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Lim Guan Eng (Chinese: 林冠英; pinyin: Lín Guānyīng; Pe̍h-ōe-jī: Lîm Koàn-eng; born 8 December 1960) is a Malaysian politician and accountant who served as the Minister of Finance of Malaysia from 2018 to 2020. A member of the Democratic Action Party (DAP), he has served as the party's second advisor since 2025.

Key Information

Lim has served as Member of Parliament (MP) for Bagan, Member of the Penang State Legislative Assembly (MLA) for Air Putih since March 2008. He also served as the 4th Chief Minister of Penang from March 2008 to May 2018, MP for Kota Melaka from August 1986 to November 1999 and 4th Secretary-General of DAP from September 2004 to March 2022.[1]

Personal life

[edit]

Lim is the son of Lim Kit Siang, Leader of the Opposition in the Malaysian House of Representatives from 1973 to 1999 and 2004 to 2008. He is married to Betty Chew Gek Cheng (周玉清), who was former two-term MLA for Kota Laksamana in Malacca. She is the first serving assemblywoman to be married to a Chief Minister. They have four children.[2] His younger sister, Lim Hui Ying is the MP for Tanjong.

Early education

[edit]

Lim attended La Salle Primary English School in Petaling Jaya, and later the Batu Pahat Montfort Primary English School. For his secondary education, he attended Batu Pahat High School and Malacca High School. He graduated from Monash University in Australia with a Bachelor of Economics (BEc). He also served as the president of MUISS (Monash University International Student Society) during his university years.

Political career

[edit]

Prior to his political career, Lim was a senior executive at a bank.[2] He was first elected as the Member of Parliament for Kota Melaka in 1986, defeating Soh Chin Ann with a majority of 17,606 votes. He was re-elected in the 1990 and 1995 general elections, albeit with reduced majorities. He thus became the first person to be elected to three consecutive terms in Kota Melaka. He was also the first Malacca High School alumnus to achieve this.

He was appointed the DAP Socialist Youth chairman in 1989 and was formally elected to that post in 1992. In 1995, he was elected the DAP Deputy Secretary-General. He was elected the party's Secretary-General in 2004, and held that position until 2022. The same year, he was elected as National Chairman of the party.

In 2005, Lim suffered a surprise defeat in his campaign for re-election to the Malacca DAP committee. However, as Lim remained Secretary-General of the party, he was automatically included in the committee in accordance with the party's constitution. His wife, who had also failed to be elected to the Melaka committee, was not included in the committee even though she remained the chief of the state's DAP women's wing.[1] Teresa Kok, a DAP MP, suggested that there was a conspiracy behind the Lims' failure to be reelected.[9] Nevertheless, Lim went on to garner the second highest number of votes (620)[3] at the party's 15th National Congress on 23 August 2008.

In 2014, he was criticized for swapping his two-month-old Toyota Camry official car for a new Mercedes-Benz S300L. Netizens and NGOs commented that he did not practise what he preached because in 2008 he had condemned the Terengganu State Government for buying a fleet of Mercedes-Benz cars as its official cars. Abdul Rahman Dahlan, the Kota Belud Barisan Nasional MP, accused Lim of being "hypocritical". Lim defended his decision, saying that he had bought the car at a discounted price.[4]

On 20 September 2011, Lim Guan Eng participated in an interview conducted by Australian Broadcasting Corporation where he was reported by the Malaysian news agency, Bernama, to have disparaged the security of the state of Johor.[5] Lim Guan Eng insisted he never mentioned Johor, and demanded that Bernama retract their story and issue a formal apology, or face a lawsuit.[6] However, a recording was later revealed by TV3, showing clear evidence of Lim Guan Eng proclaiming that Singaporeans who are in Johor are "likely to be kidnapped". The recording of Lim Guan Eng's remark was made in Singapore. This led Lim Guan Eng to issue a formal apology to the Sultan of Johor.[7]

Chief Minister of Penang

[edit]
Lim in 2008

In the 2008 Malaysian general election, the DAP-PKR-PAS coalition, later known as Pakatan Rakyat (PR), won 29 out of the 40 state assembly seats contested in Penang, defeating the Barisan Nasional (BN) coalition. The DAP won 19 seats, PKR 9 seats, and PAS 1.[8] Even though Lim is not a Penangite, he was nominated to be the Chief Minister (CM) of Penang, replacing the former Chief Minister Dr. Koh Tsu Koon of Malaysian People's Movement Party (Gerakan). Other senior DAP leaders of Penang such as Lim Hock Seng, Phee Boon Poh, and Chow Kon Yeow were bypassed and were instead appointed state executive council members. In the 2013 Malaysian general election, Pakatan Rakyat increased their majority, gaining 30 out of the 40 state seats in Penang.[9]

Domestic issues

[edit]

Upon taking over as the new Chief Minister of Penang, Lim announced an amnesty on all summonses issued by the Penang Island City Council and Seberang Perai Municipal Council involving vendors' licences and parking offences issued before March 2008.[10]

During Lim's tenure, Penang maintained its rank as one of the top states for investments in Malaysia. In 2014, Penang recorded a total of RM8.16 billion in investments, a 109% increase compared to the previous year.[11]

Under Lim, the concept of Competency, Accountability, and Transparency (CAT) was emphasised in state governance. The Economist credited state reforms with ending cronyism and corruption that led to major deficits under preceding administrations.[12]

The state government also received praise from the auditor-general as the best financially managed state in Malaysia from 2008 to 2010.[13] It also won accolades from Transparency International for implementing open tenders in awarding contracts.[14]

The state's record budget surpluses were channeled to social welfare programs such as financial aid to the hardcore poor, cash handouts to the elderly, public housing upgrades, free Wi-Fi service at selected hotspots, and free bus services within the city and between Penang island and Seberang Perai for workers.[15]

With the goal of transforming Penang into a sustainable city, the state government launched the "Cleaner, Greener Penang" initiative in 2010. Free plastic bags were banned throughout the state and proceeds from a levy on the use of plastic bags would be channeled as aid to the state's hardcore poor.[16] The state also prohibited motor vehicles from using particular stretches of road in the city on Sundays,[17] and later introduced a bike sharing system.[18]

Efforts were also undertaken to resolve the transportation issues in the state, with a memorandum of understanding being signed with China relating to a proposal to construct three roads and an undersea tunnel on Penang Island in 2011. The 6.5 km undersea tunnel is intended to be the third link between the island and Butterworth on the mainland, meant to ease traffic congestion and improve links between the island and the mainland.

In 2014, the Penang Transport Master Plan (PTMP), a RM27 billion project to develop an integrated transportation network combining various modes of transport, including rapid transit and water taxis, connecting the island and the mainland was announced. The project was expected to start in 2015 and be completed in 2030.[19]

In 2015, the state capital of George Town was granted city status, which it had lost in 1974. It now encompasses the entirety of Penang Island and surrounding islets and is governed by the Penang Island City Council.[20]

The same year, the state government launched the Penang Future Foundation (PFF) scholarship program, which awards scholarships to outstanding young Malaysian students who wish to pursue their undergraduate studies at local private higher educational institutions. The program was launched to attract younger talent to the state and requires recipients to work in Penang.[21]

Lim giving a speech in 2013

Foreign delegations and state visits

[edit]

On 6 November 2011, the Penang state government under Lim's leadership managed to strengthen ties and forge friendship with the state of Victoria, Australia when the Governor of Victoria Alex Chernov made an official day-long visit to Penang with the invitation of the state government.[22]

On 15 November 2011 Penang had hosted an official visit by the Governor General of Canada the Right Honourable David Johnston and the ex-Speaker of the Kanagawa Prefecture of Japan for 2 days. Penang had managed to forge foreign relations with Canada and Japan, which consequently strengthened trade ties to lure foreign investors to Penang. Johnston's first visit to the state was welcomed by Lim and the Yang di-Pertua Negeri of Penang Abdul Rahman Abbas. They walked around the Penang Heritage Trail together with his delegation.[23][24]

Several investment and business delegations have been led by Lim on state visits to Tokyo, Bangkok, Singapore, Melbourne, Adelaide, Abu Dhabi and Dubai.[25][26] Lim's official visit to Bangkok also witnessed the signing of a Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) between Penang and Bangkok, which enabled Penang to be a fast-growing world-class and international city. Prior to this state visit, Penang was looking to develop its tourism by seeking co-operation with Bangkok. Lim said that the state aspires to be achieve global city status by becoming a major economic hub, a top choice for investors, a desirable place for tourists and a habitat of choice for people who want to earn a sustainable living.[27]

