety in mines and oilfields
- Gas and gasworks, production and distribution of power and energy
- Foreign and extraterritorial jurisdiction
- Treaties, agreements and conventions with other countries and all matters which bring the Federation into relations with any other country
As for the state government:
- Land: Schedule 9 List II, Para 2(a). Under the Interpretation Acts, 1948 and 1967, Section 3, land includes "the surface of the earth ... all substances therein... all vegetations and other natural products... whether on or below the surface... and land covered by water". The territorial waters of Kelantan will come within the definition of "land covered by water". Territorial waters are defined by Section 4(2) of the Emergency (Essential Powers) Ordinance No 7, 1969. Subject to some exceptions, they refer to three nautical miles.
- Revenue from lands: Schedule 10, Part III Para 2.
- In addition to the income from land, one notes that in Article 110[3A] there is provision for discretionary payment on such terms and conditions as maybe prescribed by or under federal law of the export duty on "mineral oils" produced in the state. Petroleum comes within the meaning of "mineral oils" under Section 10 of the Petroleum Development Act.
From the schedule, Peninsular Malaysian states have the constitutional right to set fees for permits and licences for extraction of any petroleum that is derived from their land and territorial waters. Anything beyond territorial waters, such as on the continental shelf, is entirely in federal hands. However, because exploration of oil and gas is approximately 150 km from Kota Bharu and beyond the territorial water of Kelantan. Emeritus Professor Shad Saleem Faruqi concluded that Kelantan has no constitutional right to regulate it and to receive compensation for it.[28] He further argued given the agreement deed to support Kelantan rights over royalties will render as unconstitutional and void under the doctrine of severability (constitutional parts of the law remain even if other parts are unconstitutional), as the Assignment by Kelantan gives to Petronas the ownership of all petroleum "whether lying onshore or offshore of Malaysia" was an overstatement, and Kelantan has no rights to what lies off the shores of the whole of Malaysia.
States cannot transfer rights over something they do not own. Unfortunately for Kelantan, the matter cannot end with the two agreements. There is a supreme Constitution in Malaysia with a federal-state division of legislative and financial powers. The constitutional allocation cannot be altered except by constitutionally permitted procedures and amendments. Even mutual agreements cannot override the constitutional scheme of things because jurisdiction is a matter of law and not of consent or acquiescence.[28]
Current action
[edit]The Kelantan state government is owed between RM850 million and RM1 billion from oil revenue royalties from the central government, according to the Petroleum Act 1974. In 2009, the central government offered 'compensation' or Wang Ehsan, a fraction of the sum actually owed. Discrimination of Kelantan on the matter has led the state government considering action in the International Court of Justice (ICJ). Support for Kelantan and the local government in defiance of the central government includes the group Kelantan Peoples' Movement Demanding Petroleum Royalties or Gerakan Menuntut Royalti Petroleum Rakyat Kelantan (GMR).
Demographics
[edit]| Year | Pop. | ±% |
|---|---|---|
| 1970 | 684,738 | — |
| 1980 | 859,270 | +25.5% |
| 1991 | 1,181,315 | +37.5% |
| 2000 | 1,287,367 | +9.0% |
| 2010 | 1,470,696 | +14.2% |
| 2020 | 1,792,501 | +21.9% |
| Source: [3] | ||
The largely rural state preserves Malay traditions such as kite-flying contests, top-spinning contests, and bird singing competitions, and traditional handicrafts such as batik, songket, and silver crafts. Kelantan's ethnic composition is 95.7% Malay, 3.4% Chinese, 0.3% Indian and 0.6% others.[29]
The ethnicities of Kelantan generally live together harmoniously. For example, members of the Thai community received a permit to build a very large statue of the Buddha without any objection from the Malay community or the PAS government that granted the permit.
Ethnic groups
[edit]Malays
[edit]
Kelantanese Malays are the predominant ethnic group in the state. They speak Kelantanese Malay which is distinguished from standard Malay as well as other Malay varieties in Malaysia by its unique grammar, pronunciation and figures of speech.
Kelantanese Malay is somewhat mutually intelligible with other Malay dialects. Jawi script, which has less influence in other parts of Malaysia, is still widely used in writing and printing the Malay language in Kelantan. Signboards in Kelantan are written in both Jawi and Rumi. To a certain extent, the Southern Thai language is also used.
95.7% of Kelantan's population are ethnic Malays, and under the Malaysian Constitution, all Malays are Muslims; therefore, Islam is the largest religion in the state.
Kota Bharu, as the state capital, is a popular centre for pursuits such as silat, martial arts, and kertok drumming. Here, too, more than any other place in Malaysia, the traditional pastimes of top-spinning — known as gasing — and the flying of giant, elaborately decorated kites called wau, is still observed.
Siamese
[edit]
The minority ethnic Malaysian Siamese inhabitants of Kelantan are mostly centred around the coastal town of Tumpat, which is home to most of the state's two hundred or so Buddhist temples, and has a number of relatively well-off Siamese villages.
The dialect of the Thai language spoken in Kelantan is called Tak Bai, after the southernmost coastal town Tak Bai of Narathiwat province, just across the Golok River from Malaysia. The Tak Bai dialect differs substantially from standard southern Thai and other regional Thai dialects, and it seems certain that the Kelantan Thais are the descendants of an original enclave of Narathiwat settlers established in sparsely populated Malay territory as long as four centuries ago.
Buddhism is also visible in the hundreds of Thai wats, also known as ketik, found throughout the state. Since 1980, the longest statue of a reclining Buddha in Southeast Asia can be found in Wat Photivihan, in Tumpat. This temple is very popular with pilgrims and devotees. The Metta chanting uses the original Pali language or a Thai translation. About a thousand visitors attend the Wat for such religious celebrations as Tok'katinna, Loy Krathong, Saibat and Songkran.
Chinese
[edit]This section may require cleanup to meet Wikipedia's quality standards. The specific problem is: need to (1) improve grammar; (2) remove duplicate wikilinks; (3) format foreign terms and names consistently; (4) cite reliable sources. (July 2019) |
In Kelantan, the Kelantanese Chinese see themselves as either Cino Kapong (village Chinese) or Cino Bandar (town Chinese). Famous Chinese villages in Kelantan include Kampung Tok'kong (300-year-old temple), Batu Jong, Kampung Jelatok, Kampung Joh, Kampung Temangan, Kampung Mata Ayer, Kampung Tawang, Kampung Balai, and Gua Musang. Descendants of the earlier waves of small-scale migration are known as Oghe Cino kito (our very own Chinese) and the elders are seen as Oghe Kelate beto (true Kelantanese).
Cina Kampung assimilation in Kelantan is manifested as: "Malay behaviour as frontstage and Chinese behaviour as backstage". "Frontstage" or public behaviour includes speaking Kelantanese Malay even when among themselves, adopting Malay-style clothing, and observing certain Malay customs and holidays. "Backstage" or private behaviour includes maintaining certain traditional Chinese beliefs and customs confined only within the home.[30] A pattern which they also associate as Peranakan Chinese, nonetheless they are culturally different in some ways from the Strait-Chinese Peranakan of Malacca, Penang and Singapore or even the Indonesian Peranakans.
The Cina Kampung in Kelantan have native speaker competence in the Kelantanese dialect. It is impossible to tell a Malay from a Chinese here just by listening to their speech in the Kelantanese dialect.[citation needed]
Much of Chinese culture still continues until today; such as the lion dance and dragon dance during Chinese New Year, temple celebration, eating bakchang (meat dumpling), mooncake, baby fullmoon, pulut kuning, telur merah, eat 'e' (tangyuan), religious celebration including praying to the Na Tuk Kong. They also cook 'bak hong', 'uang (meatball)' during wedding ceremonies and 'kiam mai' during funerals.
The village of Kampung Tok'kong in the Kelantan state of Malaysian is well known for a historically significant Chinese temple known as Seng Choon Kiong. 25 km from Kota Bharu, it is located within a paddy field village with a population of around 500 person. The temple is approximately 300 years old and is dedicated to the worship of the goddess Mazu. Every year on the equivalent date to 23 March on the Chinese calendar, the birthday of Mazu is commemorated with concerts, lion dance, carrying god ride 'Kheng kiu', 'siam hee' and also wayang kulit show for three days. Chinese and Mazu followers visit the temple to pay homage to Mazu, to offer prayers for health and wealth, as well as for personal safety and security and eat Kampung Tokkong most famous 'Bak hong'.
Unlike the Chinese in other parts of Malaysia, Kelantanese Chinese prefer to conduct their wedding party at home rather than at a restaurant. This reflects their mindset that their presence to celebrate the newly weds is more important than the wedding banquet. And also make it a gathering ceremony to celebrate the angsu 'red/ happiness'. The amount of guests relate to how respectable the house owner is. This is further proven by their generosity of the money gifts from the newly weds. Usually the wedding ceremony begins on Thursday night and proceeds until the next morning because the weekend holiday is Friday in Kelantan. For good luck, the groom has to bring home the bride before 12 noon on the Friday in a car decorated with flowers.
Most Chinese villagers bury their dead at the local town cemetery. Others cremate the dead at the nearest Wat. If the deceased was old, a three-day funeral ceremony and memorial is conducted, complete with chanting from the monks. But if the deceased was of the younger generation, they are either buried or cremated as soon as possible. They also offers prayers for anniversary for the death.
Indians
[edit]Indians are known to be one of the smallest ethnic groups in Kelantan. During British rule, Indians were brought in to Kelantan to work in rubber estates around Gua Musang District and Tanah Merah as labourers.
Orang Asli
[edit]Orang Asli, mostly Temiar people, are people who have lived in the forests of Kelantan and Perak for thousands of years. Some of the Temiar maintain traditional beliefs in their natural surroundings and other forms of animist elements. Other Orang Asli ethnic groups that live in Kelantan are Jahais, Bateks and Mendriqs.
