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Kelantan
Kelantan
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Kelantan (Malay pronunciation: [kəˈlantan]; Kelantanese Malay: Klate; Pattani Malay pronunciation: [kläˈtɛ]) is a state in Malaysia. The capital, Kota Bharu, includes the royal seat of Kubang Kerian. The honorific name of the state is Darul Naim ("The Blissful Abode"). Kelantan is located in the north-eastern corner of Peninsular Malaysia. Kelantan is an agrarian state with paddy fields, fishing villages and casuarina-lined beaches. Kelantan is home to some of the most ancient archaeological discoveries in Malaysia, including several prehistoric aboriginal settlements.

Key Information

Due to Kelantan's relative isolation and largely rural lifestyle, Kelantanese culture differs somewhat from Malay culture in the rest of the peninsula; this is reflected in the cuisine, arts and the unique Kelantanese Malay language, which is not readily intelligible with standard Malay.

Kelantan is bordered by Narathiwat province of Thailand to the north, Terengganu to the south-east, Perak to the west and Pahang to the south. To the north-east of Kelantan is the South China Sea. Kelantan has diverse tropical rainforests and an equatorial climate. The state's mountain ranges belong to the Titiwangsa Mountains, which are part of the Tenasserim Hills that span southern Myanmar, southern Thailand and Peninsular Malaysia, with Mount Yong Belar being the state's highest point.

Etymology

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The 17th century Mao Kun map from Wubei Zhi which is based on the early 15th century navigation maps of Zheng He showing Kelantan river estuary (吉蘭丹港).

There are a number of theories for the origin of the name Kelantan. One theory proposes that the word Kelantan comes from a modified version of the word gelam hutam, the Malay word for the cajuput, or swamp tea tree (Melaleuca leucadendron). Other theories claim that the name comes from the Malay word kilatan, "shiny or glittery" or kolam tanah, "clay pool".[9] Kelantan was called Kalantan (Thai: กลันตัน) by the Siamese when it was under their influence.

History

[edit]

Prehistoric

[edit]

Kelantan's early history is not very clear, but archaeological evidence shows human settlement in prehistoric times.[10][11]

Pre-Malaccan Era

[edit]

Early Kelantan had links to the Funan Kingdom, the Khmer Empire, Champa and Siam.[12][13] Around 1411, there was an Islamic ruler named Raja Kumar and Kelantan was an important centre of trade at that time.

Kelantan Sultanate

[edit]

In 1499, Kelantan became a vassal state of the Malacca Sultanate. With the fall of Malacca in 1511, Kelantan was divided up and ruled by petty chieftains, paying tribute to Patani, then a powerful Malay Kingdom of the eastern peninsula. By the early 17th century, most of these Kelantanese chiefs became subject to Patani. The legendary Cik Siti Wan Kembang was said to have reigned over Kelantan between 1610 and 1667.[14][15] Kelantan made a political alliance with Patani during the reign of Raja Biru in 1619 for mutual trade and military interests.[16] The Queen of Patani was deposed in 1651 by the Raja of Kelantan, starting a period of Kelantanese rule in Patani.[17]

The flag of Kelantan before 1924.

Around 1760, Long Yunus, an aristocratic warlord of Patani origin succeeded in unifying the territory of present-day Kelantan and was enthroned by his father-in-law Ku Tanang Wangsa (Regent of Terengganu) as Yang di-Pertuan Muda or Deputy Ruler of Kelantan. Long Yunus was succeeded in 1795 by his son-in-law Tengku Muhammad by Sultan Mansur of Terengganu. The enthronement of Tengku Muhammad by Terengganu was opposed by Long Yunus' sons, triggering a war against Terengganu by Long Muhammad, the eldest son of Long Yunus. The pro-Terengganu faction was defeated in 1800 and Long Muhammad ruled Kelantan with the new title of Sultan as Sultan Muhammad I.

Later, when the Sultan died childless, it triggered another civil war among claimants to the throne. His nephew Long Senik Mulut Merah, triumphed over his uncles and cousins and assumed the throne in 1835 as Sultan Muhammad II.

Thousands flocked into the streets of Kota Bharu to witness the Burung Petala Procession in 1933.

Sultan Muhammad II used his loose alliance with Siam to form the modern Kelantan state, centered in his new fort on the eastern bank of the Kelantan river, which became Kota Bharu in 1844.

Unfederated Malay States

[edit]

Under the terms of the Anglo-Siamese Treaty of 1909, the Thais relinquished their claims over Kelantan, Terengganu, Kedah and Perlis to the British Empire, and Kelantan thus became one of the Unfederated Malay States with a British Adviser.

Japanese occupation

[edit]

Kelantan was where the Japanese first landed during their invasion of Malaya, on 8 December 1941. In 1943, Kelantan was transferred by the Japanese to Thailand and became a province of Thailand. Kelantan reverted to Malaya upon the end of World War II in August 1945.

Malayan Union and the Federation of Malaya

[edit]

Kelantan became part of the Malayan Union in 1946 and then the Federation of Malaya on 1 February 1948, and together with other Malayan states attained independence on 31 August 1957. On 16 September 1963, Kelantan became one of the states of Malaysia.

Modern history

[edit]

The Malaysian Islamic Party (PAS) came to power in Kelantan for the first time in 1959. In November 1977, the federal government declared a state of emergency in Kelantan following a political crisis and street violence. An election took place soon after the emergency, in which the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO) won removing the PAS from power. Kelantan was then governed by the Barisan Nasional coalition (of which UMNO was part of) until the 1990 General Election when the PAS returned with an overwhelming victory, winning all 39 State and 13 Parliamentary seats. The success was achieved through the PAS-led coalition, called Angkatan Perpaduan Ummah (APU). In the following General Election in 1995, PAS won again, though with a reduced majority. The PAS won a large victory in 1999 due in part to Malayan anger over the treatment of former Deputy Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim by Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad and other officials of the national government. In 2004 the PAS nearly lost control of Kelantan, retaining it with only a 1-seat majority, when the Barisan Nasional, under the new leadership of Abdullah Badawi following Mahathir's retirement, won by a landslide nationally. However, after the 2008 Malaysian general election, the PAS regained a two-thirds majority of seats in the state assembly.

Geography

[edit]

Rising high on the slopes of Gunung Korbu, the second highest peak in Peninsular Malaysia, the Nengiri River flows east to merge first with the Galas, and then with the Lebir — the latter begins in the Taman Negara National Park — before turning decisively northwards and emptying into the shallow waters of the South China Sea. From Kuala Krai the conjoined streams become the Kelantan River (also known as Sungai Kelantan), a broad, mud-coloured stream which dominates the fertile coastal plains and defines the geography of the region. The Kelantan River valley is a fertile rice-bowl, rich in hardwoods and rubber and lush with tropical fruits.

For centuries, Kelantan was mostly separated from the rest of the country by the Titiwangsa Mountains, which runs from north to south through the peninsula. Weeks of hard travel were required to reach Kelantan. The easiest way to Kelantan was to sail around the peninsula. For this reason Kelantan's history often involves the sea and boats. Even today, many of its people are tied to the sea.

A railway line was built in the 1920s, during British colonial rule, linking Tumpat on the state's northern coast, through the jungles of upper Kelantan and Pahang and then on to other states. Also, between the 1920s and 1980s, trunk roads were built to link Kelantan with adjacent states. Presently, one can travel by road from the capital city Kuala Lumpur to Kota Bharu using national highway 8 through the mountain range within 8 hours.

Climate

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Kelantan has a tropical climate, with temperatures from 21 to 32 °C and intermittent rain throughout the year. The wet season is the east-coast monsoon season from November to January.

Environment

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Some experts claim groundwater extraction is causing land in Kelantan to lower, causing more floods.[18]

Economy

[edit]

Kelantan has a chiefly agrarian economy dominated by rice, rubber and tobacco. Fishing along its 96-kilometre coastline is also an important economic activity. Cottage industries which employ traditional skills in handicraft production such as batik, woodcarving and songket weaving are also evident. Logging activities are active given the vast remaining area of forest. In recent years, tourism, especially to offshore islands, has increased in importance. A few reputable hotels have been established and more modern shopping malls have been opened to cater to urban populations.

Kota Bharu, the capital, is the major urban centre, and there are also plans to open up the southern portion of the state under an ambitious multimillion-dollar development project. The main market at the city centre is a top attraction.[citation needed]

Kelantan had a GDP per capita in 2006 at RM7,985.[19] The State Socioeconomic Report 2017 published on 26 July 2018 reported that Kelantan has a GDP per capita of RM13,593 in 2017, significantly lower than any other state in Malaysia.[20]

Kelantan's cultural ties with Pattani make use of the Malaysian-Thai border, where Kelantanese and Southern Thais cross frequently to visit their relatives and transport goods for small business.[citation needed]

Politics

[edit]
The flag consists of a white emblem on a red background. The red background signifies the loyalty of the people of Kelantan. The white emblem stands for the sanctity of the office of the Ruler.

A part of the conservative Malay heartland, Kelantan has been ruled by the Malaysian Islamic Party (PAS) since 1990. It is one of four Malaysian states led by PAS after the 2022 elections, the others being Terengganu, Kedah, and Perlis.

Almost all PAS members are Malay Muslims, as are about 97% of Kelantan's population.

For years, the PAS has attempted to impose a strict interpretation of Islamic Law on Kelantan. It has successfully imposed certain social strictures such as single-sex supermarket queues, separate public benches for men and women, and limiting entertainment centers to prohibit "salacious behavior."[citation needed] An Islamic regional law such as caning for unmarried couples doing cohabitation (khalwat), amputation of limbs for thievery, execution for murder, and stoning for adultery (collectively known as Hudud Law) have been passed and enacted into law, however, have been unenforced by the national government on constitutional grounds.[21][22]

One of the most controversial steps that PAS have taken in Kelantan is to place strict restrictions or outright bans on the traditional performance of syncretic Malay theatrical forms, such as Wayang Kulit, Mak Yong, Dikir Barat, and Main Puteri. PAS also took action to remove any sculpture that looked like human or animal, modified versions without the traditional references to Hindu dewadewi and traditional Malay hantu (spirits or ghosts) and otherwise in keeping with orthodox Islam are, however, tolerated in some instances. Also restricted are public performances by women: Aside from Quran recitals, such arrangements are entirely banned if men are in the audience. While PAS has maintained that these steps were to promote Islam and put an end to immoral behavior among the Muslim population, many consider them an act of defiance against Barisan Nasional's laws — which are more tolerant, depending on one's viewpoint — and also a significant loss to Malay traditional arts.

A 2019 directive from the office of the Sultan prohibited state government buildings from displaying portraits of individuals other than the Sultan, Crown Prince, previous Sultan, and the state's First Minister.[23] This was quickly amended also to allow images of the Malaysian King and Queen.[24]

PAS has also defended the practice of child marriage,[25] a practice that been the focus of recent controversy due to recent cases in Kelantan.[26][27]

Government composition

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Affiliation Coalition/party leader Status Seats
2023 election Current
  Perikatan Nasional Mohd Nassuruddin Daud Government 43 42
 
 
Pakatan Harapan
Barisan Nasional
Vacant Opposition 2 3
Government majority 41 39

Oil royalties

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Assignment deed

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On 9 May 1975, an agreement was signed between the Menteri Besar of Kelantan, Datuk Mohamed Nasir, and the Chairman of Petronas, Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah. According to the terms of the agreement, Kelantan was to receive a cash payment of 5 percent a year biannually, for any oil found in Kelantan or its coastal areas. In return, Kelantan grants Petronas to exclusive rights to "petroleum whether lying onshore or offshore of Malaysia".