In 2013, his official trip to Xiamen and Hainan in China with a delegation including his wife was criticised by the Penang MCA for practicing double standard in his stand for bringing his spouse on an official trip. Penang MCA Secretary, Lau Chiek Tan said "Previously, Lim had criticised Barisan Nasional leaders for wasting public funds by bringing their families with them on official trips. We now see Pakatan Rakyat leaders doing the same with this trip to China."[28]

Minister of Finance

[edit]
Lim in 2019
Main articles: Seventh Mahathir cabinet and Second premiership of Mahathir Mohamad

Following the electoral victory of the Pakatan Harapan (PH) coalition of which the DAP is a part of in the 2018 Malaysian general election, Mahathir Mohamad announced Lim's appointment as the Minister of Finance. He was the first ethnic-Chinese Malaysian to hold the position since Tan Siew Sin of the Malaysian Chinese Association (MCA) who held that position from 1959 to 1974.[29] In June 2018, he received criticism for issuing official statements in Chinese.[30]

In September 2018, Lim cancelled two contracts, worth approximately $2.795 billion, with the China Petroleum Pipeline Bureau for oil and gas pipelines, as part of Mahatir's agenda to cut excessive spending and re-examine the "unequal treaties" between Malaysia and China. The ministry also alleged that part of the funds for these projects, which were secured from the Export–Import Bank of China, had been misappropriated as part of the 1MDB scandal.[31]

In December the same year, Lim announced a B40 National Protection Scheme, a free national health insurance scheme for the country's bottom 40 percentile of earners. The scheme, which was to start from 1 January 2019, would cost an initial RM2 billion.[32] He also announced an exemption from stamp duty for properties up to RM1 million for first-time home buyers beginning 1 January 2019.[33]

On 21 June 2019, Lim claimed that Sarawak would go bankrupt in three years' time if it continues to be ruled by the Gabungan Parti Sarawak (GPS) coalition. He stated that Sarawak's reserves of RM30 billion would be depleted within three years, considering the state's annual budget of RM11 billion. Lim also expressed concerns that Sarawak might face a situation similar to Kelantan, where he claimed they struggled to cover the salaries of their civil servants due to ineffective administration.[34][35]

The statement by him has sparked controversy.[36] The Sarawak government, through its Ministry of Finance and Economic Planning, issued a statement expressing that Lim's remarks not only contain misinformation but also carry political motivations.[37] Sarawak Chief Minister Abang Johari said the statement pointed out that these assumptions were made without taking into account Sarawak's revenue from various sources, including oil and gas, and the exemplary financial management it has demonstrated.[38][39] Movement for Change, Sarawak (MoCS) has described Lim's statement as ‘an insult to Sarawak and Sarawakians’.[40]

As a result of the collaboration between Pakatan Harapan and GPS after the 2022 general election, Lim publicly apologized for his previous remarks that had harmed the reputation of Abang Johari and the Sarawak government.[41][42]

Following the 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis, which saw the fall of the Pakatan Harapan government, Lim revealed that Mahathir had threatened to remove him from his position as minister of finance on three separate occasions, each following Lim's decision to pursue policies that Mahathir disagreed with, but did not follow through as Lim had the backing of the rest of the cabinet on all three policies. This followed claims made by Mahathir that he could not be controlled by the DAP during his time as prime minister, and that Lim had to ask him for permission before undertaking any plans.[43]

DAP National Chairman and Advisor

[edit]

Lim was elected DAP National Chairman at the party's 17th National Congress, where he was also re-elected into the Central Executive Committee with the 8th highest share of votes, numbering 1,311 votes.[44] He was replaced as secretary-general, a role which he had occupied for 17 years, by Anthony Loke Siew Fook.[45]

In the lead-up to the party's 18th National Congress, Lim faced calls to withdraw from the leadership race owing to discontent among the party's grassroots over his leadership as well as his clashes with other party leaders.[46][47] Analysts have also characterised the congress as a battle between the party's traditionalists, who would prefer to retain the party's Chinese character,[48] and the moderates, who are more open to cooperating with Malay-based parties.[49][50] Lim was narrowly re-elected to the Central Executive Committee, placing 26th out of 30, garnering 1,719 votes, and failed to be re-appointed the party's National Chairman. Instead, he was offered the role of Advisor. His former deputy Gobind Singh Deo replaced him. The Chinese language newspaper Sin Chew Daily characterised the election, which saw the failure of much of Lim's faction, including his sister Lim Hui Ying, to enter the CEC as the end of the preeminence of the "Lim dynasty" within the party.[51]

[edit]

Below-market price bungalow purchase

[edit]

In 2015, Lim allegedly used his position as then Penang chief minister to gain gratification for himself and his wife, Betty Chew Gek Cheng, by approving the application for conversion of agricultural land to a public housing zone in Balik Pulau to a company, Magnificent Emblem Sdn Bhd, owned by Phang Li Koon. In 2016, Lim allegedly used his position to obtain a plot of land and bungalow at 25, Jalan Pinhorn, from Phang for RM2.8 million, at below market value. The market price for the land and bungalow at that time was RM4.27 million. Lim knew Phang had a formal relationship with him. He allegedly carried out the offense at the bungalow in Jalan Pinhorn.[52]

On 29 June 2016, Lim is arrested at his office by MACC on the 28th floor of Komtar at 5.45pm, while Phang is arrested at 4.15pm at her sixth-floor office in Penang Garden. On 30 June 2016, Lim and Phang are charged with corruption in the George Town Sessions Court. The case is transferred to the High Court under Section 60 of the MACC Act, which allows the prosecution to transfer the case to the High Court tor hearing. Lim faces two charges - one under Section 23 of the MACC Act and the other under Section 165 of the Penal Code.[52]

On 26 March 2018, the first day of trial, Lim and Phang plead not guilt to the amended charges read out before judge Hadhariah. First witness to be called is blogger Muhsin Lahteef, known as Mamu Parpu, who testifies about the report he lodged to MACC about the case on 18 March 2016. It is reported at least seven witnesses will be called that day, with 54 witnesses to be called in the next five weeks.[52]

On 9 April 2018, the High Court postpones the trial to 21 May, following a defence application that Lim needs to prepare for the 14th General Election. On 9 May 2018, Pakatan Harapan wins GE14, which ends Barisan Nasional's 61-year grip on power. On 12 May 2018, Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad names Lim as finance minister. On 13 May 2018, Mahathir says Lim can be officially appointed finance minister only if he clears his corruption case. Mahathir clarifies that Lim has merely been named finance minister, but has yet to take his oath of office.[52]

On 3 September 2018, the court grants Lim and Phang a discharge amounting to an acquittal.[52]

Consortium Zenith corruption charge

[edit]

On 6 August 2020, Lim Guan Eng was accused of using his position as chief minister to ask Consortium Zenith Construction Sdn Bhd (Zenith) senior director Zarul Ahmad Mohd Zulkifli for 10% of the profits which would be made from the roads and tunnel project. He was charged under Section 16(a)(A) of the Malaysian Anti Corruption Commission Act.[53] He pleaded not guilty in the Sessions Court of asking for a 10% cut from the profits of the undersea tunnel project.

On 6 August 2020, Lim Guan Eng was arrested by the Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission, following weeks of a probe into an RM6.3 billion undersea tunnel project that was green-lit during his tenure as Penang Chief Minister. According to the commission, Lim will be charged with bribery and abuse of power relating to the undersea tunnel project, and a separate abuse of power charge for the additional unspecified case.[54]

On 10 August 2020, Lim was charged with receiving a bribe worth RM3.3 million in relation to the Penang undersea tunnel project. This is the second charge that was also related to the same project.[55]

On 5 August 2021, Ewe Swee Kheng, a property developer and one of the witnesses for the prosecution, allegedly fell to his death from his apartment.[56][57]

On 4 August 2022, Consortium Zenith Construction Sdn Bhd (Zenith) senior director Zarul Ahmad Mohd Zulkifli told the Kuala Lumpur Sessions Court that he had lied to the press via media statements issued to reporters in 2018 after being remanded by MACC. He admitted that everything involving the undersea tunnel project was "done above the board" and the project involved no corruption during a cross-examination by Lim's lawyer Gobind Singh Deo. Zarul also informed the court that the company was forced to protect its interests by paying fees to people who claimed to represent the then Prime Minister Najib Razak.[58][59]

Penang Voluntary Patrol Unit

[edit]

Lim was involved in a controversy regarding the establishment of the Penang Voluntary Patrol Unit (PPS) which was declared illegal by Ministry of Home Affairs.[60] He however, declared it a legal entity and challenged Khalid Abu Bakar, who was the then-Malaysia's Inspector-General of Police to a debate on the legitimacy of the PPS.[61][62] He then challenged the Home Ministry's declaration in court.[63] His case however, was thrown out of court by the High Court.[64] However, on 28 March 2017, the Court of Appeal ruled that the Penang Voluntary Patrol Unit (PPS) is a legal organisation established by the Penang state government.[65]