Religion
[edit]As of 2020 the population of Kelantan is 97% Muslim, 2.3% Buddhist, 0.1% Christian, 0.1% Hindu, 0.4% follower of other religions or non-religious.[31]
Statistics from the 2010 Census indicate that 93.2% of the Chinese population identify as Buddhists, with significant minorities of adherents identifying as Muslims (3.0%), Christians (2.8%) and Chinese folk religions (0.6%). The latter figure may include followers of Taoism.[32] The majority of the Indian population identify as Hindus (76.5%), with a significant minorities of numbers identifying as Muslims (11.6%), Buddhists (6.7%) and Christians (3.7%). The non-Malay bumiputera community are predominantly Muslims (39.8%), with significant minorities identifying as Atheists (30.3%) and Christians (14.3%). All Malays are considered Muslims according to Malaysian law.[33]
Administrative divisions
[edit]Districts
[edit]Kelantan is the only state outside of East Malaysia that does not use the term district in its second-level administrative division. Instead, the divisions are called colonies (Jajahan) or collectivities with one autonomous subdistrict. The direct translation of Tanah Jajahan in Malay to English is 'Colonized Land'. Kelantan was a divided feudal state, a common situation in the Malay Peninsula, with separate petty local rulers. However, a strong one managed to rise and conquer all these small petty territories. In the end, Kelantan became united under one Sultan. The eleven jajahans, from top to bottom are written in Rumi and Jawi:[34]
| Districts (Jajahan) in Kelantan | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Number | Colonies (Jajahan) | Subdivision (Daerah) | Area (km2) | Population |
| 1 | (کوتا بهارو) |
Badang, Beta, Banggu, Kadok, Kemumin, Kota, Kubang Kerian, Ketereh, Limbat, Panji, Pendek, Peringat, Salor, Sering, Pusat Bandar Kota Bharu | 403 | 568,900 |
| 2 | (ڤاسير مس) |
Rantau Panjang, Kangkong, Pasir Mas, Gual Periok, Chetok, Alor Pasir, Lemal, Bunut Susu, Kubang Sepat, Kubang Gadong | 570 | 233,400 |
| 3 | (تومڤت) |
Jal Besar, Pengkalan Kubor, Sungai Pinang, Tumpat, Terbak, Kebakat, Wakaf Bharu | 180 | 183,100 |
| 4 | (ڤاسير ڤوتيه) |
Bukit Jawa, Padang Pak Amat, Limbongan, Jeram, Bukit Awang, Bukit Abal, Gong Datok, Semerak | 423 | 137,400 |
| 5 | (باچوق) |
Mahligai, Telong, Gunong, Melawi, Tanjung Pauh, Tawang, Bekelam, Perupok | 279 | 158,900 |
| 6 | (کوالا کراي) |
Mengkebang, Dabong, Olak Jeram | 2,275 | 105,900 |
| 7 | (ماچڠ) |
Labok, Ulu Sat, Temangan, Pangkal Meleret, Pulai Chondong, Panyit | 526 | 112,900 |
| 8 | (تانه ميره) |
Bukit Panau, Ulu Kusial, Jedok | 880 | 152,400 |
| 9 | (جيلي) |
Jeli, Batu Melintang, Kuala Balah | 1,326 | 55,600 |
| 10 | (ڬوا موسڠ) |
Galas, Bertam, Chiku | 6,362 | 102,500 |
| 11 | Lojing (لوجيڠ) |
Betis, Hau, Sigar | 1,817 | 10,700 |
Culture
[edit]The culture of Kelantan has been influenced by Thai culture due to its location on the Thai border.[35] Among the popular cultural practices are Dikir Barat, Wayang Kulit Kelantan, Wayang Kulit Melayu, Mak Yong, Menora, Main Puteri, Wau Bulan (kite-flying), Gasing (top-spinning), Silat, Tomoi, bird-singing competition and handicrafts. The unique Kelantan culture, Mak Yong is recognized by UNESCO. This ancient theatre form created by Malaysia's Malay communities combines acting, vocal and instrumental music, gestures and elaborate costumes. Specific to the villages of Kelantan in northwest Malaysia, where the tradition originated, Mak Yong is performed mainly as entertainment or for ritual purposes related to healing practices.[36][37]
Among the handicraft products that are songket, batik, silverware and mengkuang. The Kandis Resource Centre provides information on the Kelantanese wood carving.
Cuisine
[edit]The Kelantanese cuisine is part of Malay cuisine but maintains its own unique identity. Kelantanese food makes more use of coconut milk than anywhere else in the country. Curries are richer, and creamier.
Local dishes
[edit]| Specialty | Description |
|---|---|
| Nasi dagang | A mix of white rice and brown glutinous rice, cooked with coconut milk, blended onions, garlic and some spices (such as fenugreek) (halba). Fish or chicken curry is usually a complementary dish, together with a mild brown sugared sambal (chili paste). |
| Nasi kerabu | Nasi Kerabu literally means rice salad. Kelantan has a variety of nasi kerabu. Nasi Kerabu biasa ("normal"), putih ("white"), hitam ("black"), though the actual color is blue after the flower used as colouring in the recipe and kuning ("yellow"), for the turmeric used in the cooking process. Each kerabu is usually served with a matching, traditional sambal. The kerabu (salad) itself can be any combination of vegetables or edible leaves. It is also served with fried breaded fish, keropok keping, (see below), salted egg, solok lada (chillies stuffed with minced fish and grated coconut), and pickled garlic. Importantly, a sauce called budu must be included for the dish to qualify. |
| Nasi tumpang | Rice packed in a cone-shaped banana leaf. A pack of nasi tumpang consists of an omelette, meat floss, chicken and/or shrimp curry and sweet gravy. It is traditionally meant for travellers. |
| Ayam percik | Wood-fire broiled chicken dressed with sweet coconut gravy. Ayam golek/ayam percik is eaten with white rice in major family dishes and is served during feasts. |
| Nasi Berlauk | A popular breakfast food for the Kelantanese. Nasi berlauk is rice served with fish or chicken and vegetables cooked with turmeric and galangal infused yellow gravy. |
| Nasi ulam | Ulam is the local term for raw vegetables – the meal consists of white rice served with a variety of raw vegetables, and is one of the healthier dishes found in Malay cuisine. |
| Keropok | These are Kelantanese crackers and can be made from fish, prawns or squid. The way they are made is similar to keropok gote, but after they are steamed or boiled and thinly sliced and dried for storage or further cooking. |
| Keropok lekor | These are Kelantanese fish sausages of Terengganu origin. Made by combining fish flesh and sago or tapioca flour, keropok lekor is rolled into long firm sticks and then steamed or boiled. To enjoy it, one has to cut it into desired bite sized and deep fried. It is a popular schoolchildren's snack food. |
| Laksa kelantan | The Laksa dish, white noodles served with gravy (curry or otherwise) and vegetables, is made differently in every states in Malaysia. The Laksa in Kelantan is richer and has a more full-bodied flavour. The main ingredient is fish flesh. Laksam is another version, with a thicker noodle. Laksa or Laksam is served with Ulam (salad) similar to that in nasi kerabu, with a pinch of salt and belacan, a fermented shrimp paste. |
Colek
[edit]Contrary to popular belief, Colek is not just a dipping sauce, but can also refer to a snack eaten with the sauce. Colek comes in various forms, including meaty cholek, colek ayam (chicken), colek perut (cow tripe), colek pelepong (cow or lamb lung; usually fried plain), and also a variety of colek buah (fruits; usually unmatured, thus crunchy and sour tasting) such as colek pauh (mango).
Colek manis (with brown sugar) is a sweet, sour and very mildly hot version. This colek is different from other chili sauces because colek is very thin and rather sweet. This dipping sauce is used for chicken, and also goes well with shrimp, fish cake, spring roll, sausage, etc.
Budu
[edit]Budu (sauce) is a salted (fermented) anchovy sauce eaten mainly as flavouring with rice, grilled fish and vegetables/salads (ulam). A bit of lime juice, hot chilis and shallots are added on for taste. Also, tempoyak (fermented durian) or fresh durian is added. Once combined, the purple-brownish condiment has a blend of salty and sour taste. Sometimes, budu is used in cooking as an ingredient.
Nowadays, other types of fish are also used to create budu. Famous budu making villages include Kg. Tawang, Bachok and Kg. Penambang near Kota Bharu.
Similar sauces are found in the Philippines and Indochina (Vietnam, Cambodia).
Thai-influenced
[edit]Somtam
[edit]Somtam is a green papaya salad with a salty, spicy, and sour taste. The main items in it are young, unripe papaya, soy sauce, groundnuts, fish sauce, lime juice, and chilies. These items are combined in a mortar, pounded with a pestle for few seconds and served. The salty and lime juicy taste is very popular. This light dish is widely available in regions with large numbers of ethnic Thais, such as Tumpat and Siamese wats.
Other influences
[edit]Tongmo
[edit]Tongmo (from Cham tung lamo "cow intestines") is a spiced sausage introduced by the Cambodian Chams community concentrated in Kota Bharu.[38][39]
Tourism
[edit]Among the popular tourist destinations in Kelantan are:
- Siti Khadijah Market – A market mostly run by women.[40]
- Taman Negara – Located in the Gua Musang Region, Kelantan, near the Pahang border and Terengganu. It is located in the Hantu Hill and Lebir reserve forest.[41]
- Wat Photivihan Sleeping Buddha – This temple is one of the 25 temples found in Tumpat, and is one of the most popular in the country.[42]
- Seng Choon Kiong (Mazu Temple) – approximately 300 years old Temple in Kampung Tok'kong and is a site of pilgrimage for worshippers of Mazu in Malaysia
- Sultan Ismail Petra Silver Jubilee Mosque – Mosque that combines Chinese and Islamic architecture and resembles a 1,000-year-old Niujie Mosque in Beijing, China.[43]
- Irama Bachok Beach – Located within the Bachok District and is the main tourist spot of Bachok District residents and Kelantan residents in particular.[44]
- Gunung Stong State Park – Home to one of the highest waterfalls in Malaysia, the seven-tiered Jelawang Waterfall.[45]
- Muhammadi Mosque – One of the symbols of splendor in this city that has the hallmarks of graceful gates and golden colors. Al-Muhammadi Mosque's name is a tribute to Sultan Muhammad IV's contribution and service to the state.[46]
- Masjid Al-Ismaili – Mosque located in Bandar Baru Pasir Pekan, Wakaf Baru.[47]
- Pantai Bisikan Bayu (Beach of Whispering Breeze) – also known as Pantai Dalam Rhu, the wind at the beach produces a quite sound that, locals say, sounds like a soothing whisper.[48]
- Handicraft Village and Craft Museum – Also known as "Balai Getam Guri", it has many examples of Kelantanese craftsmanship such as traditional embroidery, songket weaving, batik printing, silver work and wood carving.[49]
See also
[edit]References
[edit]- ^ a b Ibrahim, Soleh (2004). Perlantikan dan bidang kuasa kadi: satu kajian di wilayah Narathiwat Selatan Thailand (PDF) (Masters in Syariah thesis) (in Malay). Universiti Malaya. Archived from the original (PDF) on 8 October 2023.