It became an issue as to whether Kelantan had the right to claim oil royalties from federal government as described in the agreement. Relevant to the issue, in Schedule 9, List I of the Federal Constitution, the following topics are assigned to the Federal Government:

  • Except as to State rights over permits and licences, the Federal Government has rights over development of mineral resources, mines, mining, minerals and mineral ores, oils and oilfields, petroleum products, safety in mines and oilfields
  • Gas and gasworks, production and distribution of power and energy
  • Foreign and extraterritorial jurisdiction
  • Treaties, agreements and conventions with other countries and all matters which bring the Federation into relations with any other country

As for the state government:

  • Land: Schedule 9 List II, Para 2(a). Under the Interpretation Acts, 1948 and 1967, Section 3, land includes "the surface of the earth ... all substances therein... all vegetations and other natural products... whether on or below the surface... and land covered by water". The territorial waters of Kelantan will come within the definition of "land covered by water". Territorial waters are defined by Section 4(2) of the Emergency (Essential Powers) Ordinance No 7, 1969. Subject to some exceptions, they refer to three nautical miles.
  • Revenue from lands: Schedule 10, Part III Para 2.
  • In addition to the income from land, one notes that in Article 110[3A] there is provision for discretionary payment on such terms and conditions as maybe prescribed by or under federal law of the export duty on "mineral oils" produced in the state. Petroleum comes within the meaning of "mineral oils" under Section 10 of the Petroleum Development Act.

From the schedule, Peninsular Malaysian states have the constitutional right to set fees for permits and licences for extraction of any petroleum that is derived from their land and territorial waters. Anything beyond territorial waters, such as on the continental shelf, is entirely in federal hands. However, because exploration of oil and gas is approximately 150 km from Kota Bharu and beyond the territorial water of Kelantan. Emeritus Professor Shad Saleem Faruqi concluded that Kelantan has no constitutional right to regulate it and to receive compensation for it.[28] He further argued given the agreement deed to support Kelantan rights over royalties will render as unconstitutional and void under the doctrine of severability (constitutional parts of the law remain even if other parts are unconstitutional), as the Assignment by Kelantan gives to Petronas the ownership of all petroleum "whether lying onshore or offshore of Malaysia" was an overstatement, and Kelantan has no rights to what lies off the shores of the whole of Malaysia.

States cannot transfer rights over something they do not own. Unfortunately for Kelantan, the matter cannot end with the two agreements. There is a supreme Constitution in Malaysia with a federal-state division of legislative and financial powers. The constitutional allocation cannot be altered except by constitutionally permitted procedures and amendments. Even mutual agreements cannot override the constitutional scheme of things because jurisdiction is a matter of law and not of consent or acquiescence.[28]

Current action

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The Kelantan state government is owed between RM850 million and RM1 billion from oil revenue royalties from the central government, according to the Petroleum Act 1974. In 2009, the central government offered 'compensation' or Wang Ehsan, a fraction of the sum actually owed. Discrimination of Kelantan on the matter has led the state government considering action in the International Court of Justice (ICJ). Support for Kelantan and the local government in defiance of the central government includes the group Kelantan Peoples' Movement Demanding Petroleum Royalties or Gerakan Menuntut Royalti Petroleum Rakyat Kelantan (GMR).

Demographics

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Historical population
YearPop.±%
1970 684,738—    
1980 859,270+25.5%
1991 1,181,315+37.5%
2000 1,287,367+9.0%
2010 1,470,696+14.2%
2020 1,792,501+21.9%
Source: [3]

The largely rural state preserves Malay traditions such as kite-flying contests, top-spinning contests, and bird singing competitions, and traditional handicrafts such as batik, songket, and silver crafts. Kelantan's ethnic composition is 95.7% Malay, 3.4% Chinese, 0.3% Indian and 0.6% others.[29]

The ethnicities of Kelantan generally live together harmoniously. For example, members of the Thai community received a permit to build a very large statue of the Buddha without any objection from the Malay community or the PAS government that granted the permit.

Ethnic groups

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Malays

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Tengku Muhammad Faiz Petra Mosque.

Kelantanese Malays are the predominant ethnic group in the state. They speak Kelantanese Malay which is distinguished from standard Malay as well as other Malay varieties in Malaysia by its unique grammar, pronunciation and figures of speech.

Kelantanese Malay is somewhat mutually intelligible with other Malay dialects. Jawi script, which has less influence in other parts of Malaysia, is still widely used in writing and printing the Malay language in Kelantan. Signboards in Kelantan are written in both Jawi and Rumi. To a certain extent, the Southern Thai language is also used.

95.7% of Kelantan's population are ethnic Malays, and under the Malaysian Constitution, all Malays are Muslims; therefore, Islam is the largest religion in the state.

Kota Bharu, as the state capital, is a popular centre for pursuits such as silat, martial arts, and kertok drumming. Here, too, more than any other place in Malaysia, the traditional pastimes of top-spinning — known as gasing — and the flying of giant, elaborately decorated kites called wau, is still observed.

Siamese

[edit]
Reclining Buddha in Wat Photivihan.

The minority ethnic Malaysian Siamese inhabitants of Kelantan are mostly centred around the coastal town of Tumpat, which is home to most of the state's two hundred or so Buddhist temples, and has a number of relatively well-off Siamese villages.

The dialect of the Thai language spoken in Kelantan is called Tak Bai, after the southernmost coastal town Tak Bai of Narathiwat province, just across the Golok River from Malaysia. The Tak Bai dialect differs substantially from standard southern Thai and other regional Thai dialects, and it seems certain that the Kelantan Thais are the descendants of an original enclave of Narathiwat settlers established in sparsely populated Malay territory as long as four centuries ago.

Buddhism is also visible in the hundreds of Thai wats, also known as ketik, found throughout the state. Since 1980, the longest statue of a reclining Buddha in Southeast Asia can be found in Wat Photivihan, in Tumpat. This temple is very popular with pilgrims and devotees. The Metta chanting uses the original Pali language or a Thai translation. About a thousand visitors attend the Wat for such religious celebrations as Tok'katinna, Loy Krathong, Saibat and Songkran.

Chinese

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In Kelantan, the Kelantanese Chinese see themselves as either Cino Kapong (village Chinese) or Cino Bandar (town Chinese). Famous Chinese villages in Kelantan include Kampung Tok'kong (300-year-old temple), Batu Jong, Kampung Jelatok, Kampung Joh, Kampung Temangan, Kampung Mata Ayer, Kampung Tawang, Kampung Balai, and Gua Musang. Descendants of the earlier waves of small-scale migration are known as Oghe Cino kito (our very own Chinese) and the elders are seen as Oghe Kelate beto (true Kelantanese).

Cina Kampung assimilation in Kelantan is manifested as: "Malay behaviour as frontstage and Chinese behaviour as backstage". "Frontstage" or public behaviour includes speaking Kelantanese Malay even when among themselves, adopting Malay-style clothing, and observing certain Malay customs and holidays. "Backstage" or private behaviour includes maintaining certain traditional Chinese beliefs and customs confined only within the home.[30] A pattern which they also associate as Peranakan Chinese, nonetheless they are culturally different in some ways from the Strait-Chinese Peranakan of Malacca, Penang and Singapore or even the Indonesian Peranakans.

The Cina Kampung in Kelantan have native speaker competence in the Kelantanese dialect. It is impossible to tell a Malay from a Chinese here just by listening to their speech in the Kelantanese dialect.[citation needed]

Much of Chinese culture still continues until today; such as the lion dance and dragon dance during Chinese New Year, temple celebration, eating bakchang (meat dumpling), mooncake, baby fullmoon, pulut kuning, telur merah, eat 'e' (tangyuan), religious celebration including praying to the Na Tuk Kong. They also cook 'bak hong', 'uang (meatball)' during wedding ceremonies and 'kiam mai' during funerals.

The village of Kampung Tok'kong in the Kelantan state of Malaysian is well known for a historically significant Chinese temple known as Seng Choon Kiong. 25 km from Kota Bharu, it is located within a paddy field village with a population of around 500 person. The temple is approximately 300 years old and is dedicated to the worship of the goddess Mazu. Every year on the equivalent date to 23 March on the Chinese calendar, the birthday of Mazu is commemorated with concerts, lion dance, carrying god ride 'Kheng kiu', 'siam hee' and also wayang kulit show for three days. Chinese and Mazu followers visit the temple to pay homage to Mazu, to offer prayers for health and wealth, as well as for personal safety and security and eat Kampung Tokkong most famous 'Bak hong'.

Unlike the Chinese in other parts of Malaysia, Kelantanese Chinese prefer to conduct their wedding party at home rather than at a restaurant. This reflects their mindset that their presence to celebrate the newly weds is more important than the wedding banquet. And also make it a gathering ceremony to celebrate the angsu 'red/ happiness'. The amount of guests relate to how respectable the house owner is. This is further proven by their generosity of the money gifts from the newly weds. Usually the wedding ceremony begins on Thursday night and proceeds until the next morning because the weekend holiday is Friday in Kelantan. For good luck, the groom has to bring home the bride before 12 noon on the Friday in a car decorated with flowers.

Most Chinese villagers bury their dead at the local town cemetery. Others cremate the dead at the nearest Wat. If the deceased was old, a three-day funeral ceremony and memorial is conducted, complete with chanting from the monks. But if the deceased was of the younger generation, they are either buried or cremated as soon as possible. They also offers prayers for anniversary for the death.

Indians

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Indians are known to be one of the smallest ethnic groups in Kelantan. During British rule, Indians were brought in to Kelantan to work in rubber estates around Gua Musang District and Tanah Merah as labourers.

Orang Asli

[edit]

Orang Asli, mostly Temiar people, are people who have lived in the forests of Kelantan and Perak for thousands of years. Some of the Temiar maintain traditional beliefs in their natural surroundings and other forms of animist elements. Other Orang Asli ethnic groups that live in Kelantan are Jahais, Bateks and Mendriqs.

Religion

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Religion in Kelantan – 2020 Census[31]
religion percent
Islam
97%
Buddhism
2.3%
Christianity
0.1%
No religion
0.2%
Hinduism
0.1%
Others
0.2%
Chinese ethnic religion
0%
Unknown / none
0%

As of 2020 the population of Kelantan is 97% Muslim, 2.3% Buddhist, 0.1% Christian, 0.1% Hindu, 0.4% follower of other religions or non-religious.[31]

Statistics from the 2010 Census indicate that 93.2% of the Chinese population identify as Buddhists, with significant minorities of adherents identifying as Muslims (3.0%), Christians (2.8%) and Chinese folk religions (0.6%). The latter figure may include followers of Taoism.[32] The majority of the Indian population identify as Hindus (76.5%), with a significant minorities of numbers identifying as Muslims (11.6%), Buddhists (6.7%) and Christians (3.7%). The non-Malay bumiputera community are predominantly Muslims (39.8%), with significant minorities identifying as Atheists (30.3%) and Christians (14.3%). All Malays are considered Muslims according to Malaysian law.[33]

Administrative divisions

[edit]

Districts

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Kelantan is the only state outside of East Malaysia that does not use the term district in its second-level administrative division. Instead, the divisions are called colonies (Jajahan) or collectivities with one autonomous subdistrict. The direct translation of Tanah Jajahan in Malay to English is 'Colonized Land'. Kelantan was a divided feudal state, a common situation in the Malay Peninsula, with separate petty local rulers. However, a strong one managed to rise and conquer all these small petty territories. In the end, Kelantan became united under one Sultan. The eleven jajahans, from top to bottom are written in Rumi and Jawi:[34]