'Green wave' statement

[edit]
Main article: Green Wave (Malaysia)

On 7 July 2023, Lim warned Penang voters not to allow the "green wave" to take hold in the state. He said that the "green wave" would have resulted in the destruction of Buddhist temples and the restriction of certain practices for non-Muslims.[66]

He has been accused by opposition leaders of fearmongering Penang voters against the Malaysian Islamic Party (PAS) by intentionally raising the 3R issues (Rulers, race, religion).[67] PAS Secretary-General Takiyuddin Hassan said the party strongly condemned the extreme provocation and incitement of extraordinary hatred by Lim.[68] Manjoi assemblyman Mohd Hafez Sabri wants the police to investigate Lim for his remarks.[69]

Kedah police chief Fisol Salleh said a total 23 police reports have been lodged related to Lim's statement in the state.[70] Bukit Aman also said investigations into a speech made Lim have started.[71][72] Lim said he was ready to cooperate with the authorities if asked to have his statement recorded.[73] On 14 July, Inspector General of Police (IGP) Razarudin Husain said the police have recorded statements from Lim for his alleged remarks on the 3R issue.[74]

Defamation suits

[edit]

On 14 December 2011, Lim won a second defamation suit against Malay daily Utusan Malaysia, which was ordered by the Penang High Court to pay a total of RM200,000 worth of damages and a cost of RM25,000 to him. Utusan Malaysia had allegedly published a defamatory news article about Lim entitled "Kebiadapan Guan Eng" (Guan Eng's Arrogance) which had defamed his political career, and subsequently pictured him and DAP as anti-Malay and anti-Muslim.[75]

On 22 June 2012, Lim won a defamation suit against Utusan Malaysia, which was ordered by High Court to pay a total of RM200,000 worth of damages and RM20,000 in costs to the former. The Malay daily had been found guilty by the court of defaming Lim in a published news article headlined "Tiada Lagi DEB" (No More NEP), which said that Lim would abolish the New Economic Policy.[76]

In December 2013 an article quoting Jimmy Lim entitled "Guan Eng has failed, says NGO", about what he characterised as the destruction of Malaysian heritage in developments schemes carried out under the government of Lim Guan Eng, was published on the Malaysian online news portal Free Malaysia Today. Lim Guan Eng then sued Jimmy Lim as well as other parties alleging defamation, and in August 2013 received a decision at the George Town High Court in his favour ordering the defendants to pay RM300,000 in damages and RM30,000 in legal costs. This decision, however, was overturned in 2016 on appeal to the Malaysian Court of Appeal, on the grounds that the article taken as a whole was not defamatory. Judge Hamid Sultan Abu Backer, the chair of the court, described the article as "written in a temperate tone".[77]

On 30 January 2015, he, with two news portals, Malaysiakini and The Malaysian Insider were sued by Penang UMNO State Secretary, Musa Sheikh Fadzir, Maison Height Sdn Bhd and Penang Barisan Nasional secretary Omar Faudzar[78] for making defamatory article on the alleged sale of Malay lands for profit. In the statement of claim, the plaintiffs referred to an article written by Lim titled "Pembohongan Umno" (Umno's lies), which was published in The Malaysian Insider on 27 November 2014, and another article titled "Stop spreading lies about Penang government, Guan Eng tells Umno"[79] which was also published in the same news portal on 27 November. The plaintiffs stated that Lim, Mkini and Gan had caused the publication of another article "UMNO made profits by selling Malay Kampungs", containing defamatory words in Malaysiakini.[80][81][82] The plaintiffs filed a notice of discontinuance on 1 April 2016.[83]

On 26 March 2015, Lim won a defamation suit against Perkasa, New Straits Times and Utusan Malaysia concerning an article over a dinner which Lim attended in Singapore in 2011. The latter were ordered by the High Court to pay RM550,000 in damages. Justice Nor Bee Ariffin ordered Perkasa President Ibrahim Ali, information chief Ruslan Kassim and Perkasa to pay RM150,000; New Straits Times former group editor Datuk Syed Nazri Syed Harun and NSTP RM200,000 and Utusan Melayu group editor-in-chief Abdul Aziz Ishak and Utusan Melayu RM200,000. Justice Nor Bee Ariffin said that Syed Nazri, NSTP, Abdul Aziz and Utusan Melayu failed to practice responsible journalism.[84][85]

On 3 July 2015, he lost a lawsuit[86][87] brought by the state opposition leader, Jahara Hamid. Lim had allegedly called Datuk Jahara a "racist grandmother" in December 2013.[88] Lim was ordered to pay RM 500,000 in damages at 5% interest per annum and RM 40,000 in legal costs. He was also ordered to retract the statement.[89] The judicial commissioner said that he had been unprofessional (as a chief minister) to resort to name calling an opposition leader and had brought disrepute to both the state assembly and the office of Chief Minister.[90] His sexist statement was also condemned by the Women Chief of DAP, Chong Eng;[91] Women Chief of Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR), Zuraida Kamaruddin;[92] and several female Senators.[93]

In August 2017, Lim filed a suit against New Straits Times Press (Malaysia) Bhd (NSTP) for running an article titled "Political Intervention was real, says PAS", which accused him of interfering in Islamic affairs. On 2 November 2018, the High Court ordered NSTP to pay damages of RM200,000 to Lim and directed NSTP to publish an unconditional and unreserved apology admitting that the article was defamatory to him.[94][95][96]

On 19 September 2018, a consent judgment was reached before the High Court with the publisher of the New Straits Times and Berita Harian newspapers agreeing to publish an apology and pay Lim RM130,000 in damages over three defamatory articles published in January 2018, quoting Teng Chang Yeow who accused Lim of lying about Penang government's payments to the contractors of the undersea tunnel and three main roads project.[97][98][99]

Election results

[edit]
Parliament of Malaysia[100][101][102]
Year Constituency Candidate Votes Pct Opponent(s) Votes Pct Ballots cast Majority Turnout
1986 P113 Kota Melaka Lim Guan Eng (DAP) 34,573 67.08% Soh Chin Ann (MCA) 16,967 32.92% 52,840 17,606 76.54%
1990 Lim Guan Eng (DAP) 33,993 63.52% Soon Tian Szu (MCA) 19,525 36.48% 54,745 14,468 76.45%
1995 P123 Kota Melaka Lim Guan Eng (DAP) 29,293 54.30% Soon Tian Szu (MCA) 24,654 45.70% 56,096 4,639 75.91%
2008 P043 Bagan Lim Guan Eng (DAP) 33,748 74.24% Song Choy Leng (MCA) 11,678 25.69% 46,227 22,070 77.84%
2013 Lim Guan Eng (DAP) 46,466 77.71% Chua Teik Siang (MCA) 12,307 20.58% 59,796 34,159 87.29%
Lim Kim Chu (PCM) 328 0.55%
2018 Lim Guan Eng (DAP) 51,653 85.96% Lee Beng Seng (MCA) 7,751 12.90% 60,087 43,902 84.70%
Huan Cheng Guan (PCM) 502 0.83%
Koay Xing Boon (MUP) 181 0.30%
2022 Lim Guan Eng (DAP) 55,797 81.27% Alan Oh @ Oh Teik Choon (BERSATU) 6,149 8.96% 69,516 49,648 77.70%
Tan Chuan Hong (MCA) 5,385 7.84%
Mohd Hafiz Mohd Abu (IMAN) 1,323 1.93%
Penang State Legislative Assembly[101]
Year Constituency Candidate Votes Pct Opponent(s) Votes Pct Ballots cast Majority Turnout
2008 N23 Air Putih Lim Guan Eng (DAP) 6,601 72.08% Tan Yoke Cheng (MCA) 2,540 27.74% 9,288 4,061 74.58%
2013 Lim Guan Eng (DAP) 9,626 82.32% Tan Ken Keong (MCA) 1,882 16.10% 11,693 7,744 84.7%
2018 Lim Guan Eng (DAP) 9,362 85.61% Tang Heap Seng (MCA) 1,404 12.84% 10,936 7,958 82.0%
Tan Gim Theam (MUP) 87 0.79%
Manikandan Ramayah (PCM) 83 0.76%
2023 Lim Guan Eng (DAP) 8,996 85.63% Koh Cheng Ann (Gerakan) 1,073 10.21% 10,506 7,923 68.35%
Teh Yee Cheu (PRM) 473 4.16%

Honours

[edit]

Honours of Malaysia

[edit]

See also

[edit]

References

[edit]

Notes

[edit]

Citations

[edit]
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Lim Guan Eng

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from Grokipedia

Lim Guan Eng (born 8 December 1960) is a Malaysian and qualified who has been a central figure in the opposition (DAP) since entering Parliament in 1986. He served as the fourth from 2008 to 2018, implementing governance reforms aimed at competence, accountability, and transparency that contributed to the state's economic expansion and foreign investment inflows. From 2018 to 2020, he held the position of Minister of Finance in the administration, overseeing fiscal policies amid post-election transitions. Lim's tenure has been defined by legal battles, including an 18-month imprisonment from 1989 to 1991 for over public criticism of government handling of a case, and multiple charges since 2020 alleging and receipt of bribes linked to Penang's undersea tunnel and water supply projects, to which he has consistently pleaded not guilty amid an ongoing trial as of 2025. In recent party elections, he transitioned from DAP chairmanship to an advisory role, maintaining influence within the party representing the parliamentary constituency.