- ^ a b Ismail, Hafawati (2015). Kuih Dan Manisan Kelantan: Langkah Demi Langkah. ISBN 9789678605694.
- ^ a b c "Key Findings of Population and Housing Census of Malaysia 2020" (pdf) (in Malay and English). Department of Statistics, Malaysia. ISBN 978-967-2000-85-3.
- ^ a b DOSM. "Department of Statistics Malaysia". www.dosm.gov.my. Retrieved 11 September 2023.
- ^ "Laporan Sosioekonomi Negeri Kelantan 2023". Department of Statistics Malaysia (in Malay). August 2024. ISSN 2600-9919.
- ^ "Malaysia Human Development Index (MHDI), 2024". dosm.gov.my. Retrieved 12 November 2025.
- ^ "Laporan Kiraan Permulaan 2010". Jabatan Perangkaan Malaysia. p. 27. Archived from the original on 8 July 2011. Retrieved 24 January 2011.
- ^ "Population by States and Ethnic Group". Department of Information, Ministry of Communications and Multimedia, Malaysia. 2015. Archived from the original on 12 February 2016. Retrieved 12 February 2015.
- ^ "Page 84 - Malaysia 2017". Archived from the original on 14 August 2018. Retrieved 14 August 2018.
- ^ Sejarah Kertas 1. Arah Pendidikan Sdn Bhd. 2008. ISBN 9789673230662.
- ^ "Khazanah sejarah tersembunyi - Kelantan - Sinar Harian". Archived from the original on 14 January 2018. Retrieved 15 August 2018.
- ^ Ludher, Swaran (22 January 2015). They Came to Malaya. Xlibris Corporation. ISBN 9781503500365.
- ^ "Sejarah Negeri". Archived from the original on 15 August 2018. Retrieved 15 August 2018.
- ^ Aljunied, Khairudin (30 August 2019). Islam in Malaysia: An Entwined History. Oxford University Press. p. 90. ISBN 9780190925215.
- ^ Manderson, Lenore (1981). Wanita, politik dan perubahan: pergerakan Kaum Ibu UMNO, Malaysia, 1945-1972 (in Malay). Fajar Bakti. p. 39.
- ^ Bradley, Francis R. (June 2009). "Moral Order in a Time of Damnation: The "Hikayat Patani" in Historical Context". Journal of Southeast Asian Studies. 40 (2): 274–5. doi:10.1017/S0022463409000150. ISSN 0022-4634. JSTOR 27751564. S2CID 154361662.
- ^ Barbara Watson Andaya; Leonard Y Andaya (11 November 2016). A History of Malaysia. Red Globe Press. p. 76. ISBN 978-1137605153.[permanent dead link]
- ^ "Kelantan may be sinking". The Star. Retrieved 18 November 2024.
- ^ Kurniawan, Yohan; Zakaria, Farok; Yusuff, Nur Azuki; Wan Abdullah, Wan Mohamad (26–27 August 2011). Social entrepreneurship: “From the Sky to the Earth” — Malaysia’s experience (PDF). International Conference on Social Entrepreneurship Perspectives – via Universiti Malaysia Kelantan.
- ^ "Laporan Sosioekonomi Negeri 2017" [State Socioeconomic Report 2017]. Department of Statistics Malaysia (in Malay). 26 July 2018. Archived from the original on 2 November 2020.
- ^ "Kelantan Syariah Criminal Code II (1993) 2015-Bahasa Malaysia". academia.edu. 26 February 2015. Retrieved 14 November 2024.
- ^ Sisters in Islam, Justice for Sisters, Legal Dignity (2023). "Analysis of the Kelantan Syariah Criminal Offences Enactment" (PDF). Sisters in Islam. Retrieved 14 November 2024.
- ^ "Report: Kelantan directive on official portraits came from palace". Malaysiakini. 2 April 2019. Retrieved 22 February 2022.
- ^ "Kelantan now allows official portraits of Agong and Queen". Malaysiakini. 5 April 2019. Retrieved 22 February 2022.
- ^ "Kelantan PAS: Imposing child marriage blanket ban contravenes religious teachings". The Star. Kuala Lumpur. 25 July 2018.
- ^ "Yet another one: 15-year-old girl marries father of two in Tumpat". New Straits Times. Kuala Lumpur. 18 September 2018.
- ^ "Another child bride case". New Straits Times. Kuala Lumpur. 22 July 2018.
- ^ a b Columnists – Opinion | The Star Online Archived 11 October 2012 at the Wayback Machine. Thestar.com.my. Retrieved on 27 September 2013.
- ^ "Kelantan (State, Malaysia) - Population Statistics, Charts, Map and Location". www.citypopulation.de. Retrieved 15 April 2022.
- ^ Teo, Kok Seong, 2003. The Peranakan Chinese of Kelantan. England: Asian Academic Press.
- ^ a b "2020 Population and Housing Census of Malaysia" (PDF). Department of Statistics, Malaysia. Archived from the original (PDF) on 22 May 2014. Retrieved 17 June 2022. p. 13
- ^ Pue Giok Hun, “ Sustaining Unity in Diversity: Exploring the Himpunan Sin Beng Kelantan (HSBK2019) as a Case Study of Ethnic Boundary-making in Contemporary Kelantan,” in Hanafi Hussin and others, eds., Sustaining and Developing Southeast Asia in the IR 4.0 Era: Proceedings of the 8th International Conference on Southeast Asia (ICONSEA2019), 2019, Kuala Lumpur: University of Malaya, 2019, 676.
- ^ "2010 Population and Housing Census of Malaysia" (PDF) (in Malay and English). Department of Statistics, Malaysia. p. 85. Archived from the original (PDF) on 16 January 2013. Retrieved 17 June 2012.
- ^ "Workbook: MyCenDash(English)". tableau.dosm.gov.my. Retrieved 22 December 2022.
- ^ "Destinations". Tourism Malaysia. Archived from the original on 30 August 2009. Retrieved 30 August 2009.
- ^ "Mak Yong theatre". UNESCO. Archived from the original on 1 January 2019. Retrieved 1 January 2019.
- ^ "Dondang Sayang terima pengiktirafan UNESCO" [Dondang Sayang receives UNESCO recognition] (in Malay). astro AWANI. Archived from the original on 25 December 2018. Retrieved 25 December 2018.
- ^ Nakamura, Rie (December 2020). "Food and Ethnic identity in the Cham Refugee Community in Malaysia". Journal of the Malaysian Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society. 93 (2): 160. doi:10.1353/ras.2020.0024. S2CID 235029137.
- ^ Sharifah Mahsinah Abdullah (1 November 2020). "Cambodian sausage Tongmo, a hit in Kelantan". New Straits Times.
- ^ "Siti Khadijah Market". Tourism Malaysia. Archived from the original on 26 June 2014. Retrieved 21 May 2014.
- ^ ms:Kelantan#cite note-20
- ^ ms:Kelantan#cite note-21
- ^ ms:Kelantan#cite note-22
- ^ ms:Kelantan#cite note-23
- ^ "Gunung Stong State Park". Tourism Malaysia. Archived from the original on 26 June 2014. Retrieved 21 May 2014.
- ^ ms:Kelantan#cite note-25
- ^ ms:Kelantan#cite note-26
- ^ "Pantai Bisikan Bayu (Beach of Whispering Breeze)". Tourism Malaysia. Archived from the original on 21 May 2014. Retrieved 21 May 2014.
- ^ "Handicraft Village and Craft Museum". Tourism Malaysia. Archived from the original on 23 June 2014. Retrieved 21 May 2014.
Further reading
[edit]- Khadizan bin Abdullah, & Abdul Razak Yaacob. (1974). Pasir Lenggi, a Bateq Negrito resettlement area in Ulu Kelantan. Pulau Pinang: Social Anthropology Section, School of Comparative Social Sciences, Universití Sains Malaysia.
- Warisan Kelantan. Perbadanan Muzium Negeri Kelantan. 1985.