Districts (Jajahan) in Kelantan
Number Colonies (Jajahan) Subdivision (Daerah) Area (km2) Population
1 Kota Bharu District
(کوتا بهارو)
Badang, Beta, Banggu, Kadok, Kemumin, Kota, Kubang Kerian, Ketereh, Limbat, Panji, Pendek, Peringat, Salor, Sering, Pusat Bandar Kota Bharu 403 568,900
2 Pasir Mas
(ڤاسير مس)
Rantau Panjang, Kangkong, Pasir Mas, Gual Periok, Chetok, Alor Pasir, Lemal, Bunut Susu, Kubang Sepat, Kubang Gadong 570 233,400
3 Tumpat
(تومڤت)
Jal Besar, Pengkalan Kubor, Sungai Pinang, Tumpat, Terbak, Kebakat, Wakaf Bharu 180 183,100
4 Pasir Puteh
(ڤاسير ڤوتيه)
Bukit Jawa, Padang Pak Amat, Limbongan, Jeram, Bukit Awang, Bukit Abal, Gong Datok, Semerak 423 137,400
5 Bachok
(باچوق)
Mahligai, Telong, Gunong, Melawi, Tanjung Pauh, Tawang, Bekelam, Perupok 279 158,900
6 Kuala Krai
(کوالا کراي)
Mengkebang, Dabong, Olak Jeram 2,275 105,900
7 Machang
(ماچڠ)
Labok, Ulu Sat, Temangan, Pangkal Meleret, Pulai Chondong, Panyit 526 112,900
8 Tanah Merah District
(تانه ميره)
Bukit Panau, Ulu Kusial, Jedok 880 152,400
9 Jeli
(جيلي)
Jeli, Batu Melintang, Kuala Balah 1,326 55,600
10 Gua Musang District
(ڬوا موسڠ)
Galas, Bertam, Chiku 6,362 102,500
11 Lojing
(لوجيڠ)
Betis, Hau, Sigar 1,817 10,700

Culture

[edit]

The culture of Kelantan has been influenced by Thai culture due to its location on the Thai border.[35] Among the popular cultural practices are Dikir Barat, Wayang Kulit Kelantan, Wayang Kulit Melayu, Mak Yong, Menora, Main Puteri, Wau Bulan (kite-flying), Gasing (top-spinning), Silat, Tomoi, bird-singing competition and handicrafts. The unique Kelantan culture, Mak Yong is recognized by UNESCO. This ancient theatre form created by Malaysia's Malay communities combines acting, vocal and instrumental music, gestures and elaborate costumes. Specific to the villages of Kelantan in northwest Malaysia, where the tradition originated, Mak Yong is performed mainly as entertainment or for ritual purposes related to healing practices.[36][37]

Among the handicraft products that are songket, batik, silverware and mengkuang. The Kandis Resource Centre provides information on the Kelantanese wood carving.

Cuisine

[edit]

The Kelantanese cuisine is part of Malay cuisine but maintains its own unique identity. Kelantanese food makes more use of coconut milk than anywhere else in the country. Curries are richer, and creamier.

Local dishes

[edit]
Specialty Description
Nasi dagang A mix of white rice and brown glutinous rice, cooked with coconut milk, blended onions, garlic and some spices (such as fenugreek) (halba). Fish or chicken curry is usually a complementary dish, together with a mild brown sugared sambal (chili paste).
Nasi kerabu Nasi Kerabu literally means rice salad. Kelantan has a variety of nasi kerabu. Nasi Kerabu biasa ("normal"), putih ("white"), hitam ("black"), though the actual color is blue after the flower used as colouring in the recipe and kuning ("yellow"), for the turmeric used in the cooking process. Each kerabu is usually served with a matching, traditional sambal. The kerabu (salad) itself can be any combination of vegetables or edible leaves. It is also served with fried breaded fish, keropok keping, (see below), salted egg, solok lada (chillies stuffed with minced fish and grated coconut), and pickled garlic. Importantly, a sauce called budu must be included for the dish to qualify.
Nasi tumpang Rice packed in a cone-shaped banana leaf. A pack of nasi tumpang consists of an omelette, meat floss, chicken and/or shrimp curry and sweet gravy. It is traditionally meant for travellers.
Ayam percik Wood-fire broiled chicken dressed with sweet coconut gravy. Ayam golek/ayam percik is eaten with white rice in major family dishes and is served during feasts.
Nasi Berlauk A popular breakfast food for the Kelantanese. Nasi berlauk is rice served with fish or chicken and vegetables cooked with turmeric and galangal infused yellow gravy.
Nasi ulam Ulam is the local term for raw vegetables – the meal consists of white rice served with a variety of raw vegetables, and is one of the healthier dishes found in Malay cuisine.
Keropok These are Kelantanese crackers and can be made from fish, prawns or squid. The way they are made is similar to keropok gote, but after they are steamed or boiled and thinly sliced and dried for storage or further cooking.
Keropok lekor These are Kelantanese fish sausages of Terengganu origin. Made by combining fish flesh and sago or tapioca flour, keropok lekor is rolled into long firm sticks and then steamed or boiled. To enjoy it, one has to cut it into desired bite sized and deep fried. It is a popular schoolchildren's snack food.
Laksa kelantan The Laksa dish, white noodles served with gravy (curry or otherwise) and vegetables, is made differently in every states in Malaysia. The Laksa in Kelantan is richer and has a more full-bodied flavour. The main ingredient is fish flesh. Laksam is another version, with a thicker noodle. Laksa or Laksam is served with Ulam (salad) similar to that in nasi kerabu, with a pinch of salt and belacan, a fermented shrimp paste.

Colek

[edit]

Contrary to popular belief, Colek is not just a dipping sauce, but can also refer to a snack eaten with the sauce. Colek comes in various forms, including meaty cholek, colek ayam (chicken), colek perut (cow tripe), colek pelepong (cow or lamb lung; usually fried plain), and also a variety of colek buah (fruits; usually unmatured, thus crunchy and sour tasting) such as colek pauh (mango).

Colek manis (with brown sugar) is a sweet, sour and very mildly hot version. This colek is different from other chili sauces because colek is very thin and rather sweet. This dipping sauce is used for chicken, and also goes well with shrimp, fish cake, spring roll, sausage, etc.

Budu

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Budu (sauce) is a salted (fermented) anchovy sauce eaten mainly as flavouring with rice, grilled fish and vegetables/salads (ulam). A bit of lime juice, hot chilis and shallots are added on for taste. Also, tempoyak (fermented durian) or fresh durian is added. Once combined, the purple-brownish condiment has a blend of salty and sour taste. Sometimes, budu is used in cooking as an ingredient.

Nowadays, other types of fish are also used to create budu. Famous budu making villages include Kg. Tawang, Bachok and Kg. Penambang near Kota Bharu.

Similar sauces are found in the Philippines and Indochina (Vietnam, Cambodia).

Thai-influenced

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Somtam

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Somtam is a green papaya salad with a salty, spicy, and sour taste. The main items in it are young, unripe papaya, soy sauce, groundnuts, fish sauce, lime juice, and chilies. These items are combined in a mortar, pounded with a pestle for few seconds and served. The salty and lime juicy taste is very popular. This light dish is widely available in regions with large numbers of ethnic Thais, such as Tumpat and Siamese wats.

Other influences

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Tongmo

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Tongmo (from Cham tung lamo "cow intestines") is a spiced sausage introduced by the Cambodian Chams community concentrated in Kota Bharu.[38][39]

Tourism

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Among the popular tourist destinations in Kelantan are:

  • Siti Khadijah Market – A market mostly run by women.[40]
  • Taman Negara – Located in the Gua Musang Region, Kelantan, near the Pahang border and Terengganu. It is located in the Hantu Hill and Lebir reserve forest.[41]
  • Wat Photivihan Sleeping Buddha – This temple is one of the 25 temples found in Tumpat, and is one of the most popular in the country.[42]
  • Seng Choon Kiong (Mazu Temple) – approximately 300 years old Temple in Kampung Tok'kong and is a site of pilgrimage for worshippers of Mazu in Malaysia
  • Sultan Ismail Petra Silver Jubilee Mosque – Mosque that combines Chinese and Islamic architecture and resembles a 1,000-year-old Niujie Mosque in Beijing, China.[43]
  • Irama Bachok Beach – Located within the Bachok District and is the main tourist spot of Bachok District residents and Kelantan residents in particular.[44]
  • Gunung Stong State Park – Home to one of the highest waterfalls in Malaysia, the seven-tiered Jelawang Waterfall.[45]
  • Muhammadi Mosque – One of the symbols of splendor in this city that has the hallmarks of graceful gates and golden colors. Al-Muhammadi Mosque's name is a tribute to Sultan Muhammad IV's contribution and service to the state.[46]
  • Masjid Al-Ismaili – Mosque located in Bandar Baru Pasir Pekan, Wakaf Baru.[47]
  • Pantai Bisikan Bayu (Beach of Whispering Breeze) – also known as Pantai Dalam Rhu, the wind at the beach produces a quite sound that, locals say, sounds like a soothing whisper.[48]
  • Handicraft Village and Craft Museum – Also known as "Balai Getam Guri", it has many examples of Kelantanese craftsmanship such as traditional embroidery, songket weaving, batik printing, silver work and wood carving.[49]

See also

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References

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Further reading

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Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
Kelantan is a state in the northeastern part of Peninsular Malaysia, bordering Thailand to the north, Perak to the west, Pahang to the south, and Terengganu to the southeast, with Kota Bharu serving as its capital and primary urban center. It operates as a constitutional sultanate under the hereditary rule of the Sultan of Kelantan, who holds ceremonial and Islamic leadership roles within the state's framework. Since 1990, the Islamist Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party (PAS) has maintained uninterrupted control of the state government, prioritizing conservative Islamic policies that emphasize religious observance and moral codes, often at the expense of broader economic development. This long-term PAS dominance reflects strong support among the overwhelmingly Malay-Muslim population for faith-based governance, enabling initiatives like hudud-inspired penal codes, though federal courts have invalidated several such state-level Islamic laws as unconstitutional. Kelantan's economy, with a 2024 GDP of RM28.7 billion, relies heavily on —including paddy cultivation and —and services, including boosted by its proximity to and cultural attractions, yet it experiences slower growth compared to national averages due to limited industrialization and . The state preserves distinctive Malay cultural traditions, such as shadow puppetry, choral performances, and martial arts, which draw from ancient regional influences and have been recognized internationally, though conservative religious edicts have led to bans or modifications of certain practices deemed incompatible with strict Islamic interpretations. Historically, Kelantan evolved as a sultanate with ties to ancient Pattani kingdoms before British protection in the early and integration into the post-World War II, achieving independence within Malaysia in 1957 while retaining its monarchical structure.

Etymology

Linguistic and Historical Derivations

The name Kelantan is attested in Islamic coinage dating to 577 AH (1181 ), with a unearthed in Kota Kubang Labu bearing the inscription al-Julus Kelantan, translating to "the ascension/reign in Kelantan," which evidences an organized under Muslim rule by that era. This artifact, discovered in 1914, predates later Malay sultanates and underscores the name's antiquity in the region's political context, potentially linked to early trade networks influenced by Persian and Arab merchants. Linguistically, the predominant derivation traces Kelantan to the Malay phrase gelam hutan, denoting the swamp tea tree (Melaleuca leucadendron), a species abundant in the coastal peat swamps that historically dominated the area's lowlands and riverine ecosystems. This explanation, recorded in early 20th-century colonial ethnographies and local traditions, aligns with ecological surveys confirming the tree's prevalence in northeastern Peninsular Malaysia until deforestation altered habitats. Alternative Malay-rooted theories include kilatan ("lightning" or "flash"), evoking the frequent electrical storms in the monsoon-prone terrain, though this lacks direct topographic corroboration beyond anecdotal associations. Speculative foreign origins, such as a or adaptation from "Koli Thana" (land of Koli, referencing an ancient Indian settlement tied to Buddhist lore), have been proposed but dismissed in scholarly reviews as overly conjectural, competing with equally fanciful local folk etymologies like kolam tanah ("clay pool") without robust philological evidence. Regionally, the name manifests as Kalantan in Thai chronicles and Jilantan (吉蓝丹) in 15th-century Chinese navigational records derived from Zheng He's voyages, reflecting phonetic adaptations across Austroasiatic and Sino-Malay trade spheres rather than distinct derivations.