Early Life and Education

Family and Early Years

Lim Guan Eng was born on 8 December 1960 in , , to , a prominent Malaysian politician who co-founded the and served multiple terms as , and Neo Yoke Tee. The family resided in during his early childhood, where , born in 1941, had already begun his political involvement by the early 1960s, including joining the Labour Party of Malaya in 1960 and later helping establish the DAP in 1965. Raised in a politically engaged household, Lim Guan Eng experienced the demands of his father's career, which included frequent travel and detentions under Malaysia's Internal Security Act, yet was described as maintaining strong family bonds despite these absences. He has siblings, including , who entered politics as a DAP member and for . The family's Chinese heritage and emphasis on public service influenced the environment in which Lim Guan Eng grew up, though specific details of his pre-teen years remain limited in public records.

Formal Education and Professional Training

Lim Guan Eng attended PJ La Salle Primary English School and Montfort Primary English School in Batu Pahat before proceeding to Batu Pahat High School and later High School for his . He then pursued higher education at in , earning a degree, which was conferred in 1984 after completing required examinations by the end of 1983. As part of his university program, Lim completed accounting modules that qualified him for professional certification, leading to his membership in the Australian Society of Accountants (now ) upon passing the necessary exams in late 1983. This credential established him as a qualified prior to entering , though it drew scrutiny in from critics questioning the timeline relative to his degree conferral; supporters clarified that exam passage preceded formal without invalidating the qualification. Before his political career, Lim worked as a senior executive in the banking industry, applying his accounting expertise in financial roles.

Entry into Politics

Joining the Democratic Action Party

Lim Guan Eng transitioned from a career as a senior bank executive to politics by joining the Democratic Action Party (DAP), a multi-ethnic opposition party advocating democratic socialism and reforms against the ruling Barisan Nasional coalition's dominance. His affiliation with DAP positioned him as the candidate for the Kota Melaka parliamentary constituency in the 1986 Malaysian general election, held on 3 August 1986. Running against the incumbent Soh Chin Aun, a former Malaysian national football captain affiliated with 's Gerakan component, Lim secured victory with a majority of 17,606 votes, capturing the seat previously held by his father, veteran DAP leader , from 1982 to 1986. This win marked DAP's retention of the constituency amid a broader election where maintained its parliamentary , though opposition parties like DAP gained traction in urban and Chinese-majority areas by emphasizing issues of , inequality, and fair representation.

Initial Electoral Successes and Advocacy

Lim Guan Eng secured his entry into national politics through victory in the , capturing the parliamentary constituency of Kota Melaka as a (DAP) candidate. He defeated the incumbent Soh Chin Aun, a former Malaysian national football captain, by a substantial majority of 17,606 votes out of approximately 34,573 votes cast for him. This win marked DAP's strong performance in the election, where the party secured 24 parliamentary seats amid opposition to the ruling coalition's dominance. Lim retained the Kota Melaka seat in the subsequent 1990 and 1995 general elections, serving three consecutive terms until 1998 and establishing himself as a persistent opposition voice in . Within the DAP, he advanced rapidly, assuming the chairmanship of the party's Socialist (DAPSY) in 1989 and elevation to national vice-chairman in 1990, roles that amplified his influence among younger activists focused on reformist causes. His early parliamentary advocacy centered on , , and opposition to restrictive security laws, including defenses of Chinese-medium education and critiques of government overreach. These positions drew government scrutiny, culminating in his detention without trial under the Internal Security Act during on October 26, 1987, alongside his father and over 100 other opposition figures; Lim was held for 18 months until April 1989, highlighting the risks of his outspoken challenges to policies perceived as suppressing dissent. Despite the interruption, Lim's resilience post-release reinforced his reputation for principled advocacy against authoritarian measures and for democratic accountability.

Sedition Conviction and Incarceration

In January 1994, a 15-year-old Malay schoolgirl in Malacca alleged she had been raped by 12 assailants, sparking public outrage and protests demanding swift justice. Lim Guan Eng, then a Democratic Action Party (DAP) member of Parliament for Kota Melaka, responded by printing and distributing approximately 10,000 copies of a pamphlet titled Perlembagaan di Selubungi (Constitution in the Shadows) and another titled Undang-undang yang Tertangguh (Delayed Justice), which criticized perceived delays in the investigation, the Attorney General's handling of the case, and leniency toward non-Malay perpetrators in interracial crimes. These materials questioned the impartiality of the judicial process and accused authorities of suppressing evidence, prompting charges against Lim for inciting racial tensions and undermining public confidence in institutions. On 28 February 1995, Lim was charged under Section 4(1)(b) of Malaysia's for "prompting disaffection with the ," as the pamphlets were deemed seditious for challenging the government's prosecutorial decisions and implying ethnic bias in . He faced concurrent charges under the Printing Presses and Publications Act 1984 for publishing "false news" likely to cause disaffection against the government, with the prosecution arguing the pamphlets exaggerated facts and promoted hatred between communities. The trial, which began in January 1996 in the in , drew international scrutiny from groups, who viewed it as an example of the Malaysian government's use of restrictive laws to silence opposition voices during Mahathir Mohamad's administration. On 28 April 1997, the Sessions Court convicted Lim on both counts, sentencing him to 18 months' imprisonment for sedition—the maximum penalty short of a fine of RM5,000—and another 18 months for malicious publication, to run concurrently, along with a RM10,000 fine. Lim appealed to the High Court, which upheld the conviction in April 1998 but suspended the sentence pending further appeal to the Court of Appeal, allowing temporary bail. However, on 25 August 1998, the Court of Appeal dismissed his final appeal, enforcing the 18-month term and disqualifying him from holding public office during incarceration, after which he surrendered to authorities and began serving time at Sungai Buloh Prison near Kuala Lumpur. The conviction and imprisonment were criticized by organizations such as , which designated Lim a , arguing the charges stemmed from legitimate political advocacy rather than genuine threats to public order, amid broader patterns of using sedition laws against critics in 1990s . Lim's case highlighted tensions over the Sedition Act's broad application, which criminalizes speech questioning sensitive issues like royalty, , and , often wielded selectively against non-ruling coalition figures. He served the full term without remission, maintaining his innocence and framing the ordeal as retaliation for exposing judicial shortcomings in a high-profile interracial case.

Release and Political Rehabilitation

Lim Guan Eng was released from on 25 August 1999, having served 12 months of an 18-month sentence for and publishing false news, with the remainder remitted due to good conduct. The release followed the Federal Court's upholding of his conviction in August 1998, stemming from public comments and a criticizing the judicial handling of a 1995 case involving an underage Malay girl and alleging leniency influenced by the perpetrator's connections to a senior police officer. The conviction automatically disqualified him from parliamentary membership and imposed a five-year ban on contesting elections, running from the release date until 25 August 2004. This barred him from the 2004 general election on 21 March 2004, as the period had not fully elapsed, rendering him ineligible per rulings on prior convictions involving sentences exceeding 12 months. During the disqualification, Lim remained active within the (DAP), leveraging his imprisonment—viewed by supporters and international observers as politically motivated to silence opposition critiques of the government—to enhance his stature as a reform advocate. designated him a , arguing the charges targeted his parliamentary duties rather than genuine . Post-2004, Lim's rehabilitation accelerated internally; he was elected DAP Secretary-General in May 2004, consolidating amid the party's push against entrenched ruling dominance. With the ban lifted by the 2008 , he contested and won the parliamentary seat with a majority of 13,124 votes (38.11% margin), simultaneously securing the Air Putih state seat in . This electoral success propelled him to , marking full political restoration and validation of his resilience, as DAP capitalized on Reformasi-era momentum against perceived authoritarian excesses under former Prime Minister . The episode underscored Malaysia's use of laws to curb dissent, with Lim's return evidencing limited long-term deterrence against opposition figures backed by public sympathy.