External links
[edit]- Official site of Kelantan State Government Archived 14 April 2011 at the Wayback Machine
- Kelantan Online – E-Commerce & Info Tourism Portal
- Virtual Malaysia Kelantan Page
- Malaysian General Election 2008 candidates for Kelantan
- Malaysia Parliamentary Seats (Dewan Rakyat) from Kelantan
- Kelantan State Assembly Seats (Dewan Undangan Negeri)
- [1]
- Kb City – Peta Lengkap Bandar Kota Bharu
- Tourism Malaysia – Kelantan Archived 27 June 2014 at the Wayback Machine
Kelantan
View on GrokipediaEtymology
Linguistic and Historical Derivations
The name Kelantan is attested in Islamic coinage dating to 577 AH (1181 AD), with a gold dinar unearthed in Kota Kubang Labu bearing the inscription al-Julus Kelantan, translating to "the ascension/reign in Kelantan," which evidences an organized polity under Muslim rule by that era.[12] This artifact, discovered in 1914, predates later Malay sultanates and underscores the name's antiquity in the region's political context, potentially linked to early trade networks influenced by Persian and Arab merchants.[13] Linguistically, the predominant derivation traces Kelantan to the Malay phrase gelam hutan, denoting the swamp tea tree (Melaleuca leucadendron), a species abundant in the coastal peat swamps that historically dominated the area's lowlands and riverine ecosystems.[14] This explanation, recorded in early 20th-century colonial ethnographies and local traditions, aligns with ecological surveys confirming the tree's prevalence in northeastern Peninsular Malaysia until deforestation altered habitats.[15] Alternative Malay-rooted theories include kilatan ("lightning" or "flash"), evoking the frequent electrical storms in the monsoon-prone terrain, though this lacks direct topographic corroboration beyond anecdotal associations.[16] Speculative foreign origins, such as a Sanskrit or Pali adaptation from "Koli Thana" (land of Koli, referencing an ancient Indian settlement tied to Buddhist lore), have been proposed but dismissed in scholarly reviews as overly conjectural, competing with equally fanciful local folk etymologies like kolam tanah ("clay pool") without robust philological evidence.[14] Regionally, the name manifests as Kalantan in Thai chronicles and Jilantan (吉蓝丹) in 15th-century Chinese navigational records derived from Zheng He's voyages, reflecting phonetic adaptations across Austroasiatic and Sino-Malay trade spheres rather than distinct derivations.[17]History
Prehistoric and Ancient Periods
Archaeological excavations in the Nenggiri Valley of Ulu Kelantan have revealed evidence of human activity dating to approximately 14,000 years ago, including a complete prehistoric human skeleton, stone tools, and other artifacts associated with early hunter-gatherer societies.[18] Further discoveries in nearby cave sites, such as Gua Kelew, have yielded Neolithic pottery shards and lithic tools, indicating a transition from Hoabinhian foraging cultures to more settled practices involving resource exploitation in the region's biodiversity-rich limestone karsts.[19] Sites like Gua Cha, located in the same upland area, preserve stratified deposits from Hoabinhian occupants around 9,000 years ago, with evidence of cobble tools and faunal remains reflecting adaptation to tropical forest environments; by 3,000 years before present, these transitioned into Neolithic assemblages featuring polished stone adzes and early ceramics.[20] Additional undisturbed caves, including Gua Chawas, Gua Batu Cincin, and Gua Peraling, have provided comparable lithic and subsistence data, underscoring Ulu Kelantan's role as a key locus for mid-Holocene human persistence in Peninsular Malaysia amid post-glacial climatic shifts.[21] ![Mao Kun map depicting Songkhla, Langkasuka, Kelantan, and Trengganu][center] In the ancient period, Kelantan's territory appears linked to the regional influence of Langkasuka, an early Indianized kingdom centered on the northeastern Malay Peninsula from the 2nd century CE, with maritime ties to China documented from 510 CE and extending potentially southward to areas including modern Kelantan and Terengganu.[22] Historical cartographic evidence, such as Chinese admiral Mao Kun's 16th-century map, positions Kelantan alongside Langkasuka, implying shared cultural spheres characterized by Hindu-Buddhist practices and trade networks, though direct archaeological confirmation of urban centers in Kelantan remains limited compared to coastal sites further north.[23] This association reflects broader patterns of Srivijayan-era interactions rather than autonomous polities, with local evidence confined to imported artifacts suggestive of elite exchanges by the 1st millennium CE.[24]Pre-Malaccan and Early Sultanate Era
Kelantan's pre-Malaccan history remains largely obscure due to limited contemporary records, though archaeological findings indicate human settlements dating back to prehistoric times, with evidence of early communities engaged in rudimentary agriculture and trade.[25] The region maintained connections with ancient Indianized polities, including the Funan Kingdom and Khmer Empire, as well as Champa and Siam, facilitating trade networks that extended to China, India, and Champa.[26] During the 13th and 14th centuries, Kelantan served as a tributary to the Majapahit Empire, reflecting its integration into broader Southeast Asian maritime exchanges prior to the rise of the Malacca Sultanate around 1400.[26] These links underscore Kelantan's role in early regional commerce, though direct governance structures prior to Islamic influences are poorly documented. The early sultanate era commenced around 1411, when Raja Kumar, the local ruler, embraced Islam and reasserted independence from Siamese overlordship, marking a pivotal shift toward Islamic governance.[26] This conversion aligned Kelantan with emerging Muslim trading networks, transforming it into a significant commercial hub by the mid-15th century, though it later acknowledged Malaccan suzerainty.[26] Chinese records from the Ming dynasty corroborate Raja Kumar's rule in 1411, noting his authority over the territory and its strategic position along trade routes.[11] The adoption of Islam facilitated cultural and economic ties with other Malay polities, laying the foundation for the sultanate's dynastic continuity, albeit with intermittent vassalage to regional powers.[14]Kelantan Sultanate and Regional Influence
The Kelantan Sultanate originated in the mid-18th century amid the fragmentation of Malay polities following the decline of Johor influence in the peninsula. Around 1760, Long Yunus, a warlord of Pattani descent, unified the territories comprising modern Kelantan by defeating rival chiefs and consolidating control over riverine districts such as Lebir and Galung.[14] His installation as ruler, likely around 1775, marked the foundation of the dynasty that persists today, with Long Yunus enthroned by his father-in-law, the Sultan of Terengganu, though he maintained de facto independence.[14] Long Yunus's reign, extending until approximately 1795, emphasized military consolidation and Islamic governance, drawing on Pattani's scholarly traditions to legitimize authority through religious patronage.[27] Succession after Long Yunus triggered disputes, culminating in 1800 when his adopted son or close kin, Long Muhammad, proclaimed himself Sultan Muhammad I, formally adopting the sultanate title and severing tributary obligations to Terengganu.[27] This declaration asserted Kelantan's sovereignty, supported by alliances with local Chinese traders who provided arms and economic backing against Terengganu incursions. Under Sultan Muhammad I (r. 1800–1835), the sultanate expanded administrative structures, including adat-based courts and revenue from tin and forest products, fostering stability despite intermittent civil strife.[28] His era saw the entrenchment of pondok Islamic seminaries, which enhanced the sultanate's role as a center for Malay-Islamic learning in the northern peninsula. Kelantan's regional influence peaked in the early 19th century through suzerainty over smaller states like Sai, Legeh, and Nenggiri, achieved via dynastic marriages and military interventions that integrated them as vassals. The sultanate exerted sway over Pattani, providing refuge and arms during its 1785–1838 conflicts with Siam, including direct support in the 1831 uprising where Kelantanese forces aided Pattani princes against Siamese forces.[29] Relations with Terengganu oscillated between rivalry and alliance, with Kelantan occasionally intervening in Terengganu's succession disputes, such as in the 1830s, to prevent Siamese dominance. This influence stemmed from Kelantan's strategic position controlling trade routes along the Kelantan River to the South China Sea, facilitating commerce in pepper, bird's nests, and gutta-percha, which bolstered its diplomatic leverage. By the 1840s, however, Siamese pressure compelled tribute payments—approximately 6,000 rupees annually—reducing Kelantan to nominal vassalage while preserving internal autonomy until British intervention in 1909.[30]Unfederated Malay States and British Protectorate
In 1909, the Anglo-Siamese Treaty transferred suzerainty over Kelantan from Siam to the United Kingdom, establishing it as a British protectorate effective 19 July 1909, with the Sultan agreeing to accept British advice on governance while retaining internal sovereignty over matters such as religion and Malay customs.[31][32] Kelantan thus joined the Unfederated Malay States—comprising Johor, Kedah, Perlis, Terengganu, and itself—which maintained greater autonomy compared to the Federated Malay States (Perak, Selangor, Negeri Sembilan, and Pahang), where British Residents exercised direct veto power over executive decisions; in the unfederated group, British influence operated through advisors or agents with advisory roles only, preserving the Sultans' formal authority in domestic administration.[31][33] Under Sultan Muhammad IV (r. 1899–1920, formally crowned 22 June 1911 following the protectorate's establishment), Kelantan accepted a British Adviser in 1910 to oversee fiscal reforms, infrastructure development like roads and railways, and the introduction of cash crops such as rubber, though the Sultan retained control over land tenure and judicial systems rooted in Islamic law.[31][30] This arrangement fostered economic modernization—evidenced by the expansion of rubber estates from negligible acreage in 1910 to over 10,000 hectares by 1920—but also sparked resistance, culminating in the 1915 Kelantan Uprising led by To'a Payeh (a local chief), who mobilized around 300 fighters against perceived encroachments on traditional authority and taxation impositions, resulting in skirmishes suppressed by British-led forces with minimal casualties by mid-1915.[34][35] Successive Sultans, including Ismail (r. 1920–1944), navigated this protectorate status amid evolving British oversight, which included indirect management of defense and foreign relations while allowing the state to avoid the centralized bureaucracy of the Federated Malay States; by the 1930s, Kelantan's population of approximately 250,000 benefited from improved sanitation and education initiatives, yet retained a decentralized administrative structure with district chiefs (Penghulus) wielding local power under the Sultan's oversight.[31][36] This period ended with the Japanese invasion on 8 December 1941, when British forces surrendered Kelantan shortly thereafter, temporarily dissolving the protectorate framework.[31]Japanese Occupation and World War II