History

Prehistoric and Ancient Periods

Archaeological excavations in the Nenggiri Valley of Ulu Kelantan have revealed evidence of human activity dating to approximately 14,000 years ago, including a complete prehistoric , stone tools, and other artifacts associated with early societies. Further discoveries in nearby cave sites, such as Gua Kelew, have yielded pottery shards and lithic tools, indicating a transition from foraging cultures to more settled practices involving resource exploitation in the region's biodiversity-rich limestone karsts. Sites like Gua Cha, located in the same upland area, preserve stratified deposits from occupants around 9,000 years ago, with evidence of cobble tools and faunal remains reflecting adaptation to environments; by 3,000 years , these transitioned into assemblages featuring polished stone adzes and early ceramics. Additional undisturbed caves, including Gua Chawas, Gua Batu Cincin, and Gua Peraling, have provided comparable lithic and subsistence data, underscoring Ulu Kelantan's role as a key locus for mid-Holocene human persistence in amid post-glacial climatic shifts. ![Mao Kun map depicting Songkhla, Langkasuka, Kelantan, and Trengganu][center] In the ancient period, Kelantan's territory appears linked to the regional influence of , an early Indianized kingdom centered on the northeastern from the 2nd century CE, with maritime ties to documented from 510 CE and extending potentially southward to areas including modern Kelantan and . Historical cartographic evidence, such as Chinese admiral Mao Kun's 16th-century map, positions Kelantan alongside , implying shared cultural spheres characterized by Hindu-Buddhist practices and trade networks, though direct archaeological confirmation of urban centers in Kelantan remains limited compared to coastal sites further north. This association reflects broader patterns of Srivijayan-era interactions rather than autonomous polities, with local evidence confined to imported artifacts suggestive of elite exchanges by the 1st millennium CE.

Pre-Malaccan and Early Sultanate Era

Kelantan's pre-Malaccan history remains largely obscure due to limited contemporary records, though archaeological findings indicate human settlements dating back to , with evidence of early communities engaged in rudimentary and . The region maintained connections with ancient Indianized polities, including the Kingdom and , as well as and Siam, facilitating networks that extended to , , and . During the 13th and 14th centuries, Kelantan served as a tributary to the Majapahit Empire, reflecting its integration into broader Southeast Asian maritime exchanges prior to the rise of the Malacca Sultanate around 1400. These links underscore Kelantan's role in early regional commerce, though direct governance structures prior to Islamic influences are poorly documented. The early sultanate era commenced around 1411, when Raja Kumar, the local ruler, embraced and reasserted independence from Siamese overlordship, marking a pivotal shift toward Islamic . This conversion aligned Kelantan with emerging Muslim trading networks, transforming it into a significant commercial hub by the mid-15th century, though it later acknowledged Malaccan . Chinese records from the corroborate Raja Kumar's rule in 1411, noting his authority over the territory and its strategic position along trade routes. The adoption of facilitated cultural and economic ties with other Malay polities, laying the foundation for the sultanate's dynastic continuity, albeit with intermittent vassalage to regional powers.

Kelantan Sultanate and Regional Influence

The Kelantan Sultanate originated in the mid-18th century amid the fragmentation of Malay polities following the decline of Johor influence in the peninsula. Around 1760, Long Yunus, a warlord of Pattani descent, unified the territories comprising modern Kelantan by defeating rival chiefs and consolidating control over riverine districts such as Lebir and Galung. His installation as ruler, likely around 1775, marked the foundation of the dynasty that persists today, with Long Yunus enthroned by his father-in-law, the , though he maintained independence. Long Yunus's reign, extending until approximately 1795, emphasized military consolidation and Islamic governance, drawing on Pattani's scholarly traditions to legitimize authority through religious patronage. Succession after Long Yunus triggered disputes, culminating in 1800 when his adopted son or close kin, Long Muhammad, proclaimed himself Sultan Muhammad I, formally adopting the sultanate title and severing tributary obligations to . This declaration asserted Kelantan's sovereignty, supported by alliances with local Chinese traders who provided arms and economic backing against incursions. Under Sultan Muhammad I (r. 1800–1835), the sultanate expanded administrative structures, including adat-based courts and revenue from tin and forest products, fostering stability despite intermittent civil strife. His era saw the entrenchment of pondok Islamic seminaries, which enhanced the sultanate's role as a center for Malay-Islamic learning in the northern peninsula. Kelantan's regional influence peaked in the early 19th century through suzerainty over smaller states like Sai, Legeh, and Nenggiri, achieved via dynastic marriages and military interventions that integrated them as vassals. The sultanate exerted sway over Pattani, providing refuge and arms during its 1785–1838 conflicts with Siam, including direct support in the 1831 uprising where Kelantanese forces aided Pattani princes against Siamese forces. Relations with Terengganu oscillated between rivalry and alliance, with Kelantan occasionally intervening in Terengganu's succession disputes, such as in the 1830s, to prevent Siamese dominance. This influence stemmed from Kelantan's strategic position controlling trade routes along the Kelantan River to the South China Sea, facilitating commerce in pepper, bird's nests, and gutta-percha, which bolstered its diplomatic leverage. By the 1840s, however, Siamese pressure compelled tribute payments—approximately 6,000 rupees annually—reducing Kelantan to nominal vassalage while preserving internal autonomy until British intervention in 1909.

Unfederated Malay States and British Protectorate

In 1909, the Anglo-Siamese Treaty transferred suzerainty over Kelantan from Siam to the , establishing it as a effective 19 July 1909, with the agreeing to accept British advice on while retaining internal over matters such as and Malay customs. Kelantan thus joined the —comprising Johor, Kedah, Perlis, Terengganu, and itself—which maintained greater autonomy compared to the (Perak, Selangor, Negeri Sembilan, and Pahang), where British Residents exercised direct veto power over executive decisions; in the unfederated group, British influence operated through advisors or agents with advisory roles only, preserving the formal authority in domestic administration. Under Muhammad IV (r. 1899–1920, formally crowned 22 June 1911 following the protectorate's establishment), Kelantan accepted a British in 1910 to oversee fiscal reforms, infrastructure development like roads and railways, and the introduction of cash crops such as rubber, though the retained control over and judicial systems rooted in Islamic law. This arrangement fostered economic modernization—evidenced by the expansion of rubber estates from negligible acreage in 1910 to over 10,000 hectares by 1920—but also sparked resistance, culminating in the 1915 Kelantan Uprising led by To'a Payeh (a local chief), who mobilized around 300 fighters against perceived encroachments on traditional authority and taxation impositions, resulting in skirmishes suppressed by British-led forces with minimal casualties by mid-1915. Successive Sultans, including Ismail (r. 1920–1944), navigated this status amid evolving British oversight, which included indirect management of defense and foreign relations while allowing the state to avoid the centralized bureaucracy of the ; by , Kelantan's population of approximately 250,000 benefited from improved sanitation and initiatives, yet retained a decentralized administrative structure with district chiefs (Penghulus) wielding local power under the Sultan's oversight. This period ended with the Japanese invasion on 8 , when British forces surrendered Kelantan shortly thereafter, temporarily dissolving the protectorate framework.

Japanese Occupation and World War II

The Japanese invasion of Kelantan commenced shortly after midnight on December 8, 1941, with approximately 5,500 troops of the Imperial Japanese Army's 55th Infantry Regiment landing at beaches near Kota Bharu, including Kuala Pak Amat between Badang and Sabak, under cover of a naval bombardment starting around 00:30 local time. These landings, occurring about 80 minutes before the attack on Pearl Harbor due to time zone differences, marked the first ground engagement of the Pacific War in Asia and met initial resistance from elements of the British Indian Army's 8th Brigade, including Dogra Regiment units supported by 18-pounder artillery that inflicted casualties on Japanese landing craft and troops. Despite fierce fighting along the beaches and the nearby Jitra River, where monsoon-swollen waters and defensive positions delayed advances, Japanese forces overran the Kota Bharu airfield by December 10 and secured the state within days, enabling a southward push into the Malayan interior. Under the subsequent Japanese Military Administration established across occupied Malaya from early 1942, Kelantan fell under the control of the 25th Army headquartered in Singapore, with local governance emphasizing resource extraction for the war effort, including rice production and labor conscription amid widespread shortages and inflation. The Malay sultans, including that of Kelantan, were nominally retained as religious figureheads to maintain order and secure Malay acquiescence but were stripped of political authority, placed under Japanese advisors, and subjected to reduced stipends—Kelantan's sultan receiving 12,000 yen monthly by May 1942, a sharp cut from pre-war levels. Resistance in Kelantan remained limited compared to other regions, with minimal organized Malay opposition—many viewing the Japanese initially as liberators from British rule—though sporadic guerrilla activity by communist-led Malayan People's Anti-Japanese Army units occurred in rural areas, focusing on sabotage rather than large-scale engagements. The occupation ended with Japan's surrender on August 15, 1945, following atomic bombings and ; British forces reoccupied Kelantan by early September, restoring pre-war administrative structures amid local famine and infrastructure damage from wartime exploitation. This period accelerated anti-colonial sentiments but also highlighted the sultans' diminished role, setting the stage for post-war negotiations on Malay sovereignty.

Post-War Transition to Malayan Union and Federation

Following the Japanese surrender on August 15, 1945, British forces reasserted control over Malaya through the (BMA), which was formally established on September 12, 1945, and governed until April 1946; in Kelantan, this transition ended the wartime arrangement under which the state had been ceded to in as part of the Japanese-aligned administration. The BMA focused on restoring order, repatriating laborers, and addressing economic disruptions, including rice shortages and inflation exacerbated by Japanese-era policies, while pre-empting potential unrest from demobilized Japanese troops and local ethnic tensions. In October 1945, Sir , tasked by the British , began negotiations with Malay rulers to secure agreements for the , a centralized entity that would diminish sultans' sovereignty, amalgamate the Malay states and , and extend citizenship to Chinese and Indian residents. The signed the instrument of cession on December 17, 1945, amid allegations of coercion, including threats to depose non-compliant rulers and limited consultation time. This sparked immediate backlash in Kelantan, where religious leaders like Haji Wan Ahmad mobilized opposition, viewing the Union as a threat to Malay identity, Islamic governance, and rulers' traditional roles; the first large-scale occurred in late December 1945 in , drawing an estimated 10,000 demonstrators who confronted MacMichael's delegation with petitions decrying the loss of state autonomy. The took effect on April 1, 1946, incorporating Kelantan as one of eleven territories under a British Governor with centralized powers over defense, , and internal security, while sultans were reduced to advisory roles on Malay affairs and . Sustained Malay resistance, including boycotts of Union-issued identity cards, mass rallies, and the formation of the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO) in May 1946—bolstered by Kelantanese nationalists—highlighted grievances over diluted citizenship favoring immigrants and eroded sultanate prestige, prompting British reconsideration despite initial dismissal of protests as elite-driven. Faced with unified Malay opposition and stalled implementation, the British released a White Paper in February 1947 outlining reforms, culminating in the Federation of Malaya Agreement signed on January 21, 1948, and effective February 1, 1948; Kelantan joined as one of nine sovereign Malay states, restoring the Sultan's authority over , Malay custom, and land reservations, while restrictive citizenship prioritized long-resident Malays and limited non-Malay rights, thus preserving ethnic hierarchies amid post-war reconstruction. This shift addressed core causal objections to the Union—centralization undermining federal balance and Malay political primacy—without conceding full independence, setting precedents for later constitutional federalism.