Tenure as Chief Minister of Penang (2008–2018)

Governance Reforms and CAT Framework

Upon taking office as in March 2008 following the Pakatan Rakyat's victory in the state election, Lim Guan Eng prioritized governance reforms to address perceived and inefficiency in the prior administration. Central to these efforts was the adoption of the CAT framework—standing for Competency, , and Transparency—which emphasized merit-based decision-making, public scrutiny of officials, and open processes to foster ethical leadership and efficient resource allocation. This approach drew partial inspiration from Islamic principles of "amar maaruf nahi mungkar" (), positioning CAT as a tool for integrity-driven development rather than patronage-based governance. Key reforms under CAT included mandating open tenders for state procurements to minimize costs, maximize revenue, and reduce opportunities for kickbacks, contrasting with the negotiated contracts prevalent under previous regimes. In 2012, Executive Council (EXCO) members publicly declared their assets online, a first for any Malaysian state, to enhance and allow citizen oversight of potential conflicts of interest. The framework also involved uploading detailed project and financial information to portals, enabling real-time transparency in government operations and budgeting. Additional integrity measures proposed by Lim included restrictions on civil servants' business involvements and performance-based evaluations, aligning with CAT's competency pillar to prioritize capable personnel over political loyalty. The framework contributed to fiscal improvements, including savings estimated in the hundreds of millions of ringgit through cost efficiencies and a reported RM123 million operating surplus turnaround in 's finances by late , reversing prior deficits. These reforms were credited with boosting investor confidence and economic revival, as evidenced by 's GDP growth averaging 5-6% annually during Lim's tenure, though critics from opposition parties questioned enforcement consistency in specific projects. Overall, CAT positioned as a model for " as development," with its mascot "MENANG" (symbolizing victory through clean ) promoted in state communications to reinforce public buy-in.

Economic Development and Welfare Initiatives

During Lim Guan Eng's tenure as , Penang implemented the CAT (Competency, Accountability, Transparency) framework, which emphasized open tenders, anti-corruption measures, and efficient to foster economic competitiveness. This approach contributed to annual surpluses and positioned Penang as an entrepreneurial state, with the administration attributing revived growth to reduced bureaucratic hurdles and merit-based decision-making. The state's (GDP) recorded notable expansion, achieving 8% growth in 2014 compared to the national rate of 6%, followed by 5.5% in 2015 against the national 5%. grew by 3.9% from 2012 to 2013, 9.5% from 2013 to 2014, and 6.4% from 2014 to 2015, reflecting sustained performance amid global economic pressures. (FDI) inflows reached RM36.7 billion between 2008 and 2015, surpassing domestic investments by a factor of two, driven by Penang's electrical and sector and initiatives like InvestPenang to attract multinational firms. On welfare, the administration expanded social assistance programs under the Emas framework, allocating RM206 million cumulatively for senior citizens (RM112.4 million), single mothers (RM5.4 million), and individuals with (RM3.6 million) by 2015. Total social welfare expenditure totaled RM287.138 million from 2008 to November 2014, supporting initiatives such as cash aid for vulnerable groups and the 2017 Mutiara pilot to aid low-income households through partnerships with NGOs. Lim Guan Eng described Penang's model as a "welfare state without going bankrupt," balancing aid with fiscal discipline to avoid debt accumulation. These efforts maintained Penang's zero-debt status and built reserves, with the CAT system's transparency credited for enabling efficient resource allocation toward both growth and aid without compromising long-term solvency. By 2017, state welfare allocations reached RM412.63 million, underscoring a commitment to inclusive development amid economic gains.

Urban and Environmental Policies

During Lim Guan Eng's tenure as from 2008 to 2018, urban policies emphasized , heritage preservation, and infrastructure modernization to position the state as a competitive economic hub. A key initiative was the regeneration of George Town, designated a in 2008, where partnerships were formed to protect historic architecture while integrating modern urban functions; for instance, a 2015 agreement with the extended efforts to enhance public spaces and cultural assets without compromising structural integrity. also incorporated the Penang Structure Plan 2008–2020, which aimed to balance —projected to reach 2.05 million by 2020—with controlled , restricting high-density developments on ecologically sensitive hillsides to mitigate and flooding risks. Environmental policies under Lim's administration prioritized resource efficiency and pollution reduction, marking Penang as a pioneer in . In January 2009, Penang implemented the nation's first statewide ban on free plastic bags at supermarkets and convenience stores, reducing usage by an estimated 20 million bags monthly and generating revenue from charged bags redirected to welfare programs. This was followed by a 2011 total ban on packaging in food outlets to curb , alongside daily "No Free Plastic Bags" campaigns starting in 2010. To coordinate these efforts, the Green Council was established in 2013, tasked with promoting cleaner air, , and green spaces, including incentives for businesses to adopt energy-efficient practices. The Green Agenda, launched as a two-year project around 2015, sought to align state strategies with , focusing on through afforestation and ; it included the formulation of policies to address rising sea levels and urban heat islands via expanded mangroves and permeable urban surfaces. Complementary urban-environmental measures involved the free CAT Bus service introduced in 2008, which expanded to over 50 routes by 2018 to reduce private vehicle dependency and emissions, though critics noted persistent due to lagging rail infrastructure like the proposed Transport Master Plan. These policies faced challenges, including public opposition to hillside developments that allegedly exacerbated flash floods, as evidenced by incidents in 2017 where rapid strained drainage systems despite regulatory caps on hill cutting. Overall, Lim's approach integrated environmental safeguards into urban growth, achieving measurable reductions in waste but highlighting tensions between development imperatives and ecological limits.

Achievements in Fiscal Management

During Lim Guan Eng's tenure as from March 2008 to May 2018, the state government achieved notable fiscal turnarounds, including the conversion of a projected RM35 million deficit for 2008 into a record surplus of RM88 million. This was followed by surpluses of RM77 million in 2009 and RM33 million in 2010, marking the highest consecutive surpluses in Penang's up to that point and reflecting initial improvements in revenue collection and expenditure control after inheriting debts exceeding 100% of the annual . State debt was reduced by approximately 90% to RM65 million by the end of 2016, positioning with the lowest debt among Malaysian states at that time; however, a significant portion of this reduction—RM655 million, or about 95%—stemmed from a federal government restructuring of assets into a agreement rather than outright repayment. Open tender policies for state projects, introduced to enhance transparency and curb , contributed to cost savings and higher revenue yields from assessments like , though opponents contested the net fiscal impact amid rising development expenditures. By the conclusion of his term, Penang's consolidated reserves had accumulated to RM1.15 billion, providing a buffer for future initiatives despite shifts to deficit budgets from 2011 onward to fund and welfare programs; these later budgets maintained operational discipline, with deficits primarily allocated to capital investments rather than recurrent spending. Critics, including figures, argued that asset sales and federal interventions masked underlying fiscal pressures, but empirical data showed sustained revenue growth tied to economic expansion under the administration's Competency, Accountability, and Transparency (CAT) framework.

Criticisms of Leadership and Internal Conflicts

Lim Guan Eng's leadership as was criticized for an authoritarian and confrontational style, often described by detractors as arrogant. Opponents, including political rivals from the coalition, accused him of , particularly after his 2018 remark expressing a desire for "zero opposition" in , which was labeled as emblematic of overconfidence in DAP dominance. This perception was reinforced by his nickname "tokong" (deity), a term originating during his tenure and used by critics to highlight alleged dismissive attitudes toward . Such characterizations, frequently voiced by Malay-majority opposition parties like MCA, portrayed Lim as prioritizing party control over collaborative governance, though supporters viewed his assertiveness as necessary to counter federal interference. A notable controversy arose in over the Voluntary Patrol Unit (PPS), a state-funded initiative Lim established to assist in crime prevention following appeals from police. Federal authorities, including the , declared the unregistered unit illegal, citing operational overreach and lack of oversight, which sparked public and media scrutiny of state expenditure—alleged by some reports to involve up to RM1.5 billion from reserves, though Lim denied this figure. Lim responded aggressively by challenging the IGP to a debate and suing media outlets like the for defamation, actions that intensified accusations of defensiveness and evasion rather than transparency. Incidents of PPS members involved in assaults further fueled claims of poor management, leading to a temporary suspension and eventual relaunch under federal compliance in 2016. Relations with soured under Lim's administration, particularly after initial post-2008 collaborations with NGOs on heritage and gave way to tensions by 2013. Critics, including the Penang Forum activist group, accused the state of favoring developers in projects like the RM46 billion Transport Master Plan (PTMP) and reclamation works such as Silicon Island, dubbing DAP the "Developers Action Party" for alleged opacity in environmental assessments and prioritization of private interests like Gamuda over public input. Lim's reported dismissal of NGO proposals as "bullshit" exemplified the shift toward centralized via government-linked companies (GLCs), which diluted NGO roles and drew flak for bypassing mechanisms, potentially enabling despite aims to evade federal constraints. These disputes highlighted broader critiques of Lim's governance as top-down, with limited internal party conflicts reported during the period but evident friction between state priorities and .