The Japanese invasion of Kelantan commenced shortly after midnight on December 8, 1941, with approximately 5,500 troops of the Imperial Japanese Army's 55th Infantry Regiment landing at beaches near Kota Bharu, including Kuala Pak Amat between Badang and Sabak, under cover of a naval bombardment starting around 00:30 local time.[37][38] These landings, occurring about 80 minutes before the attack on Pearl Harbor due to time zone differences, marked the first ground engagement of the Pacific War in Asia and met initial resistance from elements of the British Indian Army's 8th Brigade, including Dogra Regiment units supported by 18-pounder artillery that inflicted casualties on Japanese landing craft and troops.[39][37] Despite fierce fighting along the beaches and the nearby Jitra River, where monsoon-swollen waters and defensive positions delayed advances, Japanese forces overran the Kota Bharu airfield by December 10 and secured the state within days, enabling a southward push into the Malayan interior.[39][40] Under the subsequent Japanese Military Administration established across occupied Malaya from early 1942, Kelantan fell under the control of the 25th Army headquartered in Singapore, with local governance emphasizing resource extraction for the war effort, including rice production and labor conscription amid widespread shortages and inflation.[40] The Malay sultans, including that of Kelantan, were nominally retained as religious figureheads to maintain order and secure Malay acquiescence but were stripped of political authority, placed under Japanese advisors, and subjected to reduced stipends—Kelantan's sultan receiving 12,000 yen monthly by May 1942, a sharp cut from pre-war levels.[41][41] Resistance in Kelantan remained limited compared to other regions, with minimal organized Malay opposition—many viewing the Japanese initially as liberators from British rule—though sporadic guerrilla activity by communist-led Malayan People's Anti-Japanese Army units occurred in rural areas, focusing on sabotage rather than large-scale engagements.[42] The occupation ended with Japan's surrender on August 15, 1945, following atomic bombings and Soviet invasion of Manchuria; British forces reoccupied Kelantan by early September, restoring pre-war administrative structures amid local famine and infrastructure damage from wartime exploitation.[40][43] This period accelerated anti-colonial sentiments but also highlighted the sultans' diminished role, setting the stage for post-war negotiations on Malay sovereignty.[41]Post-War Transition to Malayan Union and Federation
Following the Japanese surrender on August 15, 1945, British forces reasserted control over Malaya through the British Military Administration (BMA), which was formally established on September 12, 1945, and governed until April 1946; in Kelantan, this transition ended the wartime arrangement under which the state had been ceded to Thailand in 1943 as part of the Japanese-aligned Si Rat Malai administration.[44] The BMA focused on restoring order, repatriating laborers, and addressing economic disruptions, including rice shortages and inflation exacerbated by Japanese-era policies, while pre-empting potential unrest from demobilized Japanese troops and local ethnic tensions.[45] In October 1945, Sir Harold MacMichael, tasked by the British Colonial Office, began negotiations with Malay rulers to secure agreements for the Malayan Union, a centralized entity that would diminish sultans' sovereignty, amalgamate the Malay states and Straits Settlements, and extend citizenship to Chinese and Indian residents. The Sultan of Kelantan signed the instrument of cession on December 17, 1945, amid allegations of coercion, including threats to depose non-compliant rulers and limited consultation time.[46] This sparked immediate backlash in Kelantan, where religious leaders like Haji Wan Ahmad mobilized opposition, viewing the Union as a threat to Malay identity, Islamic governance, and rulers' traditional roles; the first large-scale protest occurred in late December 1945 in Kota Bharu, drawing an estimated 10,000 demonstrators who confronted MacMichael's delegation with petitions decrying the loss of state autonomy.[47][48] The Malayan Union took effect on April 1, 1946, incorporating Kelantan as one of eleven territories under a British Governor with centralized powers over defense, foreign affairs, and internal security, while sultans were reduced to advisory roles on Malay affairs and religion.[49] Sustained Malay resistance, including boycotts of Union-issued identity cards, mass rallies, and the formation of the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO) in May 1946—bolstered by Kelantanese nationalists—highlighted grievances over diluted citizenship favoring immigrants and eroded sultanate prestige, prompting British reconsideration despite initial dismissal of protests as elite-driven.[50] Faced with unified Malay opposition and stalled implementation, the British released a White Paper in February 1947 outlining reforms, culminating in the Federation of Malaya Agreement signed on January 21, 1948, and effective February 1, 1948; Kelantan joined as one of nine sovereign Malay states, restoring the Sultan's authority over Islam, Malay custom, and land reservations, while restrictive citizenship prioritized long-resident Malays and limited non-Malay rights, thus preserving ethnic hierarchies amid post-war reconstruction.[51] This shift addressed core causal objections to the Union—centralization undermining federal balance and Malay political primacy—without conceding full independence, setting precedents for later constitutional federalism.[49]Independence Era and PAS Political Dominance
Following Malaysia's independence on 31 August 1957, Kelantan integrated into the Federation of Malaya, with its political landscape shaped by competition between the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO)-led Alliance Party and the Pan-Malayan Islamic Party (PAS, then known as PMIP).[3] In the inaugural post-independence general election on 19 August 1959, PAS secured a majority in the Kelantan State Legislative Assembly, winning 24 of 30 seats and forming the state government under Menteri Besar Ahmad Yahya.[52] This victory reflected strong support among Kelantan's conservative Malay-Muslim rural electorate for PAS's emphasis on Islamic values and opposition to perceived secular influences from the federal Alliance coalition.[53] PAS retained control through subsequent elections in 1964 and 1969, but faced internal challenges and federal pressure, including the 1969 racial riots that led to emergency rule and suspended parliament until 1971.[54] The party's grip weakened amid UMNO's national consolidation under Barisan Nasional (BN), culminating in PAS's defeat in the 1974 state election, where BN captured a majority, ending PAS's first extended tenure after 15 years.[4] During this interlude of BN rule from 1974 to 1990, Kelantan's politics saw factional UMNO infighting and dissatisfaction with federal-aligned development policies, which PAS exploited by positioning itself as a defender of local Islamic identity against Kuala Lumpur's dominance.[54] PAS recaptured the state assembly in the 21 October 1990 general election, winning 43 of 50 seats under the leadership of Nik Abdul Aziz Nik Mat, who became Menteri Besar and held the position until 2013.[52] This marked the onset of PAS's enduring dominance, sustained through victories in 1995 (34/50 seats), 1999 (41/45 seats, amid the Reformasi movement), 2004 (retention despite national BN gains elsewhere), 2008, 2013, and beyond.[54] Key to this resilience was PAS's organizational transformation into an efficient grassroots machine, leveraging religious education networks (pondok schools), ulama influence, and anti-corruption rhetoric to mobilize over 90% Malay voters in rural strongholds.[53] Federal interventions, such as Mahathir Mohamad's administration withholding oil royalties and blocking hudud legislation in 1993 and 2002, heightened state-federal tensions but bolstered PAS's narrative of pious resistance.[55] Post-2018, amid the federal Pakatan Harapan victory that ousted BN nationally, PAS defied the tide by securing 28 of 45 seats in Kelantan's assembly, continuing under Menteri Besar Ahmad Yakob from 2013.[4] The party's hold persisted in the 12 August 2023 state election as part of Perikatan Nasional, winning 34 of 45 seats with over 57% vote share, underscoring its appeal in a state where economic indicators lag national averages yet Islamist governance prioritizes moral reforms over rapid infrastructure growth.[3] PAS's longevity stems from embedding Islamic administration—evident in policies like gender-segregated public spaces and Sharia-influenced bylaws—into daily life, fostering loyalty despite criticisms of developmental stagnation from federal and opposition sources.[56] This dominance has positioned Kelantan as PAS's ideological stronghold, influencing national Islamist discourse while navigating perennial fiscal dependencies on federal allocations exceeding RM1 billion annually.[57]Geography
Location and Topography
Kelantan is positioned in the northeastern sector of Peninsular Malaysia, covering an area of 14,970 square kilometers.[58] The state extends roughly between latitudes 5° N and 6° N and longitudes 101° E and 103° E. It shares a northern land border of approximately 200 kilometers with Thailand, primarily along the Golok River and adjoining the Thai provinces of Narathiwat, Yala, and Pattani. To the east lies Terengganu, to the south Pahang, and to the west Perak.[59][60] The topography of Kelantan transitions from a low-lying coastal plain and delta along the South China Sea to inland highlands. The Kelantan River delta, encompassing about 2,000 square kilometers, features elevations below 20 meters and complex geomorphic structures divided by the river into eastern and western regions. Further inland, undulating hills and foothills give way to the steep, forested Titiwangsa Mountains, where 95% of the Kelantan River catchment rises sharply to heights up to 2,135 meters.[61][62] Prominent landforms include karst topography with mogotes and caves, particularly along tributaries like the Nenggiri River, and granite-dominated peaks in the interior. The state's highest elevation is Mount Yong Belar at 2,181 meters, situated on the border with Perak in the Titiwangsa range.[63][64] This varied terrain supports tropical rainforests in the highlands and agricultural plains near the coast.[65]
Climate Patterns and Flood Risks
Kelantan features a tropical monsoon climate with consistently high temperatures averaging 27°C annually, ranging from a low of 24°C in January to a high of 29°C in May, accompanied by humidity levels often exceeding 80% and light winds throughout the year.[66][67] The state experiences two primary monsoon regimes: the southwest monsoon from late May to September, which brings relatively drier conditions, and the northeast monsoon from October to March, characterized by persistent heavy rainfall concentrated on the east coast due to moisture-laden winds from the South China Sea.[68][69] Annual precipitation averages 2,500–3,000 mm across the state, with Kota Bharu recording about 2,410 mm, peaking in November at approximately 410 mm and dipping in February.[70][71] The northeast monsoon drives intense wet spells, particularly from October to December, where historical data indicate increasing precipitation trends potentially linked to climate variability, while February to April shows declining amounts.[72][73] These patterns result in 20–25 rainy days per month during peak periods, contributing to saturated soils and elevated river levels in the Kelantan River Basin.[74] Flood risks are acute due to the state's low-lying coastal topography, extensive river networks, and the northeast monsoon's early-phase downpours, which frequently overwhelm drainage systems and cause overflows in the 12,940 km² Kelantan River Basin.[75][69] Major events include the 1926 and 1967 floods, the latter impacting 84% of the population (537,000 people) and nearly 70% of villages; the 2000 floods, which killed 15 in Kelantan and neighboring Terengganu; and the record 2014 deluge, displacing 202,000 evacuees and labeled a "tsunami-like disaster" for its scale.[76][77][72] Annual inundations affect thousands, with projections under climate change suggesting heightened vulnerability from prolonged wet spells and intensified extremes, though mitigation relies on improved forecasting and infrastructure amid recurring exposure.[72][78]Biodiversity and Environmental Challenges