Independence Era and PAS Political Dominance

Following Malaysia's independence on 31 August 1957, Kelantan integrated into the , with its political landscape shaped by competition between the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO)-led Alliance Party and the Pan-Malayan Islamic Party (, then known as PMIP). In the inaugural post-independence on 19 August 1959, secured a majority in the , winning 24 of 30 seats and forming the state government under Menteri Besar Ahmad Yahya. This victory reflected strong support among Kelantan's conservative Malay-Muslim rural electorate for 's emphasis on Islamic values and opposition to perceived secular influences from the federal Alliance coalition. PAS retained control through subsequent elections in 1964 and 1969, but faced internal challenges and federal pressure, including the 1969 racial riots that led to emergency rule and suspended parliament until 1971. The party's grip weakened amid UMNO's national consolidation under Barisan Nasional (BN), culminating in PAS's defeat in the 1974 state election, where BN captured a majority, ending PAS's first extended tenure after 15 years. During this interlude of BN rule from 1974 to 1990, Kelantan's politics saw factional UMNO infighting and dissatisfaction with federal-aligned development policies, which PAS exploited by positioning itself as a defender of local Islamic identity against Kuala Lumpur's dominance. PAS recaptured the state assembly in the 21 October 1990 general election, winning 43 of 50 seats under the leadership of , who became Menteri Besar and held the position until 2013. This marked the onset of PAS's enduring dominance, sustained through victories in 1995 (34/50 seats), 1999 (41/45 seats, amid the Reformasi movement), 2004 (retention despite national BN gains elsewhere), 2008, 2013, and beyond. Key to this resilience was PAS's organizational transformation into an efficient machine, leveraging religious education networks (pondok schools), influence, and rhetoric to mobilize over 90% Malay voters in rural strongholds. Federal interventions, such as Mahathir Mohamad's administration withholding oil royalties and blocking legislation in 1993 and 2002, heightened state-federal tensions but bolstered PAS's narrative of pious resistance. Post-2018, amid the federal victory that ousted BN nationally, defied the tide by securing 28 of 45 seats in Kelantan's assembly, continuing under Menteri Besar from 2013. The party's hold persisted in the 12 August 2023 state election as part of , winning 34 of 45 seats with over 57% vote share, underscoring its appeal in a state where economic indicators lag national averages yet Islamist governance prioritizes moral reforms over rapid growth. 's longevity stems from embedding Islamic administration—evident in policies like gender-segregated public spaces and Sharia-influenced bylaws—into daily life, fostering loyalty despite criticisms of developmental stagnation from federal and opposition sources. This dominance has positioned Kelantan as 's ideological stronghold, influencing national Islamist discourse while navigating perennial fiscal dependencies on federal allocations exceeding RM1 billion annually.

Geography

Location and Topography


Kelantan is positioned in the northeastern sector of , covering an area of 14,970 square kilometers. The state extends roughly between latitudes 5° N and 6° N and longitudes 101° E and 103° E. It shares a northern land border of approximately 200 kilometers with , primarily along the River and adjoining the Thai provinces of , Yala, and Pattani. To the east lies , to the south , and to the west .
The topography of Kelantan transitions from a low-lying coastal plain and delta along the South China Sea to inland highlands. The Kelantan River delta, encompassing about 2,000 square kilometers, features elevations below 20 meters and complex geomorphic structures divided by the river into eastern and western regions. Further inland, undulating hills and foothills give way to the steep, forested Titiwangsa Mountains, where 95% of the Kelantan River catchment rises sharply to heights up to 2,135 meters. Prominent landforms include with mogotes and caves, particularly along tributaries like the Nenggiri River, and granite-dominated peaks in the interior. The state's highest elevation is Mount Yong Belar at 2,181 meters, situated on the border with in the range. This varied supports tropical rainforests in the highlands and agricultural plains near the coast.

Climate Patterns and Flood Risks

Kelantan features a with consistently high temperatures averaging 27°C annually, ranging from a low of 24°C in January to a high of 29°C in May, accompanied by levels often exceeding 80% and light winds throughout the year. The state experiences two primary regimes: the southwest from late May to , which brings relatively drier conditions, and the northeast from to , characterized by persistent heavy rainfall concentrated on the east coast due to moisture-laden winds from the . Annual precipitation averages 2,500–3,000 mm across the state, with recording about 2,410 mm, peaking in November at approximately 410 mm and dipping in . The northeast monsoon drives intense wet spells, particularly from to , where historical data indicate increasing trends potentially linked to variability, while to April shows declining amounts. These patterns result in 20–25 rainy days per month during peak periods, contributing to saturated soils and elevated river levels in the Kelantan River Basin. Flood risks are acute due to the state's low-lying coastal , extensive river networks, and the northeast monsoon's early-phase downpours, which frequently overwhelm drainage systems and cause overflows in the 12,940 km² Kelantan River Basin. Major events include the 1926 and 1967 floods, the latter impacting 84% of the (537,000 people) and nearly 70% of villages; the 2000 floods, which killed 15 in Kelantan and neighboring ; and the record 2014 deluge, displacing 202,000 evacuees and labeled a "tsunami-like " for its scale. Annual inundations affect thousands, with projections under suggesting heightened vulnerability from prolonged wet spells and intensified extremes, though mitigation relies on improved forecasting and amid recurring exposure.

Biodiversity and Environmental Challenges

Kelantan's is characterized by its extensive forest cover, encompassing approximately 894,271 hectares or 60% of the state's land area, which supports diverse ecosystems ranging from lowland dipterocarp forests to montane habitats. Gunung Stong State Park, a key , hosts significant diversity, including 10 of small mammals from five families, 17 bird from 10 families, and 13 herpetofaunal from eight families, underscoring its role as a within the state's upland regions. Floral diversity is evident in families like , with nine recorded in the park, yielding a Shannon diversity index of 1.60. Coastal mangroves, particularly in areas like Tok Bali and Delta Tumpat, feature structured assemblages with eight tree at Tok Bali and exclusive mangrove in Tumpat, providing habitats for molluscs (14 , including five bivalves and nine gastropods) and small mammals (three per site in surveyed mangrove zones). These ecosystems face acute environmental pressures, primarily from and associated land-use changes, which have contributed to habitat loss in Kelantan's flood-prone eastern states. activities have been linked to exacerbated ing, as seen in the 2014-2015 events that displaced over people in Kelantan, with NGOs attributing unusual severity to upstream clearance reducing natural water retention. Annual northeast s, intensified by and uncontrolled development, affected over 90,000 residents in Kelantan and neighboring in 2024, highlighting vulnerabilities in disaster preparedness. from land encroachment and agricultural runoff further threatens aquatic and habitats, while conversion to plantations has cleared thousands of hectares of natural , undermining biodiversity in this region. ecosystems, vital for endemic , remain under national conservation but face ongoing risks from extraction and encroachment.

Demographics

Kelantan's population reached 1,792,501 according to the 2020 census conducted by the Department of Statistics (DOSM). Estimates indicate approximately 1.9 million residents in 2024, with projections maintaining this figure into 2025 amid a decelerating annual growth rate of 1.0% for the latter year. This growth surpasses the national average of 0.5% in 2025, reflecting sustained demographic momentum in the state compared to more urbanized regions experiencing fertility declines below replacement levels. Historical data reveal steady expansion, with the increasing from 1,313,014 in 2000 to 1,539,601 in 2010, representing compound annual growth rates of approximately 1.6% over each decade.
Year
20001,313,014
20101,539,601
20201,792,501
This trajectory stems primarily from natural increase, as Kelantan's total fertility rate (TFR) stood at 2.7 children per woman in early 2025, exceeding the replacement threshold of 2.1 and contrasting sharply with the national TFR of 1.6. Among Malaysian states, only (2.9) and (2.1) recorded comparable or higher TFRs, attributing Kelantan's relative resilience to its predominantly Malay-Muslim demographic, which correlates with cultural and religious factors discouraging interventions prevalent elsewhere. Despite this, TFR has declined from 3.6 in , signaling potential shifts toward slower growth and an emerging profile, with projections indicating Kelantan could qualify as an state—defined by over 7% of the aged 65 and above—within a decade if trends persist. Net migration remains a countervailing pressure, as economic opportunities in urban centers like draw younger cohorts outward, though official data emphasize natural increase as the dominant driver of recent gains. rates lag national figures, with much of the growth concentrated in rural districts, exacerbating vulnerabilities to environmental factors like flooding that influence settlement patterns.

Ethnic Composition

Kelantan's population is overwhelmingly composed of Bumiputera, who constituted 96.6% according to the 2020 Population and Housing Census conducted by the Department of Statistics Malaysia (DOSM). This category encompasses ethnic Malays and other indigenous groups, with Malays forming the vast majority due to the state's historical settlement patterns and cultural homogeneity in the northeastern Malay Peninsula. The remaining population includes non-Bumiputera minorities, reflecting limited historical immigration compared to urbanized states like Selangor or Penang.
Ethnic GroupPercentage (2020 Census)
Bumiputera96.6%
Chinese2.5%
Indian0.3%
Others0.6%
The Bumiputera dominance stems from Kelantan's role as a traditional Malay sultanate, where ethnic Malays, including local variants like the Kelantanese Malays with their unique and , have maintained demographic continuity since pre-colonial eras. Indigenous subgroups such as (e.g., Temiar and Jah Hut) represent a minor fraction within Bumiputera, primarily in inland forested areas, numbering fewer than 10,000 statewide based on national indigenous enumerations adjusted for regional distribution. Chinese residents, the largest non-Bumiputera group at 2.5%, are concentrated in urban centers like , where they engage predominantly in trade, retail, and small-scale manufacturing; this community traces origins to 19th- and early 20th-century migrations from southern . Indians, at 0.3%, form an even smaller enclave, mostly involved in similar economic niches, while the "Others" category (0.6%) includes non-assimilated Thai (Siamese) Buddhists near the border with and miscellaneous expatriates or undeclared groups. These minorities have remained stable or slightly declining in proportion amid higher Bumiputera birth rates and patterns observed in DOSM longitudinal data.

Religious Demographics and Practices

According to the 2020 Population and Housing Census conducted by the Department of Statistics , Kelantan's religious composition is overwhelmingly Muslim, comprising 95.5% of the population, followed by Buddhists at 2.8%, atheists at 0.9%, at 0.4%, and at 0.2%. This demographic reflects the state's predominantly ethnic Malay population, as Article 160 of the Malaysian Constitution defines Malays as those who profess . The Muslim majority adheres to of the Shafi'i school, with practices influenced by traditional Malay customs and reinforced by the state's long-term governance under the Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party (), which has emphasized Islamic principles since regaining control in 1990.
ReligionPercentage
95.5%
2.8%
0.9%
0.4%
0.2%
Kelantan's Islamic practices are notably conservative, featuring strict observance of in family and personal law matters through state-enacted enactments like the Syariah Criminal Offences Enactment. In 1993 and 2015, the state assembly passed hudud legislation aiming to introduce corporal and capital punishments for certain offenses, though implementation has been blocked by federal constitutional challenges; in February 2024, Malaysia's Federal Court declared 16 provisions of the 2015 Syariah Criminal Code II unconstitutional as they encroached on federal jurisdiction over Islam's civil aspects. Daily life integrates religious rituals such as mandatory prayers, widespread participation in fasting, and community activities like performances that blend with Islamic moral teachings. The state promotes Islamic education through madrasahs and pondoks, including notable examples such as Pondok Tok Pulai Chondong (established c. 1820) and Pondok Lubok Tapah, contributing to its historical reputation as a center of Malay-Islamic scholarship, often termed "Serambi Mekah" (Verandah of Mecca) or the "little Mecca" of the , stemming from early Islamic influence in the Nusantara region and the abundance of traditional pondok pesantren. Religious minorities, primarily ethnic Chinese Buddhists and a smaller Thai Buddhist community in northern districts like Tumpat, maintain temples and conduct ceremonies, including Theravada practices among Thais bordering . Christian and Hindu adherents, numbering in the low thousands, observe their faiths privately, with churches and temples present but subject to restrictions on public proselytization to Muslims under state and federal laws. Non-Muslim places of worship face occasional regulatory hurdles, such as approvals, amid the dominant Islamic ethos, though integration is reported as relatively harmonious in rural areas.