Role as Minister of Finance (2018–2020)

Key Fiscal Policies and Reforms

Upon assuming the role of Finance Minister in May 2018, Lim Guan Eng implemented the abolition of the 6% Goods and Services Tax (GST), zero-rating it from June 1, 2018, and replacing it with the Sales and Services Tax (SST) regime effective September 1, 2018, as per the government's electoral commitment to lower living costs. This shift, however, generated an estimated annual revenue shortfall of RM21 billion, which the government offset through higher oil revenues, spending cuts, and increased dividends, maintaining the 2018 fiscal deficit at a targeted 3.7% of GDP despite the loss. Concurrently, Lim emphasized fiscal transparency by disclosing previously understated and liabilities, revealing a debt stock of RM1.065 trillion as of June 2018 and a approaching 80% when including guarantees, contrasting with prior administration figures inflated by 1MDB-related obligations. In the inaugural Budget , tabled on November 2, 2018, Lim outlined a medium-term fiscal consolidation path targeting a deficit reduction to 3.4% of GDP in , 3.0% in 2020, and 2.8% in 2021, with an ultimate aim of 2% through to prioritize essential expenditures and rationalize non-core spending. Revenue enhancements included raising Gains Tax rates to 10% for companies and foreigners (5% for after five years, exempting homes under RM200,000), increasing to 4% on properties over RM1 million, imposing on imported and online services from (with digital tax from 2020), and introducing a RM20-40 departure levy from June . Institutional reforms featured plans for a Fiscal Responsibility Act by 2021 to enforce discipline, a Government Procurement Act in for competitive transparency, establishment of a Debt Management Office to handle RM1 in , and transition to for comprehensive liability reporting. Spending optimizations involved suspending the RM81 billion East Coast Rail Link for renegotiation, cancelling RM15 billion in pipelines projects, and trimming LRT3 costs by 47% to RM16.6 billion and MRT2 by 22.4% to RM30.5 billion. Budget 2020, presented on , 2019, adjusted the deficit target upward to 3.2% of GDP amid global uncertainties, with total revenue projected at RM244.5 billion and expenditure at RM297 billion, emphasizing growth incentives while pursuing consolidation to an average 2.8% medium-term. measures progressed with a new 30% band for incomes over RM2 million (affecting about 2,000 top earners, up from 28%), a reduced 17% rate for qualifying SMEs on income up to RM600,000, and Digital Services from 2020 on platforms like software and . Further reforms included merging tax appeals bodies into a unified Appeal by 2021 and introducing Tax Identification Numbers from 2021 for better compliance tracking; spending efficiencies targeted centralized and asset disposals yielding over RM3 billion. These policies, while advancing transparency and efficiency, faced critique for fiscal slippage, as the GST abolition contributed to a derailed consolidation trajectory, with the deficit exceeding pre-2018 levels despite efforts.

Handling of National Debt and Economy

Upon assuming office in May 2018, Lim Guan Eng disclosed that Malaysia's federal government debt and liabilities exceeded RM1 trillion (approximately US$251 billion), surpassing prior estimates and including off-balance-sheet items such as guarantees and public-private partnerships totaling RM260.1 billion. This revelation aimed to enhance transparency after the 1MDB scandal, with the servicing RM7 billion in 1MDB-related debt in the preceding year, described by Lim as the largest in Malaysian history. The government prioritized fiscal consolidation, targeting a reduction in total debt and liabilities from 79.3% of GDP in 2017 to below 75% by 2018, achieved at 75.4% that year, though it edged up to 77.1% by mid-2019 amid revenue challenges from abolishing the Tax (GST) in favor of the Sales and Service Tax (SST). Direct federal government rose from RM705 billion in the first quarter of to RM799.1 billion by the second quarter of , an increase of RM94.1 billion, attributed partly to borrowing for development and redemption of maturing obligations estimated at RM83 billion against new issuances of RM135 billion in fiscal year projections. Lim's administration pursued deficit reduction, narrowing the fiscal deficit from 3.7% of GDP in to 3.4% in , aligning with medium-term goals to lower total -to-GDP to 65% by 2025 through subsidy rationalization, asset monetization, and curbing non-essential spending. However, critics noted that direct growth outpaced some expectations, with overall liabilities reaching higher levels by late due to inherited commitments and shifts like cash aid programs fulfilling election pledges. Economically, recorded steady GDP growth of 4.7% in 2018 and 4.3% in 2019 under Lim's oversight, supported by and services sectors, though vulnerable to global trade tensions. The 2020 Budget, tabled by Lim in October 2019, emphasized via investments in and while maintaining fiscal prudence, with endorsements from the World Bank and IMF affirming the trajectory toward stability. Challenges included revenue shortfalls from SST implementation, which generated less than GST, prompting reliance on domestic borrowing and prompting debates on long-term sustainability amid rising liabilities.

International Engagements and Criticisms

As Finance Minister, Lim Guan Eng represented at the (IMF) and World Bank Annual Meetings, delivering official statements in 2018 on priorities including the World Bank's Project and global economic awareness, and in 2019 advocating for IMF quota and governance reforms to enhance institutional legitimacy. He also addressed the Development Committee in October 2019, emphasizing multilateral cooperation on development challenges. Lim pursued international cooperation on the 1MDB , coordinating with the Department of Justice on asset recovery; in June 2018, he announced expectations that the would monetize and repatriate seized assets linked to misappropriated funds. This involved collaboration with authorities in the , , and to trace a global money trail exceeding $4.5 billion disbursed by 1MDB subsidiary SRC International. Bilaterally, he led renegotiations with on projects, suspending the East Coast Rail Link (ECRL) in July 2018 due to concerns over cost and terms, planning a visit to for revised agreements, and finalizing a deal by April 2019 that reduced the project cost from RM55 billion to RM44 billion while excluding land concessions to . Lim's fiscal disclosures drew international scrutiny, particularly his May 2018 revelation of and liabilities totaling over RM1 trillion (approximately $251 billion, or 79.3% of GDP), which included off-budget guarantees and private obligations not aligned with standard IMF and international guidelines for debt-to-GDP reporting. This approach was criticized for potentially inflating figures beyond conventional metrics, complicating cross-country comparisons and raising questions about transparency in redefining national debt. agencies, including Moody's, highlighted risks from elevated debt levels amid the government's post-election spending commitments, warning of pressures on revenue and fiscal sustainability. Further criticism focused on implementation gaps in promised ; despite pledges of "pain and sacrifice" in the 2019 budget to address , analysts noted insufficient cuts and reliance on government-linked company dividends, undermining investor confidence in structural reforms. Some observers, including former officials, argued the emphasis served domestic political aims against the prior administration rather than adhering strictly to empirical fiscal analysis.

Leadership in the Democratic Action Party

Rise to National Chairman and Advisor

Lim Guan Eng served as the 's (DAP) Secretary-General for 18 years, from 2004 until 2022, during which the party expanded its influence, securing control of the state government in 2008 and achieving a record 42 parliamentary seats in the 2018 general election. In this role, he coordinated party operations, policy formulation, and electoral strategies, contributing to DAP's alignment within the coalition that ousted the long-ruling in 2018. At the DAP's 17th National Congress on March 20, 2022, Lim transitioned to National Chairman as was elected Secretary-General, succeeding him in that position. This shift marked a generational adjustment in while retaining Lim's prominence, with the Chairman focusing on strategic oversight and representation amid DAP's governance responsibilities in federal and state levels post-2018 victory. Under his chairmanship, DAP navigated dynamics, including the 2020 political crisis that led to Muhyiddin Yassin's government, emphasizing party unity and opposition resilience. In the 18th DAP National Congress on March 16, 2025, Lim secured the 26th position in the 30-member Central Executive Committee (CEC) with 1,719 votes, amid internal contests reflecting debates over direction and multiracial appeal. The newly elected CEC subsequently appointed as National Chairman and designated Lim as National Adviser, a role enabling continued advisory input on and strategy without executive duties. Lim accepted the outcome, urging unity under the new leadership and emphasizing sustained focus on and economic reforms.