Kelantan's biodiversity is characterized by its extensive forest cover, encompassing approximately 894,271 hectares or 60% of the state's land area, which supports diverse ecosystems ranging from lowland dipterocarp forests to montane habitats.[79] Gunung Stong State Park, a key protected area, hosts significant vertebrate diversity, including 10 species of small mammals from five families, 17 bird species from 10 families, and 13 herpetofaunal species from eight families, underscoring its role as a biodiversity hotspot within the state's upland regions.[80] Floral diversity is evident in families like Rubiaceae, with nine species recorded in the park, yielding a Shannon diversity index of 1.60.[81] Coastal mangroves, particularly in areas like Tok Bali and Delta Tumpat, feature structured assemblages with eight tree species at Tok Bali and exclusive mangrove species in Tumpat, providing habitats for molluscs (14 species, including five bivalves and nine gastropods) and small mammals (three species per site in surveyed mangrove zones).[82][83][84] These ecosystems face acute environmental pressures, primarily from deforestation and associated land-use changes, which have contributed to habitat loss in Kelantan's flood-prone eastern states.[85] Logging activities have been linked to exacerbated flooding, as seen in the 2014-2015 events that displaced over 100,000 people in Kelantan, with NGOs attributing unusual flood severity to upstream forest clearance reducing natural water retention.[86] Annual northeast monsoon floods, intensified by deforestation and uncontrolled development, affected over 90,000 residents in Kelantan and neighboring Terengganu in 2024, highlighting vulnerabilities in disaster preparedness.[87] Water pollution from land encroachment and agricultural runoff further threatens aquatic and mangrove habitats, while conversion to forest plantations has cleared thousands of hectares of natural forest, undermining biodiversity in this Sundaland region.[88][89] Limestone ecosystems, vital for endemic species, remain under national conservation policy but face ongoing risks from extraction and encroachment.[90]Demographics
Population Dynamics and Trends
Kelantan's population reached 1,792,501 according to the 2020 census conducted by the Department of Statistics Malaysia (DOSM).[91] Estimates indicate approximately 1.9 million residents in 2024, with projections maintaining this figure into 2025 amid a decelerating annual growth rate of 1.0% for the latter year.[92] This growth surpasses the national average of 0.5% in 2025, reflecting sustained demographic momentum in the state compared to more urbanized regions experiencing fertility declines below replacement levels.[92] Historical census data reveal steady expansion, with the population increasing from 1,313,014 in 2000 to 1,539,601 in 2010, representing compound annual growth rates of approximately 1.6% over each decade.[93]| Census Year | Population |
|---|---|
| 2000 | 1,313,014 [93] |
| 2010 | 1,539,601 [93] |
| 2020 | 1,792,501 [91] |
Ethnic Composition
Kelantan's population is overwhelmingly composed of Bumiputera, who constituted 96.6% according to the 2020 Population and Housing Census conducted by the Department of Statistics Malaysia (DOSM).[91] This category encompasses ethnic Malays and other indigenous groups, with Malays forming the vast majority due to the state's historical settlement patterns and cultural homogeneity in the northeastern Malay Peninsula.[91] The remaining population includes non-Bumiputera minorities, reflecting limited historical immigration compared to urbanized states like Selangor or Penang.| Ethnic Group | Percentage (2020 Census) |
|---|---|
| Bumiputera | 96.6% |
| Chinese | 2.5% |
| Indian | 0.3% |
| Others | 0.6% |
Religious Demographics and Practices
According to the 2020 Population and Housing Census conducted by the Department of Statistics Malaysia, Kelantan's religious composition is overwhelmingly Muslim, comprising 95.5% of the population, followed by Buddhists at 2.8%, atheists at 0.9%, Christians at 0.4%, and Hindus at 0.2%.[91] This demographic reflects the state's predominantly ethnic Malay population, as Article 160 of the Malaysian Constitution defines Malays as those who profess Islam. The Muslim majority adheres to Sunni Islam of the Shafi'i school, with practices influenced by traditional Malay customs and reinforced by the state's long-term governance under the Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party (PAS), which has emphasized Islamic principles since regaining control in 1990.[101]| Religion | Percentage |
|---|---|
| Islam | 95.5% |
| Buddhism | 2.8% |
| Atheism | 0.9% |
| Christianity | 0.4% |
| Hinduism | 0.2% |
Economy
Agricultural and Primary Sectors
Agriculture remains a cornerstone of Kelantan's economy, contributing over 20 percent to the state's gross domestic product as of 2025 and employing a significant portion of the rural workforce in paddy cultivation, rubber tapping, and fruit farming.[105] The sector's output includes staple crops such as rice, rubber, oil palm, tobacco, peanuts, coconuts, vegetables, bananas, and various fruits, with rice production concentrated in granary areas like Pasir Mas and Kota Bharu Utara.[106][107] However, the agricultural GDP contracted by 0.5 percent in 2023, primarily due to challenges in forestry and logging subsectors amid broader state GDP growth of 2.6 percent to RM27.6 billion.[108] Paddy farming dominates arable land use, positioning Kelantan among Malaysia's largest rice-producing states, though yields have been hampered by recurrent floods, as seen in the 2023/24 marketing year when extensive cultivation areas were inundated.[109] In 2020, the national paddy sector, including Kelantan's contributions, added RM2.44 billion to Malaysia's GDP, with local double-cropping systems in established areas supporting peasant economies despite input cost pressures.[107] Rubber and oil palm plantations provide export-oriented commodities, but global price volatility and land constraints limit expansion.[106] The fisheries subsector, encompassing marine, brackish, and riverine activities, generates an estimated annual economic value of RM896.2 million, with river fish landings accounting for 3.5 to 4.1 percent of Kelantan's total river production.[110][111] Coastal recreational fishing adds 65,287 person-days annually, split between shore-based (58.6 percent) and boat-based efforts, though overcapacity in commercial fleets poses sustainability risks.[112] Forestry and mining/quarrying play minor roles, with the former facing contraction from regulatory and environmental pressures, while mining contributes marginally to the state's RM27.6 billion GDP as of 2023.[108] Overall, primary sectors face vulnerabilities from climate events and limited mechanization, underscoring the need for flood-resilient infrastructure and diversified cropping to sustain rural livelihoods.[109]Industrial Development and Resource Extraction
Kelantan's industrial sector has seen targeted development under the East Coast Economic Region (ECER) initiative, with the ECER Development Council (ECERDC) facilitating investments in manufacturing and related infrastructure. As of late 2025, ECERDC reported RM1.12 billion in realized investments across the state, including industrial projects, supplemented by RM736 million in committed funds for industrial, agricultural, and services sectors expected to create over 1,300 jobs.[113] In April 2025, manufacturing investments alone reached RM1.21 billion, positioning Kelantan as an emerging hub for sectors like wood processing, where sawmills constitute 45.1% of wood-based factories.[114][115] Key facilities include the 200-acre Tok Bali Industrial Park in Pasir Puteh, developed for light manufacturing and logistics, and the IBS Industrial Park, which added infrastructure for 47 industrial lots by 2024.[116][117] Despite these efforts, manufacturing accounts for only 4.9% of state investments, with capacity utilization lagging at 66.2% in mid-2025, the lowest among Malaysian states.[118][119] Resource extraction in Kelantan remains limited but centers on mining, contributing 1.6% to state investments, with growing focus on rare earth elements (REEs) amid national reserves estimated at 16.1 million metric tons.[118][120] In 2025, the state pursued a partnership with Australian firm Lynas for non-radioactive REE mining, potentially unlocking billions in revenue to address fiscal deficits, though federal approval is required due to environmental and regulatory hurdles.[121][122] Illegal REE mining persists, with 55 arrests in December 2024 raids across Kelantan sites, highlighting enforcement challenges in monazite-rich deposits.[123] Iron ore extraction upstream has caused river discoloration and heavy metal contamination, with elevated levels detected in Orang Asli communities' blood since mining intensified over a decade ago, raising health concerns without comprehensive mitigation.[124] Oil and gas activities are minimal onshore, with companies present but no large-scale production, as offshore resources fall under federal-state disputes.[125] Environmental impacts from mining, including soil and water pollution, underscore the need for stricter oversight, as unregulated operations have historically degraded ecosystems in similar Malaysian contexts.[126][127]Services, Tourism, and Investment Trends
The services sector forms the backbone of Kelantan's economy, comprising 71.7% of the state's gross domestic product (GDP) in 2024 and recording a growth rate of 3.4%, down slightly from 4.0% in 2023.[128] This expansion was primarily propelled by subsectors such as government administration, wholesale and retail trade, and transportation and storage, which benefit from steady public expenditure and regional infrastructure improvements like the East Coast Rail Link (ECRL).[128][129] In 2023, the sector's 3.8% growth contributed significantly to Kelantan's overall GDP of RM27.6 billion, underscoring its role in offsetting contractions in agriculture and slower industrial output.[130] Tourism, a key subset of services, relies heavily on domestic visitors drawn to Kelantan's cultural heritage, Islamic architecture, and coastal sites, though international arrivals remain modest due to the state's conservative regulations prohibiting alcohol and enforcing modest dress codes. Domestic tourist numbers reached 7.55 million in 2023, reflecting recovery from pandemic lows.[131] The "Visit Kelantan" campaign propelled this to over 10 million domestic visitors in 2024, a 39.3% increase year-over-year, supported by promotions of sites like the Masjid Tengku Muhammad Faiz Petra and traditional shadow puppetry performances.[132] As part of the East Coast Economic Region (ECER), Kelantan benefits from targeted tourism development, attracting over 10 million annual visitors region-wide through eco-resorts and heritage trails, though revenue data specific to the state highlights reliance on low-cost, family-oriented travel rather than high-end international spending.[133] Investment trends in services and tourism emphasize regional initiatives over direct foreign direct investment (FDI), with Kelantan receiving limited standalone inflows amid Malaysia's national FDI surge to RM51.5 billion in 2024.[134] ECER programs prioritize tourism infrastructure, such as halal-friendly accommodations and connectivity via ECRL, to draw domestic and ASEAN investors, but state-level approvals focus on local enterprises in hospitality and transport.[135][129] The Kelantan State Economic Development Corporation facilitates leases for service-oriented projects near Kota Bharu, yet overall trends indicate slower uptake compared to peninsular hubs, constrained by infrastructural gaps and preference for manufacturing in adjacent ECER states.[116]Economic Challenges and Policy Critiques