Economy

Agricultural and Primary Sectors

Agriculture remains a cornerstone of Kelantan's economy, contributing over 20 percent to the state's gross domestic product as of 2025 and employing a significant portion of the rural workforce in paddy cultivation, rubber tapping, and fruit farming. The sector's output includes staple crops such as rice, rubber, oil palm, tobacco, peanuts, coconuts, vegetables, bananas, and various fruits, with rice production concentrated in granary areas like Pasir Mas and Kota Bharu Utara. However, the agricultural GDP contracted by 0.5 percent in 2023, primarily due to challenges in forestry and logging subsectors amid broader state GDP growth of 2.6 percent to RM27.6 billion. Paddy farming dominates use, positioning Kelantan among Malaysia's largest rice-producing states, though yields have been hampered by recurrent floods, as seen in the 2023/24 marketing year when extensive cultivation areas were inundated. In , the national paddy sector, including Kelantan's contributions, added RM2.44 billion to Malaysia's GDP, with local double-cropping systems in established areas supporting economies despite input cost pressures. Rubber and oil palm plantations provide export-oriented commodities, but global price volatility and land constraints limit expansion. The fisheries subsector, encompassing marine, brackish, and riverine activities, generates an estimated annual economic value of RM896.2 million, with river fish landings accounting for 3.5 to 4.1 percent of Kelantan's total river production. Coastal adds 65,287 person-days annually, split between shore-based (58.6 percent) and boat-based efforts, though overcapacity in commercial fleets poses risks. Forestry and /quarrying play minor roles, with the former facing contraction from regulatory and environmental pressures, while contributes marginally to the state's RM27.6 billion GDP as of 2023. Overall, primary sectors face vulnerabilities from events and limited mechanization, underscoring the need for flood-resilient and diversified cropping to sustain rural livelihoods.

Industrial Development and Resource Extraction

Kelantan's industrial sector has seen targeted development under the East Coast Economic Region (ECER) initiative, with the ECER Development Council (ECERDC) facilitating investments in manufacturing and related infrastructure. As of late 2025, ECERDC reported RM1.12 billion in realized investments across the state, including industrial projects, supplemented by RM736 million in committed funds for industrial, agricultural, and services sectors expected to create over 1,300 jobs. In April 2025, manufacturing investments alone reached RM1.21 billion, positioning Kelantan as an emerging hub for sectors like wood processing, where sawmills constitute 45.1% of wood-based factories. Key facilities include the 200-acre Tok Bali Industrial Park in Pasir Puteh, developed for light manufacturing and logistics, and the IBS Industrial Park, which added infrastructure for 47 industrial lots by 2024. Despite these efforts, manufacturing accounts for only 4.9% of state investments, with capacity utilization lagging at 66.2% in mid-2025, the lowest among Malaysian states. Resource extraction in Kelantan remains limited but centers on mining, contributing 1.6% to state investments, with growing focus on rare earth elements (REEs) amid national reserves estimated at 16.1 million metric tons. In 2025, the state pursued a partnership with Australian firm Lynas for non-radioactive REE mining, potentially unlocking billions in revenue to address fiscal deficits, though federal approval is required due to environmental and regulatory hurdles. Illegal REE mining persists, with 55 arrests in December 2024 raids across Kelantan sites, highlighting enforcement challenges in monazite-rich deposits. Iron ore extraction upstream has caused river discoloration and heavy metal contamination, with elevated levels detected in Orang Asli communities' blood since mining intensified over a decade ago, raising health concerns without comprehensive mitigation. Oil and gas activities are minimal onshore, with companies present but no large-scale production, as offshore resources fall under federal-state disputes. Environmental impacts from mining, including soil and water pollution, underscore the need for stricter oversight, as unregulated operations have historically degraded ecosystems in similar Malaysian contexts. The services sector forms the backbone of Kelantan's economy, comprising 71.7% of the state's gross domestic product (GDP) in 2024 and recording a growth rate of 3.4%, down slightly from 4.0% in 2023. This expansion was primarily propelled by subsectors such as government administration, wholesale and retail trade, and transportation and storage, which benefit from steady public expenditure and regional infrastructure improvements like the East Coast Rail Link (ECRL). In 2023, the sector's 3.8% growth contributed significantly to Kelantan's overall GDP of RM27.6 billion, underscoring its role in offsetting contractions in agriculture and slower industrial output. Tourism, a key subset of services, relies heavily on domestic visitors drawn to Kelantan's , , and coastal sites, though international arrivals remain modest due to the state's conservative regulations prohibiting alcohol and enforcing modest dress codes. Domestic tourist numbers reached 7.55 million in 2023, reflecting recovery from lows. The "Visit Kelantan" campaign propelled this to over 10 million domestic visitors in 2024, a 39.3% increase year-over-year, supported by promotions of sites like the Masjid and traditional shadow puppetry performances. As part of the East Coast Economic Region (ECER), Kelantan benefits from targeted development, attracting over 10 million annual visitors region-wide through eco-resorts and heritage trails, though revenue data specific to the state highlights reliance on low-cost, family-oriented rather than high-end international spending. Investment trends in services and emphasize regional initiatives over direct (FDI), with Kelantan receiving limited standalone inflows amid Malaysia's national FDI surge to RM51.5 billion in 2024. ECER programs prioritize infrastructure, such as halal-friendly accommodations and connectivity via ECRL, to draw domestic and investors, but state-level approvals focus on local enterprises in and . The Kelantan State Corporation facilitates leases for service-oriented projects near , yet overall trends indicate slower uptake compared to peninsular hubs, constrained by infrastructural gaps and preference for manufacturing in adjacent ECER states.

Economic Challenges and Policy Critiques

Kelantan faces persistent economic underperformance relative to national averages, with its GDP growth of 3.6% in 2024 lagging behind Malaysia's 5.1% expansion. The state's GDP reached RM28.7 billion in 2024, up from RM27.7 billion the prior year, but its GDP remains the lowest among Malaysian states at approximately USD 3,611 in 2023. Poverty incidence stands at 11.5%, second only to Sabah's 17.7% and well above the national rate of 5.1%, reflecting structural barriers to growth and opportunities. Unemployment and underemployment exacerbate these issues, with chronic and inadequate hindering and industrial expansion. A heavy reliance on federal allocations underscores Kelantan's fiscal vulnerabilities, as compassionate funds constituted 26% of state revenues in 2023, highlighting limited capacity for self-generated income. Disputes over oil royalties from offshore fields, claimed by the state to be worth RM1.5 billion annually, have persisted without resolution, depriving Kelantan of potential diversification from primary sectors like and fisheries. This dependence stems from low investment inflows and weak tax bases, compounded by recurrent such as floods that disrupt economic activity, though federal aid often serves as a stopgap rather than a catalyst for structural reform. Critiques of state policies under the Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party (PAS), which has governed since 1990, center on a prioritization of religious enforcement over economic modernization, leading to laggard development and poor socio-economic indicators. Analysts argue that PAS's focus on expanding Sharia laws, including hudud elements, distracts from addressing core issues like unemployment and infrastructure deficits, potentially deterring investors wary of regulatory unpredictability and social conservatism. For instance, persistent failures in basic services, such as water supply mismanagement by state-linked entities, have drawn criticism for reflecting governance shortcomings rather than resource constraints. Economists contend that without shifting toward investment-friendly policies—such as easing business regulations and promoting skills training—Kelantan's youth outmigration and fiscal deficits will continue, as evidenced by the state's inability to fund even routine projects like a proper bus terminal after decades in power. PAS defenders attribute challenges to federal withholding of royalties and external factors, but empirical trends of subpar growth under prolonged single-party rule suggest internal policy choices play a causal role in perpetuating underdevelopment.

Government and Politics

State Governance Structure

Kelantan functions as a constitutional sultanate, with the holding the position of and serving as the guardian of within the state. The appoints the Menteri Besar and assents to legislation, while exercising discretionary powers in limited circumstances as outlined in the state's . ascended the throne on 13 September 2010 and remains the incumbent as of 2025. Executive authority is vested in the Menteri Besar, who leads the state government and chairs the State Executive Council comprising ministers appointed from assembly members. The Menteri Besar manages administrative functions, policy implementation, and coordination with federal agencies on matters within state jurisdiction. Mohd Nassuruddin Daud has served as Menteri Besar since 15 August 2023, following his swearing-in after the state election. The unicameral (Dewan Undangan Negeri Kelantan) holds legislative power, consisting of 45 members elected from single-member constituencies via first-past-the-post system for terms not exceeding five years. The assembly debates and passes bills on state subjects including , , , and Islamic affairs, which require the Sultan's assent to become law. The 15th assembly was formed after elections on 12 August 2023, with all 45 members sworn in on 4 September 2023.

Political Parties and Electoral History

The political landscape of Kelantan is overwhelmingly dominated by the Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party (PAS), an Islamist-oriented party that has governed the state uninterrupted since the 1990 general election, when it capitalized on internal divisions within the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO) and its (BN) coalition to seize control of the Dewan Undangan Negeri (state legislative assembly). Prior to 1990, UMNO and BN had maintained power in Kelantan since Malaysia's independence in 1957, leveraging ethnic Malay support through patronage and development promises. PAS's 1990 victory, achieved in alliance with Semangat 46 under the Angkatan Perpaduan Ummah (APU) banner, marked a pivotal shift driven by voter dissatisfaction with UMNO's leadership crisis involving figures like , resulting in PAS securing a majority of the then-50 assembly seats. This upset reflected PAS's mobilization of conservative Malay-Muslim sentiments emphasizing Islamic values over secular . PAS has since entrenched its position through robust grassroots networks, ulama-led leadership, and a focus on implementation, repelling challenges from BN-UMNO and later (PH) coalitions comprising PKR, DAP, and Amanah. In elections from 1995 onward, with the assembly fixed at 45 seats, PAS consistently won supermajorities: 38 seats in 2008, 33 in 2013 (amid a three-cornered fight), 42 in 2018 during the GE14 national polls, and 43 in the 2023 state election under the (PN) alliance with Parti Pribumi Bersatu Malaysia (Bersatu). These results underscore PAS's electoral machine, which prioritizes and local , often outperforming rivals despite federal incumbency advantages for BN or PH. Opposition parties like UMNO have mounted campaigns centered on critiques but garnered minimal seats, typically zero or single digits, due to fragmented voter bases and PAS's cultural resonance in the predominantly Malay-Muslim state.
Election YearRuling Coalition/Party (Seats Won)Total SeatsKey Opposition Performance
1990PAS (via APU, majority)50BN-UMNO (minority)
1995PAS45BN (few seats)
2008PAS (38)45BN (7)
2013PAS (33)45BN (11), PH (1)
2018PAS (42)45BN (0), PH (0)
2023PAS/PN (43)45BN/PH (2)
The table summarizes PAS's , with data drawn from verified outcomes; minor parties like independents or smaller Islamist groups occasionally contest but rarely influence results. PAS's alliances, such as PN post-2020, have bolstered federal parliamentary gains (e.g., all 14 Kelantan parliamentary seats in GE15 2022), but state control remains PAS-centric, with Menteris Besar exclusively from its ranks. This durability stems from causal factors like demographic homogeneity (over 95% Malay-Muslim) and PAS's adaptation into a disciplined organization post-1990, contrasting with UMNO's erosion.