Internal Party Struggles and Power Dynamics

Lim Guan Eng's tenure as DAP secretary-general from 2004 to and subsequent elevation to national chairman in positioned him at the apex of the party's power structure, but it also intensified factional tensions rooted in generational divides and strategic divergences. Younger leaders, including organizing secretary Steven Sim, advocated for a pragmatic shift to attract Malay voters by moderating the party's oppositional stance toward coalition partners like UMNO, clashing with Lim's more confrontational approach against perceived corruption in Malay-majority parties. These dynamics reflected a broader of influence within the DAP, where ideological consistency yielded to personality-driven contests, particularly as the party navigated its role in the unity government post- . In , where Lim served as from 2008 to 2018, internal polls in September 2024 exposed acrimonious divisions between his camp and that of successor , highlighting deviations from party conventions on leadership transitions and fueling perceptions of entrenched family influence from the "Lim dynasty"—encompassing Lim's father, veteran leader , and siblings. Lim's aggressive endorsement of allies backfired, with only two favored candidates securing state committee seats, underscoring grassroots dissatisfaction with his interventionist style. This provincial strife mirrored national undercurrents, as secretary-general reportedly discouraged Lim's re-election bid for chairman amid rumors of a coordinated push by younger executives to consolidate power. The DAP's central executive committee elections on March 16, 2025, culminated these power dynamics, with Lim failing to retain the chairmanship and transitioning to an advisory role, signaling the erosion of the Lim family's dominance after decades of sequential leadership. Analysts attributed the outcome to internal rebellion driven by critiques of Lim's strategic missteps, including alienating non-Malay bases through overtures to UMNO, and a push for renewal amid the party's adaptation to governing coalitions. Party veterans urged focus on broader challenges like electoral outreach rather than personal loyalties, yet the polls underscored persistent factionalism, with Loke's consolidation potentially stabilizing short-term unity at the cost of sidelining vocal advocates like Lim.

Corruption Allegations and Ongoing Trials

Bungalow Purchase at Below-Market Price

In July 2015, while serving as , Lim Guan Eng purchased a measuring approximately 10,161 square feet on Pinhorn Road from businesswoman Phang Li Koon, director of Magnificent Emblem Sdn Bhd, for RM2.8 million, equivalent to RM275.56 per square foot. The transaction occurred on July 28, 2015, with Phang having previously acquired the property using a RM2.1 million in 2008. Prosecutors alleged that the purchase price was substantially below the property's market value of RM4.27 million at the time, claiming Lim abused his public position to obtain this gratification from Phang, who faced separate charges of abetting the offense under Section 23(1) of the Act 2009. Lim maintained he was unaware of any inflated market valuation, stating the price was negotiated based on prior assessments, including those by the Board, and denied knowledge of the RM4.27 million figure until after the purchase. Lim was charged on June 30, 2016, with two counts of corruption: one related to the alleged improper conversion of nearby land status and the second specifically for the bungalow acquisition. Phang was also charged in connection with the sale. The case proceeded to , where defense questioning highlighted inconsistencies in the prosecution's valuation report, including doubts raised by the first witness regarding the complainant's assessment methods. On September 3, 2018, the acquitted Lim and Phang after the prosecution withdrew the charges following testimony from key witnesses, including Phang, prompting the Attorney General's Chambers to deem further proceedings untenable. The (MACC) expressed surprise at the decision, insisting evidence supported the below-market value claim, but did not immediately appeal. In August 2020, amid political shifts following the collapse of the government, Lim, his wife Betty Chew Gek Choo, and Phang faced fresh charges of and tied to the same bungalow transaction, with allegations that proceeds from the undervalued sale were laundered. The charges carry potential penalties of up to 20 years' imprisonment and fines. In March 2024, the dismissed their application to strike out the charges, ruling the claims lacked merit. As of June 2025, the trial remained delayed pending resolution of related appeals, with no final verdict reported.

Penang Undersea Tunnel Project Charges

In August 2020, Lim Guan Eng was charged with two counts of corruption related to the RM6.3 billion Undersea Tunnel project, officially known as the Penang Mutiara Tunnel, which he approved as . The first charge alleged that between January 2011 and December 2013, Lim abused his position to solicit and receive RM3.3 million in gratification from Zarul Ahmad Mohd Zulkifli, a businessman linked to Zenith Construction Sdn Bhd, the lead firm in the consortium awarded the contract without open tender. The second amended charge accused him of soliciting a 10% share of the project's future profits from Zarul Ahmad in exchange for facilitating the approval of the undersea tunnel and related highway components. Lim pleaded not guilty to both charges, which carry potential penalties of up to 20 years imprisonment and fines under Malaysia's Anti-Corruption Commission Act 2009. The charges stem from allegations that the project award was irregular, bypassing standard procurement processes and involving a land swap that disadvantaged the state government. (MACC) investigations revealed the deal as a mechanism to exchange state land valued at over RM200 million for private plots, ostensibly to fund but resulting in net losses for the state estimated at hundreds of millions of ringgit due to undervalued assets and unfulfilled commitments. During , MACC investigating officer Zulhilmi Ramli testified in October 2025 that the tunnel component served primarily as a pretext to "deceive" the public and justify the land exchange, with early informal dealings between Lim, project proponent Dato' Tee Eng Ho (Ewe) and Zarul Ahmad indicating premeditated favoritism. Trial proceedings, ongoing as of October 2025 in the , have featured testimonies highlighting procedural haste and potential conflicts of interest. A prosecution described Lim's decision to the as "hasty" and driven by personal interests, with the consortium's selection predating formal evaluations. Another , business associate Gnanaraja, recounted delivering two bags containing RM2 million in cash to Lim in 2013, allegedly linked to the , though the defense challenged his credibility by alleging coercion by MACC. The defense has argued that the advanced public infrastructure needs in traffic-congested , denying any and portraying the charges as politically motivated amid partisan rivalries in Malaysian politics. No verdict has been reached, with further hearings scheduled.

Trial Developments and Witness Testimonies

The corruption trial of Lim Guan Eng related to the undersea project commenced in 2018, with charges alleging abuse of position as to solicit a 10% share of project profits from businessman Zarul Ahmad Mohd Zulkifli and to facilitate the disposal of state land worth RM208.8 million to a linked developer. Proceedings have featured extensive witness testimonies, including from (MACC) officers and individuals implicated in alleged bribe transactions. The trial remains ongoing as of October 2025, with the prosecution presenting evidence of procedural irregularities in awarding the RM6.3 billion contract to (CCCC) subsidiary Beijing Urban Construction Group (BUCG) without open tender. In August 2025, businessman Seri G. Gnanaraja, testifying as a key prosecution , detailed delivering bribes totaling RM2 million in two bags—each containing RM1 million—from Zarul to Lim at his office, claiming Lim smiled upon receipt and that the payments were linked to securing the undersea tunnel project for Consortium Zenith Construction Sdn Bhd. Gnanaraja further stated he was appointed by the consortium to facilitate these gratifications, which were intended to influence project approval. Subsequent testimonies in October 2025 from MACC investigating officer Zulhelmi, the prosecution's 38th witness, asserted that investigations revealed the tunnel project served as a "facade to mask a land scam," with Lim's decision to directly the contract to BUCG via a (MoU) bypassing competitive bidding and prioritizing personal interest over state benefit. Zulhelmi testified that the MoU, signed in 2013, invited BUCG proposals without specifying open tender requirements, leading to the state incurring significant losses as the "losing party" in the deal. He linked Lim's actions to soliciting the 10% profit share from Zarul, who agreed without Lim naming BUCG initially. Earlier bungalow purchase charges from 2018, alleging acquisition below from businesswoman Phang Li Koon, were withdrawn by the prosecution following from a confirming the property's 2008 valuation at RM2.5 million aligned with the RM2.8 million purchase price, negating claims of undervaluation. This development shifted focus to the tunnel-related proceedings, where defense cross-examinations have contested credibility and causation of state losses.

Additional Controversies and Public Statements

Interstate Relations and Disparaging Remarks

In 2011, while promoting Penang during a visit to Singapore, Lim Guan Eng contrasted the state's development with Johor's reportedly high crime rate, stating that investors preferred Penang over Johor due to safety concerns. The remarks, captured in a recording, drew criticism for undermining Johor's reputation, prompting Lim to issue a public apology to the Sultan of Johor and the state's residents, emphasizing that he had no intention to discredit Johor or any other state. Relations with Sarawak faced strain ahead of the 2022 general election, where Lim's prior statements were perceived as offensive by the (GPS) coalition. Following DAP's electoral setbacks in , Lim apologized on November 24, 2022, for remarks that may have offended Sarawak Premier Tan Sri Abang Johari Openg and the GPS government, advocating for renewed cooperation in the national interest. Tensions with Kedah, governed by , escalated over water supply from Sungai Muda, which provides about 80% of Penang's raw water. In December 2020, Lim condemned Kedah Menteri Besar Muhammad Sanusi Md Nor's threat to dam the river as "cruel and inhumane," arguing it disregarded Penang's dependence on the resource. By March , he accused Sanusi and federal Water Minister Seri Tuan Ibrahim Tuan Man of colluding against Penang's interests through projects that could deplete the river, labeling the actions "reckless and irresponsible" amid political rivalries between DAP and PAS-led administrations. These exchanges highlighted broader interstate frictions over , with Lim framing Kedah's positions as politically motivated rather than cooperative.