Kelantan faces persistent economic underperformance relative to national averages, with its GDP growth of 3.6% in 2024 lagging behind Malaysia's 5.1% expansion.[128] The state's GDP reached RM28.7 billion in 2024, up from RM27.7 billion the prior year, but its per capita GDP remains the lowest among Malaysian states at approximately USD 3,611 in 2023.[136] Poverty incidence stands at 11.5%, second only to Sabah's 17.7% and well above the national rate of 5.1%, reflecting structural barriers to income growth and employment opportunities.[137] Unemployment and underemployment exacerbate these issues, with chronic water scarcity and inadequate infrastructure hindering agricultural productivity and industrial expansion.[138] A heavy reliance on federal allocations underscores Kelantan's fiscal vulnerabilities, as compassionate funds constituted 26% of state revenues in 2023, highlighting limited capacity for self-generated income.[139] Disputes over oil royalties from offshore fields, claimed by the state to be worth RM1.5 billion annually, have persisted without resolution, depriving Kelantan of potential diversification from primary sectors like agriculture and fisheries.[140] This dependence stems from low investment inflows and weak tax bases, compounded by recurrent natural disasters such as floods that disrupt economic activity, though federal aid often serves as a stopgap rather than a catalyst for structural reform. Critiques of state policies under the Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party (PAS), which has governed since 1990, center on a prioritization of religious enforcement over economic modernization, leading to laggard development and poor socio-economic indicators.[141] Analysts argue that PAS's focus on expanding Sharia laws, including hudud elements, distracts from addressing core issues like unemployment and infrastructure deficits, potentially deterring investors wary of regulatory unpredictability and social conservatism.[142] For instance, persistent failures in basic services, such as water supply mismanagement by state-linked entities, have drawn criticism for reflecting governance shortcomings rather than resource constraints.[143] Economists contend that without shifting toward investment-friendly policies—such as easing business regulations and promoting skills training—Kelantan's youth outmigration and fiscal deficits will continue, as evidenced by the state's inability to fund even routine projects like a proper bus terminal after decades in power.[144] PAS defenders attribute challenges to federal withholding of royalties and external factors, but empirical trends of subpar growth under prolonged single-party rule suggest internal policy choices play a causal role in perpetuating underdevelopment.[145]Government and Politics
State Governance Structure
Kelantan functions as a constitutional sultanate, with the Sultan holding the position of head of state and serving as the guardian of Islam within the state. The Sultan appoints the Menteri Besar and assents to legislation, while exercising discretionary powers in limited circumstances as outlined in the state's constitution. Sultan Muhammad V ascended the throne on 13 September 2010 and remains the incumbent as of 2025.[146] [147] Executive authority is vested in the Menteri Besar, who leads the state government and chairs the State Executive Council comprising ministers appointed from assembly members. The Menteri Besar manages administrative functions, policy implementation, and coordination with federal agencies on matters within state jurisdiction. Datuk Mohd Nassuruddin Daud has served as Menteri Besar since 15 August 2023, following his swearing-in after the state election.[148] [149] The unicameral Kelantan State Legislative Assembly (Dewan Undangan Negeri Kelantan) holds legislative power, consisting of 45 members elected from single-member constituencies via first-past-the-post system for terms not exceeding five years. The assembly debates and passes bills on state subjects including land administration, agriculture, forestry, and Islamic affairs, which require the Sultan's assent to become law. The 15th assembly was formed after elections on 12 August 2023, with all 45 members sworn in on 4 September 2023.[150] [151]Political Parties and Electoral History
The political landscape of Kelantan is overwhelmingly dominated by the Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party (PAS), an Islamist-oriented party that has governed the state uninterrupted since the 1990 general election, when it capitalized on internal divisions within the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO) and its Barisan Nasional (BN) coalition to seize control of the Dewan Undangan Negeri (state legislative assembly). Prior to 1990, UMNO and BN had maintained power in Kelantan since Malaysia's independence in 1957, leveraging ethnic Malay support through patronage and development promises. PAS's 1990 victory, achieved in alliance with Semangat 46 under the Angkatan Perpaduan Ummah (APU) banner, marked a pivotal shift driven by voter dissatisfaction with UMNO's leadership crisis involving figures like Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah, resulting in PAS securing a majority of the then-50 assembly seats. This upset reflected PAS's mobilization of conservative Malay-Muslim sentiments emphasizing Islamic values over secular nationalism. PAS has since entrenched its position through robust grassroots networks, ulama-led leadership, and a focus on Sharia implementation, repelling challenges from BN-UMNO and later Pakatan Harapan (PH) coalitions comprising PKR, DAP, and Amanah. In elections from 1995 onward, with the assembly fixed at 45 seats, PAS consistently won supermajorities: 38 seats in 2008, 33 in 2013 (amid a three-cornered fight), 42 in 2018 during the GE14 national polls, and 43 in the 2023 state election under the Perikatan Nasional (PN) alliance with Parti Pribumi Bersatu Malaysia (Bersatu). These results underscore PAS's electoral machine, which prioritizes religious identity and local patronage, often outperforming rivals despite federal incumbency advantages for BN or PH. Opposition parties like UMNO have mounted campaigns centered on economic development critiques but garnered minimal seats, typically zero or single digits, due to fragmented voter bases and PAS's cultural resonance in the predominantly Malay-Muslim state.| Election Year | Ruling Coalition/Party (Seats Won) | Total Seats | Key Opposition Performance |
|---|---|---|---|
| 1990 | PAS (via APU, majority) | 50 | BN-UMNO (minority) |
| 1995 | PAS | 45 | BN (few seats) |
| 2008 | PAS (38) | 45 | BN (7) |
| 2013 | PAS (33) | 45 | BN (11), PH (1) |
| 2018 | PAS (42) | 45 | BN (0), PH (0) |
| 2023 | PAS/PN (43) | 45 | BN/PH (2) |
Sharia Law Implementation and Controversies
Kelantan, governed by the Islamist Parti Islam Se-Malaysia (PAS) since 1990, has pursued a more expansive application of Sharia law compared to other Malaysian states, emphasizing criminal offenses under Islamic jurisprudence for Muslims.[6] The state's efforts include enactments targeting moral and religious infractions, such as close proximity between unmarried individuals (khalwat), consumption of intoxicants, and adulteration, often enforced through Sharia courts with punishments like fines, imprisonment, and caning.[152] In 1993, the Kelantan State Legislative Assembly passed the Syariah Criminal Code (II) Enactment, which incorporated hudud provisions—fixed Quranic punishments including amputation for theft and stoning for adultery—but implementation was stalled by federal opposition and constitutional constraints limiting state Sharia jurisdiction to non-capital offenses.[6][153] Subsequent attempts to codify Sharia criminal laws persisted, culminating in the Kelantan Syariah Criminal Code (I) Enactment 2019, gazetted on December 31, 2020, which expanded offenses to include sodomy, incest, gambling, sexual harassment, and destruction of places of worship, applicable only to Muslims.[152][154] This code drew from traditional Islamic sources but faced immediate scrutiny for overlapping with federal Penal Code provisions, prompting legal challenges from groups arguing it violated Malaysia's constitutional division of powers, where civil criminal law remains federal domain under the Ninth Schedule.[5] On February 9, 2024, Malaysia's Federal Court, in a 9-judge panel led by Chief Justice Tengku Maimun Tuan Mat, declared 16 provisions of the 2019 Enactment unconstitutional and void, ruling they encroached on federal authority by duplicating offenses already covered under national law.[102][155] Controversies surrounding these implementations center on jurisdictional conflicts, human rights implications, and gender disparities. Critics, including women's rights advocates, contend that Sharia codes in Kelantan disproportionately burden women, as evidentiary standards for offenses like adultery favor male testimony and impose stricter evidentiary burdens on accusers, potentially enabling misuse against vulnerable parties.[156] PAS defenders argue the laws restore moral order and align with Islamic principles, viewing federal interventions as secular encroachments on state autonomy over Islamic matters.[6] Enforcement has included public canings—such as six strokes administered to individuals for khalwat in state Sharia courts—and restrictions on cultural practices, like requiring folk performances such as mak yong to comply with Sharia modesty norms, though some were later challenged in court as exceeding state powers.[157] As of July 2025, Kelantan authorities announced plans to strengthen the remaining Sharia framework against LGBT-related acts and immorality, signaling ongoing PAS commitment despite judicial setbacks.[158] These tensions underscore broader federal-state frictions, with PAS advocating constitutional amendments to expand Sharia scope, while opponents cite risks to legal uniformity and minority rights in Malaysia's pluralistic framework.[154][159]Federal-State Relations
Oil Royalties and Resource Disputes
Kelantan's oil royalties dispute with the federal government and Petronas stems from claims over a 5% royalty on petroleum revenues from offshore fields in the Malay Basin, pursuant to agreements under the Petroleum Development Act 1974 (PDA), which vests exclusive rights to explore and produce oil and gas in Petronas while allowing for state royalties.[160] The PDA, enacted on September 13, 1974, requires states to surrender petroleum rights to the federal government in exchange for cash payments equivalent to 5% of production value from resources within their territorial waters or continental shelf areas.[161] Kelantan asserts that fields such as those off its eastern coast qualify, citing a 1975 agreement with Petronas for direct cash royalties, which the state alleges was breached when payments ceased or were substituted with non-equivalent special grants known as wang ehsan.[162] Federal authorities counter that no statutory 5% royalty applies to Peninsular Malaysia states like Kelantan without explicit continental shelf delineation, unlike Sabah and Sarawak, and that Petronas is not legally obligated for East Coast offshore production absent binding contracts. The dispute escalated in August 2010 when the PAS-led Kelantan government filed a civil suit in the Kuala Lumpur High Court against Petronas, demanding RM12 billion in unpaid royalties accrued since 1974 from oil and gas extracted within 200 nautical miles of its coastline, alleging breach of contract and failure to remit funds as per the 1975 state agreement.[162] [163] Petronas defended by arguing the suit lacked merit, as royalties were never contractually fixed at 5% cash for disputed fields, and the federal government was added as a co-defendant in 2011.[164] The case highlighted tensions over resource attribution, with Kelantan claiming entitlement based on proximity to fields yielding billions in federal revenue, while the federal side emphasized PDA's centralization to fund national development amid fiscal deficits.[160] In May 2019, Kelantan withdrew the suit without prejudice, citing a desire for negotiated resolution under the new Pakatan Harapan federal administration, though no direct royalty payments materialized.[165] Post-withdrawal, the federal government has provided wang ehsan as an alternative, disbursing RM967 million to Kelantan between 2023 and mid-2025, framed as goodwill to support state needs rather than royalties, with Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim noting cumulative allocations exceeding RM3.19 billion for Kelantan development by April 2025 to counter claims of sidelining opposition-led states.[166] [167] Kelantan maintains these grants fall short of rightful royalties, estimated at over RM12 billion including interest, and courts have ruled the state barred from refiling identical claims.[162] In November 2024, three opposition assemblymen urged reviving the suit amid ongoing production from fields like Kasawari (formerly Kasawari gas project), but no action followed by October 2025, underscoring persistent federal-state asymmetry where Petronas retains primary control and revenue distribution.[168] [169] The conflict reflects broader federalism strains, with Kelantan's position rooted in territorial sovereignty claims against PDA's centralizing framework, though federal interpretations prioritize national unity and equitable redistribution over state-specific entitlements.[161]Fiscal Allocations and Intergovernmental Tensions