Sharia Law Implementation and Controversies

Kelantan, governed by the Islamist Parti Islam Se-Malaysia () since 1990, has pursued a more expansive application of law compared to other Malaysian states, emphasizing criminal offenses under Islamic for . The state's efforts include enactments targeting moral and religious infractions, such as close proximity between unmarried individuals (khalwat), consumption of intoxicants, and adulteration, often enforced through Sharia courts with punishments like fines, , and . In 1993, the passed the Syariah Criminal Code (II) Enactment, which incorporated provisions—fixed Quranic punishments including amputation for theft and for —but implementation was stalled by federal opposition and constitutional constraints limiting state Sharia jurisdiction to non-capital offenses. Subsequent attempts to codify Sharia criminal laws persisted, culminating in the Kelantan Syariah Criminal Code (I) Enactment 2019, gazetted on December 31, 2020, which expanded offenses to include , , , , and destruction of places of , applicable only to . This code drew from traditional Islamic sources but faced immediate scrutiny for overlapping with federal Penal Code provisions, prompting legal challenges from groups arguing it violated Malaysia's constitutional division of powers, where civil remains federal domain under the Ninth Schedule. On February 9, 2024, Malaysia's Federal Court, in a 9-judge panel led by , declared 16 provisions of the 2019 Enactment unconstitutional and void, ruling they encroached on federal authority by duplicating offenses already covered under national law. Controversies surrounding these implementations center on jurisdictional conflicts, implications, and gender disparities. Critics, including advocates, contend that codes in Kelantan disproportionately burden women, as evidentiary standards for offenses like favor male testimony and impose stricter evidentiary burdens on accusers, potentially enabling misuse against vulnerable parties. defenders argue the laws restore moral order and align with Islamic principles, viewing federal interventions as secular encroachments on state autonomy over Islamic matters. has included public canings—such as six strokes administered to individuals for khalwat in state courts—and restrictions on cultural practices, like requiring folk performances such as to comply with modesty norms, though some were later challenged in court as exceeding state powers. As of July 2025, Kelantan authorities announced plans to strengthen the remaining framework against LGBT-related acts and immorality, signaling ongoing commitment despite judicial setbacks. These tensions underscore broader federal-state frictions, with advocating constitutional amendments to expand scope, while opponents cite risks to legal uniformity and in Malaysia's pluralistic framework.

Federal-State Relations

Oil Royalties and Resource Disputes

Kelantan's oil royalties dispute with the federal government and Petronas stems from claims over a 5% royalty on petroleum revenues from offshore fields in the Malay Basin, pursuant to agreements under the Petroleum Development Act 1974 (PDA), which vests exclusive rights to explore and produce oil and gas in Petronas while allowing for state royalties. The PDA, enacted on September 13, 1974, requires states to surrender petroleum rights to the federal government in exchange for cash payments equivalent to 5% of production value from resources within their territorial waters or continental shelf areas. Kelantan asserts that fields such as those off its eastern coast qualify, citing a 1975 agreement with Petronas for direct cash royalties, which the state alleges was breached when payments ceased or were substituted with non-equivalent special grants known as wang ehsan. Federal authorities counter that no statutory 5% royalty applies to Peninsular Malaysia states like Kelantan without explicit continental shelf delineation, unlike Sabah and Sarawak, and that Petronas is not legally obligated for East Coast offshore production absent binding contracts. The dispute escalated in August 2010 when the PAS-led Kelantan government filed a civil suit in the against , demanding RM12 billion in unpaid royalties accrued since 1974 from oil and gas extracted within 200 nautical miles of its coastline, alleging and failure to remit funds as per the 1975 state agreement. defended by arguing the suit lacked merit, as royalties were never contractually fixed at 5% cash for disputed fields, and the federal government was added as a co-defendant in 2011. The case highlighted tensions over resource attribution, with Kelantan claiming entitlement based on proximity to fields yielding billions in federal revenue, while the federal side emphasized PDA's centralization to fund national development amid fiscal deficits. In May 2019, Kelantan withdrew the suit without prejudice, citing a desire for negotiated resolution under the new federal administration, though no direct royalty payments materialized. Post-withdrawal, the federal government has provided wang ehsan as an alternative, disbursing RM967 million to Kelantan between 2023 and mid-2025, framed as goodwill to support state needs rather than royalties, with noting cumulative allocations exceeding RM3.19 billion for Kelantan development by April 2025 to counter claims of sidelining opposition-led states. Kelantan maintains these grants fall short of rightful royalties, estimated at over RM12 billion including interest, and courts have ruled the state barred from refiling identical claims. In November 2024, three opposition assemblymen urged reviving the suit amid ongoing production from fields like Kasawari (formerly Kasawari gas project), but no action followed by October 2025, underscoring persistent federal-state asymmetry where retains primary control and revenue distribution. The conflict reflects broader strains, with Kelantan's position rooted in territorial claims against PDA's centralizing framework, though federal interpretations prioritize national unity and equitable redistribution over state-specific entitlements.

Fiscal Allocations and Intergovernmental Tensions

Kelantan's fiscal allocations from the federal government primarily consist of operational expenditure grants (opex), such as capitation and special grants, and (capex) for development projects implemented by federal ministries. These form the bulk of the state's , as Kelantan's internal collections, including and taxes, generate only around RM500 million annually, making it heavily reliant on federal transfers described as "compassionate funds" to supplement constitutional entitlements. In recent years, opex allocations have seen increases: RM588 million in 2023 rose by 30% to RM762 million in , serving as the primary state revenue source alongside limited own-generation capacity. For capex, Kelantan received the highest development allocation among Peninsular states under the Works Ministry in 2023, and the federal government approved RM3.19 billion for projects in 2025, including like plants and port upgrades under the 13th Malaysia Plan. Additional targeted funding, such as RM4.15 billion for 17 projects in August 2025 emphasizing flood mitigation, and RM146.22 million for local repairs, underscore federal commitments to address the state's vulnerabilities like annual flooding. Intergovernmental tensions arise periodically, with Kelantan state leaders, including Menteri Besar Datuk , urging faster disbursement of approved funds and highlighting shortfalls for priorities like and alleviation, as seen in calls for expedited releases in December 2024. Federal responses, from Anwar Ibrahim and Economy Minister , refute claims of neglect or "stepchild" treatment by citing allocation hikes—such as 30% for Kelantan versus increases for other opposition states—and attributing underperformance to weak local and uncollected state taxes rather than federal . These disputes reflect broader friction in Malaysia's federal system, where opposition-ruled states like Kelantan perceive , though federal indicates allocations aligned with or exceeding formulas tied to and need, with the six poorest states receiving disproportionately higher shares.

Administrative Divisions

Districts and Local Administration

Kelantan is administratively divided into 10 districts (daerah), each overseen by a district office headed by a Pegawai Daerah (district officer) appointed by the state government to manage land administration, public order, and rural development. The districts are Bachok, Gua Musang, Jeli, Kota Bharu, Kuala Krai, Machang, Pasir Mas, Pasir Puteh, Tanah Merah, and Tumpat. These districts are further subdivided into mukim (subdistricts), with a total of approximately 44 mukim across the state, serving as the basic unit for land revenue and minor administrative functions. Local government in Kelantan operates through 10 Pihak Berkuasa Tempatan (local authorities), consisting of one municipal council and nine district councils, each aligned with a corresponding district and responsible for services such as urban planning, sanitation, licensing, and public amenities under the Local Government Act 1976. The Kota Bharu Municipal Council (Majlis Perbandaran Kota Bharu) governs the Kota Bharu District, the state capital and most populous area, while the remaining districts are administered by their respective Majlis Daerah: Bachok, Gua Musang, Jeli, Kuala Krai, Machang, Pasir Mas, Pasir Puteh, Tanah Merah, and Tumpat. These local authorities report to the state government and the federal Ministry of Housing and Local Government, with district councils focusing on rural and semi-urban areas emphasizing agricultural support and basic infrastructure.

Culture

Traditional Arts and Heritage

Kelantan's traditional arts reflect a synthesis of indigenous Malay traditions, Islamic influences, and regional Thai elements, positioning the state as a key repository of Peninsular Malaysia's . such as shadow puppetry and theatre emphasize storytelling through ritualistic performance, while crafts like and production highlight intricate craftsmanship tied to daily life and symbolism. These practices, often communal and tied to festivals or ceremonies, have persisted despite modernization pressures, with efforts to document and revive them underscoring their role in cultural identity. Wayang kulit Kelantan, also known as wayang Siam due to Thai border influences, features hand-crafted leather puppets depicting characters from the Hikayat Seri Rama, a localized epic, performed behind a screen with accompaniment to convey moral lessons and folklore. This form arrived in Kelantan from , evolving into a distinct Malay variant used for , , and ritual purposes, with performances historically held at night during village gatherings. Dalangs (puppeteers) manipulate up to 50 puppets, voicing multiple roles in a blend of prose, poetry, and music that transmits cultural values across generations. Mak yong theatre, originating among Malay communities in northern states including Kelantan, integrates dance, music, and dialogue in elaborate costumes to enact myths and healings, often led by a female troupe invoking spirits through trance-like states. Recognized by in 2008 as an of Humanity, it combines vocal improvisation, gestures, and instruments like the fiddle, serving both secular and therapeutic roles in pre-Islamic animist traditions adapted to Islamic contexts. Performances typically span seven to ten nights, with the lead performer embodying supernatural figures to resolve narrative conflicts. Dikir barat, a choral style with call-and-response , originated in early 20th-century Kelantan from Pattani Thai sufi practices, evolving into competitive group performances featuring rhythmic clapping, drums, and satirical verses on social themes. Troupes divide into leaders and chorus, alternating quatrains that blend humor, history, and moral commentary, often performed at weddings or cultural events to foster community cohesion. This art form spread nationally but retains its Kelantanese roots in village . Visual crafts in Kelantan emphasize geometric and floral motifs symbolizing spiritual protection, with adorning mosques, boats, and furniture using local hardwoods like chengal for intricate floral arabesques and . Silversmithing, practiced by Malay artisans from imported ingots, produces items like boxes and jewelry via repoussé techniques, historically for elite adornment and now in craft villages for . production involves hand-drawn wax-resist dyeing on , featuring bold motifs like local flora, distinct from Javanese styles and concentrated in workshops around . weaving complements these with gold-thread brocade on silk, used in ceremonial attire. Preservation occurs through sites like the Village, where artisans demonstrate techniques amid declining practitioner numbers due to .

Social Norms and Conservative Values

Kelantan exemplifies conservative Islamic social norms in , where adherence to Sharia-influenced principles shapes public and private conduct, emphasizing modesty, moral purity, and traditional family structures. The state's long-standing governance by the Islamist Parti Islam Se-Malaysia () since 1990 has reinforced these values through local bylaws and religious edicts, fostering a that prioritizes communal over individualistic expressions. Surveys and studies indicate sustained public support for such , particularly among the Malay-Muslim comprising over 95% of the , reflecting a preference for policies curbing perceived moral decay. Dress codes enforce strict modesty, especially for Muslim women, who must cover the aurat—defined as nearly the entire body except face and hands—in public. In 2016, Kelantan mandated long sleeves and full coverage for female civil servants to comply with awrah regulations, with violations punishable by fines up to RM1,000 or jail terms under Islamic law. Local councils have issued over 225 compounds for dress code breaches, targeting tight clothing, short sleeves, or uncovered heads among Muslims. While primarily applied to Muslims, non-Muslims face indirect pressure; in 2016, the state mufti urged women of all faiths to avoid "sexy" attire during Ramadan to respect the holy month, and a 2023 incident saw a non-Muslim fined RM500 for shorts before federal intervention led to its cancellation. Gender roles uphold patriarchal norms, with edicts promoting segregation in public spaces such as shops and events to prevent khalwat (close proximity between unrelated men and women). Family values stress early marriage and male authority, contributing to higher rates—Kelantan recorded 1,145 cases under age 18 from 2010-2018, often justified by religious and cultural rationales prioritizing over individual autonomy. Women participate in society but within bounds; traditional practices limit female public performance, reinforcing domestic roles. Entertainment faces stringent curbs to align with anti-vice campaigns, banning performances deemed un-Islamic. Since 1995, song-and-dance acts contrary to religious teachings have been outlawed, with a specific prohibition on female artistes performing publicly. Traditional arts like —a UNESCO-recognized dance-drama—were banned in 1991 and formalized in 1998 for elements seen as animistic or immodest, confining them to private, women-only audiences. Recent enforcement escalated in 2024, raising fines to RM50,000 for violations like provocative dancing at events, as seen in probes over viral belly-dance clips. These measures reflect PAS's "Developing With Islam" initiative, which promotes ethical consumption and shuns "sinful" leisure to preserve moral order.