Policy Positions on Labor and Migration

Lim Guan Eng has advocated for pragmatic policies on migrant labor to address labor shortages in Malaysia's "3D" sectors—dirty, dangerous, and difficult—while prioritizing economic competitiveness and local employment protection. In August 2025, during parliamentary debate on the 13th Malaysia Plan, he argued that existing migrant workers should be exempt from the RM1,700 national minimum wage and mandatory 2% Employees Provident Fund (EPF) contributions, asserting that Malaysia is not legally bound by United Nations or International Labour Organization (ILO) conventions requiring such parity. He cited Singapore's policy since 2003, which excludes migrant workers from its Central Provident Fund without adverse economic effects or international repercussions, as evidence that selective application does not undermine Malaysia's standing. This position drew criticism from labor NGOs such as Tenaganita and the Malaysian Trades Union Congress (MTUC), who contended it promotes wage discrimination and exploitation, potentially risking Malaysia's U.S. Trafficking in Persons Tier 2 ranking. Lim maintained that uniform mandates could inflate business costs, discourage hiring for low-skill roles shunned by Malaysians, and hinder sectors reliant on approximately 2 million documented foreign workers. His earlier stance as in 2013 echoed this caution, calling for delayed implementation of the initial national to safeguard small businesses during economic adjustment. On migration management, Lim has supported mechanisms like foreign worker levies to regulate inflows and generate revenue without overburdening employers or locals. As Finance Minister in 2018, he reversed a prior policy to require employers to bear the full RM10,000 annual levy for skilled s, rather than shifting costs to workers, aiming to curb exploitation while funding social programs. In 2019, his ministry reduced extension levy fees by RM1,500 to RM4,000 for sectors like and services to ease post-recruitment burdens amid economic slowdowns. He later proposed a tiered sharing model for long-term workers (over 10 years), with employers paying 20% of the RM10,000 levy, though this faced accusations of inconsistency from critics. These measures reflect a balance favoring controlled migration to support growth—Penang under his leadership attracted foreign investment through such flexibility—over expansive rights extensions that could elevate labor costs.

Responses to Electoral and Political Shifts

Lim Guan Eng expressed dejection among (DAP) members and the public following the Sheraton Move on 1 March 2020, which precipitated the collapse of the (PH) federal government through defections and resignations by Parti Pribumi Bersatu Malaysia (Bersatu) MPs. In his final address as DAP secretary-general on 19 March 2022, he attributed the loss of power to this political maneuver, urging PH component parties to regroup and contest the upcoming unitedly to reclaim governance. He later dismissed Bersatu's justifications for the Sheraton Move as historically untenable, emphasizing the betrayal's role in undermining the 2018 reform mandate during a 28 July 2022 parliamentary response. Following the 15th on 19 November 2022, which resulted in a with securing 82 seats but no outright majority, Lim endorsed leadership's decision to form a unity government with (BN) on 21 November 2022, stating DAP's support for stabilizing the administration despite historical rivalries. He reiterated this alignment on multiple occasions, affirming DAP's deference to 's top echelons in pursuing the pact to avert further instability. However, Lim continued critiquing elements within BN, particularly Umno-linked , as evidenced by his 4 January 2025 condemnation of a pro-Najib Razak rally as defying royal decree and exhibiting PAS's "irresponsible, unprincipled, hypocritical, and opportunistic" stance, prompting Umno president to accuse him of undermining harmony. This reflected ongoing tensions in adapting to the unity framework, where Lim's anti- rhetoric clashed with DAP's broader party efforts to foster ties with former adversaries. Amid post-2022 state electoral shifts favoring (PN) in six states during August 2023 polls, Lim warned of a "" Islamist surge threatening basic rights, prompting PN to challenge his predictions as they consolidated rural Malay support. His remarks underscored concerns over PN's gains eroding PH's multiracial agenda, positioning the unity government as a bulwark against such polarization.

Electoral Record

Summary of Election Results

Lim Guan Eng first entered as the Member for Kota Melaka in the 1986 general , securing victory with a of 17,606 votes over Barisan Nasional's . He retained the seat in the and 1995 elections before losing it in 1999 amid his imprisonment on charges later deemed politically motivated. Returning to national politics, Lim contested and won the parliamentary seat in the 2004 general . He defended it successfully in 2008, defeating Barisan Nasional's Song Choy Leng by a margin of 22,070 votes. Concurrently, in the 2008 state , he captured the Air Putih constituency in with a of 4,061 votes against Barisan Nasional's Tan Yoke Cheng, enabling his appointment as . Focusing on state politics thereafter, Lim retained Air Putih in the 2013, 2018, and 2023 state elections, reflecting sustained voter support in under . In the 2023 poll, he polled 8,996 votes for an 85.63% share, defeating 's Ivan Koh Cheng Ann by 7,923 votes.
Election YearTypeConstituencyMajorityOpponent Coalition
1986ParliamentaryKota Melaka17,606
2008Parliamentary22,070
2008StateAir Putih4,061
2023StateAir Putih7,923

Honours and Recognitions

Lim Guan Eng has maintained a stance against accepting formal honorific titles such as , consistent with (DAP) leaders like and , who refused such awards to prioritize public service over personal recognition. In October 2018, he publicly criticized several DAP members for accepting titles from state rulers, arguing that it contradicted the party's ethos of serving the people without seeking accolades. No records indicate that Lim has received national or state honours conferring titles like Tan Sri or equivalent federal , such as those from the Order of Loyalty to the Crown of . In November 2018, the state government recognized his founding role in the George Town Literary Festival by presenting him with a Patron during a handover event by Chow Kon Yeow.

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  164. https://www.malaysiakini.com/news/751371
  165. https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/nation/2025/08/07/kua-questions-daps-stance-after-guan-engs-minimum-wage-remark
  166. https://www.nst.com.my/news/nation/2025/08/1256782/guan-eng-criticised-opposing-minimum-wage-epf-migrants
  167. https://www.thestar.com.my/news/nation/2025/08/07/tenaganita-slams-guan-eng-over-remarks-on-minimum-wage-for-foreign-workers
  168. https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/nation/2025/08/08/malaysias-tier-2-ranking-at-risk-if-workers-benefits-withheld-says-mtuc
  169. https://m.aliran.com/web-specials/guan-engs-call-for-wage-discrimination-must-be-condemned
  170. https://www.thestar.com.my/news/nation/2018/09/25/finance-ministry-full-cost-of-rm10000-skilled-foreign-worker-levy-to-be-borne-by-employers/
  171. https://www.mof.gov.my/portal/arkib/news/2019/Feb/10.pdf
  172. https://theedgemalaysia.com/article/guan-eng-employers-pay-20-rm10000-levy-each-foreign-worker
  173. https://theedgemalaysia.com/article/frankly-speaking-flipflopping-foreign-worker-levy
  174. https://theedgemalaysia.com/node/774430
  175. https://malaysia.news.yahoo.com/last-message-dap-sec-gen-060026856.html
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  177. https://www.malaymail.com/news/malaysia/2022/11/21/dap-will-support-pakatan-leadership-if-it-decides-to-form-a-coalition-with-bn-says-guan-eng/41042
  178. https://www.sinardaily.my/article/184793/focus/politics/dap-supports-the-decision-of-phs-top-leadership
  179. https://www.malaymail.com/news/malaysia/2025/01/04/lim-guan-eng-slams-pas-for-defying-royal-decree-pressing-on-with-pro-najib-rally/162028
  180. https://www.thevibes.com/articles/news/104430/your-time-has-passed-stop-disturbing-the-unity-government-zahid-tells-guan-eng
  181. https://www.malaysianow.com/news/2023/07/10/well-prove-you-wrong-pn-tells-guan-eng-after-green-wave-warning
  182. https://electiondata.my/
  183. https://dapmalaysia.org/newenglish/leaders_biodata_lge.htm
  184. https://www.bernama.com/en/news.php?id=2215775
  185. https://www.nst.com.my/news/politics/2018/10/421135/guan-eng-ticks-dap-leaders-who-accepted-datukships
  186. https://www.themalaysianinsight.com/s/103513
  187. https://www.buletinmutiara.com/state-govt-honours-guan-eng-with-gtlf-patron-award/
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