Kelantan's fiscal allocations from the federal government primarily consist of operational expenditure grants (opex), such as capitation and special grants, and capital expenditure (capex) for development projects implemented by federal ministries. These form the bulk of the state's revenue, as Kelantan's internal collections, including land revenue and taxes, generate only around RM500 million annually, making it heavily reliant on federal transfers described as "compassionate funds" to supplement constitutional entitlements.[139][170] In recent years, opex allocations have seen increases: RM588 million in 2023 rose by 30% to RM762 million in 2024, serving as the primary state revenue source alongside limited own-generation capacity. For capex, Kelantan received the highest development allocation among Peninsular states under the Works Ministry in 2023, and the federal government approved RM3.19 billion for projects in 2025, including infrastructure like water treatment plants and port upgrades under the 13th Malaysia Plan. Additional targeted funding, such as RM4.15 billion for 17 projects in August 2025 emphasizing flood mitigation, and RM146.22 million for local infrastructure repairs, underscore federal commitments to address the state's vulnerabilities like annual flooding.[171][172][171] Intergovernmental tensions arise periodically, with Kelantan state leaders, including Menteri Besar Datuk Mohd Nassuruddin Daud, urging faster disbursement of approved funds and highlighting shortfalls for priorities like water supply and poverty alleviation, as seen in calls for expedited releases in December 2024. Federal responses, from Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim and Economy Minister Rafizi Ramli, refute claims of neglect or "stepchild" treatment by citing allocation hikes—such as 30% for Kelantan versus increases for other opposition states—and attributing underperformance to weak local governance and uncollected state taxes rather than federal discrimination. These disputes reflect broader friction in Malaysia's federal system, where opposition-ruled states like Kelantan perceive political bias, though federal data indicates allocations aligned with or exceeding formulas tied to population and need, with the six poorest states receiving disproportionately higher shares.[173][174][171]Administrative Divisions
Districts and Local Administration
Kelantan is administratively divided into 10 districts (daerah), each overseen by a district office headed by a Pegawai Daerah (district officer) appointed by the state government to manage land administration, public order, and rural development. The districts are Bachok, Gua Musang, Jeli, Kota Bharu, Kuala Krai, Machang, Pasir Mas, Pasir Puteh, Tanah Merah, and Tumpat.[175][176] These districts are further subdivided into mukim (subdistricts), with a total of approximately 44 mukim across the state, serving as the basic unit for land revenue and minor administrative functions.[177] Local government in Kelantan operates through 10 Pihak Berkuasa Tempatan (local authorities), consisting of one municipal council and nine district councils, each aligned with a corresponding district and responsible for services such as urban planning, sanitation, licensing, and public amenities under the Local Government Act 1976.[178][179] The Kota Bharu Municipal Council (Majlis Perbandaran Kota Bharu) governs the Kota Bharu District, the state capital and most populous area, while the remaining districts are administered by their respective Majlis Daerah: Bachok, Gua Musang, Jeli, Kuala Krai, Machang, Pasir Mas, Pasir Puteh, Tanah Merah, and Tumpat.[176][178] These local authorities report to the state government and the federal Ministry of Housing and Local Government, with district councils focusing on rural and semi-urban areas emphasizing agricultural support and basic infrastructure.[179][180]Culture
Traditional Arts and Heritage
Kelantan's traditional arts reflect a synthesis of indigenous Malay traditions, Islamic influences, and regional Thai elements, positioning the state as a key repository of Peninsular Malaysia's cultural heritage. Performing arts such as wayang kulit shadow puppetry and mak yong theatre emphasize storytelling through ritualistic performance, while crafts like wood carving and batik production highlight intricate craftsmanship tied to daily life and symbolism. These practices, often communal and tied to festivals or ceremonies, have persisted despite modernization pressures, with efforts to document and revive them underscoring their role in cultural identity.[181][182] Wayang kulit Kelantan, also known as wayang Siam due to Thai border influences, features hand-crafted leather puppets depicting characters from the Hikayat Seri Rama, a localized Ramayana epic, performed behind a screen with gamelan accompaniment to convey moral lessons and folklore. This form arrived in Kelantan from Thailand, evolving into a distinct Malay variant used for entertainment, education, and ritual purposes, with performances historically held at night during village gatherings. Dalangs (puppeteers) manipulate up to 50 puppets, voicing multiple roles in a blend of prose, poetry, and music that transmits cultural values across generations.[182][183] Mak yong theatre, originating among Malay communities in northern states including Kelantan, integrates dance, music, and dialogue in elaborate costumes to enact myths and healings, often led by a female troupe invoking spirits through trance-like states. Recognized by UNESCO in 2008 as an Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity, it combines vocal improvisation, gestures, and instruments like the rebab fiddle, serving both secular entertainment and therapeutic roles in pre-Islamic animist traditions adapted to Islamic contexts. Performances typically span seven to ten nights, with the lead performer embodying supernatural figures to resolve narrative conflicts.[181] Dikir barat, a choral singing style with call-and-response poetry, originated in early 20th-century Kelantan from Pattani Thai sufi dhikr practices, evolving into competitive group performances featuring rhythmic clapping, rebana drums, and satirical verses on social themes. Troupes divide into leaders and chorus, alternating pantun quatrains that blend humor, history, and moral commentary, often performed at weddings or cultural events to foster community cohesion. This art form spread nationally via media but retains its Kelantanese roots in village improvisation.[184] Visual crafts in Kelantan emphasize geometric and floral motifs symbolizing spiritual protection, with wood carving adorning mosques, boats, and furniture using local hardwoods like chengal for intricate floral arabesques and Islamic calligraphy. Silversmithing, practiced by Malay artisans from imported ingots, produces items like betel boxes and jewelry via repoussé techniques, historically for elite adornment and now in craft villages for tourism. Batik production involves hand-drawn wax-resist dyeing on cotton, featuring bold motifs like local flora, distinct from Javanese styles and concentrated in workshops around Kota Bharu. Songket weaving complements these with gold-thread brocade on silk, used in ceremonial attire. Preservation occurs through sites like the Handicraft Village, where artisans demonstrate techniques amid declining practitioner numbers due to urbanization.[185][186]Social Norms and Conservative Values
Kelantan exemplifies conservative Islamic social norms in Malaysia, where adherence to Sharia-influenced principles shapes public and private conduct, emphasizing modesty, moral purity, and traditional family structures. The state's long-standing governance by the Islamist Parti Islam Se-Malaysia (PAS) since 1990 has reinforced these values through local bylaws and religious edicts, fostering a culture that prioritizes communal piety over individualistic expressions. Surveys and studies indicate sustained public support for such conservatism, particularly among the Malay-Muslim majority comprising over 95% of the population, reflecting a preference for policies curbing perceived moral decay.[187][56] Dress codes enforce strict modesty, especially for Muslim women, who must cover the aurat—defined as nearly the entire body except face and hands—in public. In 2016, Kelantan mandated long sleeves and full coverage for female civil servants to comply with awrah regulations, with violations punishable by fines up to RM1,000 or jail terms under Islamic law. Local councils have issued over 225 compounds for dress code breaches, targeting tight clothing, short sleeves, or uncovered heads among Muslims. While primarily applied to Muslims, non-Muslims face indirect pressure; in 2016, the state mufti urged women of all faiths to avoid "sexy" attire during Ramadan to respect the holy month, and a 2023 incident saw a non-Muslim fined RM500 for shorts before federal intervention led to its cancellation.[188][189][190] Gender roles uphold patriarchal norms, with edicts promoting segregation in public spaces such as shops and events to prevent khalwat (close proximity between unrelated men and women). Family values stress early marriage and male authority, contributing to higher child marriage rates—Kelantan recorded 1,145 cases under age 18 from 2010-2018, often justified by religious and cultural rationales prioritizing family honor over individual autonomy. Women participate in society but within bounds; traditional practices limit female public performance, reinforcing domestic roles.[191][192] Entertainment faces stringent curbs to align with anti-vice campaigns, banning performances deemed un-Islamic. Since 1995, song-and-dance acts contrary to religious teachings have been outlawed, with a specific 2002 prohibition on female artistes performing publicly. Traditional arts like Mak Yong—a UNESCO-recognized dance-drama—were banned in 1991 and formalized in 1998 for elements seen as animistic or immodest, confining them to private, women-only audiences. Recent enforcement escalated in 2024, raising fines to RM50,000 for violations like provocative dancing at events, as seen in probes over viral belly-dance clips. These measures reflect PAS's "Developing With Islam" initiative, which promotes ethical consumption and shuns "sinful" leisure to preserve moral order.[193][194][195]Religious and Communal Life
Islam dominates religious and communal life in Kelantan, with 95.5% of the population identifying as Muslim according to the latest available state-level data from the Department of Statistics Malaysia.[91] This overwhelming adherence fosters a society where daily routines revolve around the five obligatory prayers, often performed communally in mosques that double as centers for religious instruction and social welfare activities. Village communities, or kampungs, emphasize collective Islamic values, including mutual aid during life events like weddings and funerals, reinforced by longstanding traditions tracing Kelantan's role as a historical Islamic hub in the Malay archipelago.[101] Key religious festivals underscore communal cohesion among Muslims. Hari Raya Aidilfitri, marking the end of Ramadan, involves mass prayers at mosques followed by open-house visitations, feasting on local delicacies, and forgiveness-seeking rituals that span days or weeks.[196] Maulidur Rasul, commemorating the Prophet Muhammad's birthday in late March or early April, features statewide processions, Quranic recitations, and charitable distributions organized by community leaders.[197] Ramadan itself intensifies communal bonds through shared pre-dawn meals (sahur), strict daytime fasting, and evening iftar gatherings, with markets bustling post-sunset to support collective observances.[198] Minority religious groups, comprising about 4.5% of the population, include Buddhists (2.8%, largely ethnic Thai in northern districts), Hindus (0.2%), and Christians (0.4%), who sustain their practices amid the Islamic majority.[91] Thai Buddhist temples host Wesak Day celebrations with processions and merit-making rituals, while Hindu communities observe Deepavali through temple prayers, oil baths, and family feasts featuring South Indian cuisine.[199][200] These events occur with relative tolerance, as ethnic Chinese and Indian residents adapt by integrating halal-compliant customs in public interactions, though their numbers remain small and geographically concentrated.[201] Interfaith communal life reflects pragmatic coexistence, with minorities participating in broader Malay cultural norms while preserving distinct worship sites numbering fewer than a dozen major temples or churches statewide.[93]