Religious and Communal Life


Islam dominates religious and communal life in Kelantan, with 95.5% of the population identifying as Muslim according to the latest available state-level data from the Department of Statistics Malaysia. This overwhelming adherence fosters a society where daily routines revolve around the five obligatory prayers, often performed communally in mosques that double as centers for religious instruction and social welfare activities. Village communities, or kampungs, emphasize collective Islamic values, including mutual aid during life events like weddings and funerals, reinforced by longstanding traditions tracing Kelantan's role as a historical Islamic hub in the Malay archipelago.
Key religious festivals underscore communal cohesion among Muslims. Hari Raya Aidilfitri, marking the end of Ramadan, involves mass prayers at mosques followed by open-house visitations, feasting on local delicacies, and forgiveness-seeking rituals that span days or weeks. Maulidur Rasul, commemorating the Prophet Muhammad's birthday in late March or early April, features statewide processions, Quranic recitations, and charitable distributions organized by community leaders. Ramadan itself intensifies communal bonds through shared pre-dawn meals (sahur), strict daytime fasting, and evening iftar gatherings, with markets bustling post-sunset to support collective observances. Minority religious groups, comprising about 4.5% of the population, include Buddhists (2.8%, largely ethnic Thai in northern districts), Hindus (0.2%), and Christians (0.4%), who sustain their practices amid the Islamic majority. Thai Buddhist temples host Wesak Day celebrations with processions and merit-making rituals, while Hindu communities observe Deepavali through temple prayers, oil baths, and family feasts featuring . These events occur with relative tolerance, as ethnic Chinese and Indian residents adapt by integrating halal-compliant customs in public interactions, though their numbers remain small and geographically concentrated. Interfaith communal life reflects pragmatic coexistence, with minorities participating in broader Malay cultural norms while preserving distinct sites numbering fewer than a dozen major temples or churches statewide.

Cuisine

Iconic Local Dishes

Kelantan's cuisine emphasizes fresh herbs, , and sauces like budu, reflecting its Malay heritage with subtle Thai border influences through shared ingredients such as and lemongrass. Iconic dishes often feature vibrant colors and layered flavors, prepared using traditional methods like grilling over or in banana leaves, and are staples at local markets in . These foods are tied to daily life and festivals, with rice-based meals dominating due to the state's agrarian roots. , a hallmark of Kelantanese identity, consists of dyed vivid blue using (butterfly pea) flowers, mixed with shredded herbs like daun kesum (laksa leaf), pandan, and ulam vegetables for a salad-like texture. It is typically accompanied by fried or boiled proteins such as ikan tenggiri (), salted eggs, belacan, and keropok (crackers), creating a balance of tangy, spicy, and notes from budu. Originating from coastal communities, this dish is commonly eaten for breakfast or lunch and gained wider recognition through its appearance in Malaysian culinary media since the early . Ayam percik, a grilled specialty, involves marinating free-range chicken in a paste of , , chilies, and shallots before skewering and slow-cooking over open flames for a charred, smoky exterior. The name derives from the splattering of marinade during , a technique passed down in rural villages and popularized during the annual Pantai Cahaya Bulan (PCB) beach festivals since the 1990s. Often paired with , it highlights Kelantan's emphasis on simple, spice-forward proteins without heavy curries. Nasi tumpang features steamed rice "tumpang" (stacked) with multiple thin layers of reheated curries, including , , and rendangs, topped with fried anchovies and a hard-boiled . This thrifty dish repurposes overnight leftovers, a practice rooted in pre-refrigeration in Kelantan's inland areas, and remains a favorite at roadside stalls. Its preparation underscores the state's resourcefulness, with coconut-based gravies providing richness amid modest portions. Nasi dagang, another rice-centric meal, uses partially fermented and cooked in , served with spicy ikan (fish curry) made from or caught in local waters. Eaten during Aidilfitri celebrations, it traces to trading histories with Pattani in , where similar preparations date back centuries, but Kelantan's version incorporates more serunding (dried meat floss) for texture.

Fermented Specialties and Ingredients

Budu, a fermented anchovy sauce, constitutes a cornerstone of Kelantanese cuisine, produced by immersing fresh anchovies (Stolephorus spp.) in a brine solution at a typical ratio of 1 part fish to 3 parts salt, followed by natural fermentation for 6 to 18 months. This process yields a dark, viscous liquid rich in free amino acids, peptides, and volatile compounds contributing to its intense umami and salty profile, with microbial communities dominated by lactic acid bacteria such as Tetragenococcus halophilus and halophilic yeasts. Budu serves as a versatile condiment in local dishes, including nasi kerabu rice salads and vegetable stews like sayur kain, where it imparts depth without requiring cooking, reflecting adaptations to the region's coastal abundance of small fish. Ikan pekasam, another key fermented product, involves salting and fermenting freshwater fish such as Hampala or Channa species with cooked rice or flour to accelerate lactic fermentation, typically lasting 5 to 7 days before consumption. The resulting semi-preserved fish, often fried and paired with nasi tanak (boiled rice), provides a tangy, mildly sour flavor from organic acids produced by Lactobacillus strains, enabling long-term storage in humid tropical conditions without refrigeration. This method preserves seasonal river catches, with the rice contributing fermentable sugars that enhance texture and nutritional value through partial saccharification. Supporting ingredients include belacan, a sun-dried and fermented molded into blocks, which undergoes spontaneous fermentation yielding potent glutamates for sambals and curries, though its production is widespread across Malay regions rather than unique to Kelantan. , fermented or using Rhizopus molds and , functions as a mildly alcoholic ingredient in sweets or leavening agents for batters, with Kelantanese variants incorporating local tubers for desserts like kuih . These ferments collectively underscore empirical preservation techniques rooted in microbial , prioritizing salt and substrate ratios to inhibit spoilage while fostering beneficial metabolites, as evidenced by proximate analyses showing high protein retention (up to 50% in budu solids).

External Influences and Adaptations

Kelantanese cuisine has been shaped by its proximity to , fostering a blend of Malay and Siamese elements through historical migrations and trade across the border with the Patani region. Ingredients like , , and torch ginger, common in southern Thai cooking, are staples in dishes such as and ayam percik, where they impart aromatic, spicy profiles adapted to local rice-based meals. This influence stems from shared in the borderlands, where recipes transcend national boundaries, as seen in the use of gravies and herbal pastes that echo Thai gaeng but emphasize (budu) for depth. Historical contacts with Cham traders from ancient kingdoms introduced rice cultivation techniques and spice blends, which were localized through Islamic strictures, excluding pork and alcohol while amplifying sourness via or asam jawa. These adaptations prioritize ritual purity, transforming potentially non- Thai ferments into seafood-centric variants compliant with syariah guidelines predominant in Kelantan. In modern contexts, tourism has prompted refinements, such as milder spice levels in export-oriented preparations of influenced by Thai fish snacks, without diluting core flavors. Cross-border markets continue to facilitate ingredient exchanges, sustaining adaptations that balance authenticity with economic viability.

Tourism

Natural and Coastal Attractions

Kelantan's eastern coastline stretches along the , featuring relatively undeveloped beaches compared to neighboring states. Pantai Cahaya Bulan, located about 10 km north of , spans 1.5 km of fine golden sand backed by casuarina and palm trees, historically popular for and picnics. However, has narrowed the beach and reduced safe areas in recent decades, shifting focus to shoreline walks and nearby activities. Inland, Gunung Stong covers 219.5 square kilometers in the , centered on the granite dome of Gunung Stong, which rises to 1,422 meters above . Gazetted in 2007 and encompassing ancient formations over 500 million years old, the park supports diverse and , including rare orchids and , with trails for and . Its highlight is the seven-tiered Jelawang Waterfall, cascading more than 300 meters down a sheer rock face, claimed as one of Southeast Asia's tallest and accessible via moderate treks from Dabong basecamp. The Dabong area, near the park's entrance, includes limestone caves such as those in the surrounding reserves, explorable on short trails alongside smaller waterfalls and suitable for wading. Further south, features formations and additional waterfalls, contributing to Kelantan's estimated 15 major nature-based sites focused on cascades and forests. These attractions draw eco-tourists for their unspoiled , though access often requires guided permits due to rugged terrain and conservation efforts.

Cultural and Historical Sites

Kelantan's cultural and historical sites primarily reflect its 19th- and 20th-century sultanate era, Islamic influences, and preservation of Malay traditions, with fewer pre-colonial archaeological remains due to the region's agrarian and riverine settlement patterns. The Istana Jahar, constructed in 1937 as a wedding gift for Ismail Petra, exemplifies traditional Kelantanese wood-carved architecture and now functions as a museum displaying royal regalia, weaponry, and textiles from the sultanate's history. Nearby, the Padang Merdeka (Independence Square) served as the site for Kelantan's 1948 from British influence, surrounded by colonial-era structures like the Bank Kerapu, a 1912 building that housed early financial operations. The Kampung Laut Mosque, established around 1734 and relocated in 1965 from its original riverside site, stands as one of Malaysia's oldest surviving mosques, featuring tiered pyramidal roofs and merbau wood construction typical of early Malay-Islamic design; local traditions attribute its founding to Islamic missionaries from Pattani. Masjid Muhammadi, built in 1887 with red bricks imported from , represents a blend of local craftsmanship and foreign materials, serving as Kota Bharu's central and hosting key religious events. The Bank Pitis, a modest treasury building in , preserves coin-minting artifacts from the sultanate's era, when pitis coins circulated as currency until . For broader cultural immersion tied to historical practices, the Gelanggang Seni complex in , established in 1972, hosts live demonstrations of shadow puppetry () and performances, arts rooted in Kelantan's 19th-century court traditions and Pattani Malay influences. The Kubu Kebal fortress near , constructed in 1941 during by Japanese forces using concrete and local labor, commemorates defensive efforts against Allied bombings, though its strategic role was limited by rapid Allied advances in 1945. These sites underscore Kelantan's emphasis on tangible heritage preservation amid modernization, with visitor access supported by state initiatives since the 1990s. Tourism development in Kelantan has emphasized cultural preservation, sustainable , and alignment with the state's conservative Islamic values, with the East Coast Economic Region Development Council (ECERDC) spearheading high-impact projects to enhance attractions while fostering long-term socio-economic benefits. In the 2024 state budget, RM22.97 million was allocated specifically for and cultural initiatives, supporting upgrades to heritage sites and promotional campaigns. The state government has prioritized Islamic products, including halal-compliant facilities and events, as part of broader efforts to attract visitors compatible with local norms that restrict non-modest attire and entertainment. Recent initiatives include grants for community-based projects in areas like Tumpat islands and river trails in Sungai Budor, aimed at boosting local economies through eco-cultural trails without compromising environmental or cultural integrity. Visitor trends show robust domestic growth, driven by cultural authenticity and affordability, positioning Kelantan as a "hidden gem" among 's states. In 2024, the "Visit Kelantan" campaign drew over 10 million domestic tourists, a nearly 3 million increase from 7 million in 2023, with a 39% year-on-year rise to 10.5 million arrivals overall. This surge is attributed to interstate marriages, family visits, and events promoting traditional attire and heritage, enhancing appeal without relying on mass-market beach . International arrivals rebounded to 595,000 in 2024 from pandemic lows, with the state targeting 1 million foreign visitors in 2025 through promotions tied to Visit Malaysia 2026, focusing on niche markets like cultural and Islamic . These trends reflect a deliberate shift toward quality over quantity, prioritizing visitors who respect local conservative policies, though experts urge diversification beyond weddings into other heritage products to sustain momentum.

References

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