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Naftali Bennett (Hebrew: נַפְתָּלִי בֶּנֶט, romanized: Naftālī Beneṭ [naftaˈli ˈbenet]; born 25 March 1972) is an Israeli politician and businessman who served as the prime minister of Israel from 13 June 2021 to 30 June 2022, and as the alternate prime minister from 1 July to 8 November 2022.[1][2] Bennett was the leader of the New Right party from 2018 to 2022, having previously led the religious Zionist and far-right political party The Jewish Home between 2012 and 2018.[3]

Key Information

The son of immigrants from the United States, Bennett was born and raised in Haifa. Bennett served in the Sayeret Matkal and Maglan special forces units of the Israel Defense Forces, commanding many combat operations, and subsequently became a software entrepreneur. In 1999, he co-founded and co-owned the US company Cyota. The company was sold in 2005 for $145 million.[4] He also was CEO of Soluto, an Israeli cloud computing service, that sold in 2013 for a reported $100–130 million.[5]

Bennett entered politics in 2006, as Chief of Staff for Benjamin Netanyahu until 2008. From 2010 to 2012, he was the director of the Yesha Council.[6] In 2011, together with Ayelet Shaked, he co-founded the My Israel extra-parliamentary movement.[7] In 2012, Bennett was elected as the party leader of The Jewish Home. In the 2013 Knesset election, the first contested by The Jewish Home under Bennett's leadership, the party won 12 seats in the Knesset.[8] He served under Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu as Minister of Economy and Religious Services from 2013 to 2015, before being appointed Minister of Education in 2015. In December 2018, Bennett left The Jewish Home to form the New Right party.[9] After he lost his Knesset seat in the April 2019 Knesset election, he was dismissed by Netanyahu as Education Minister in June 2019. He regained his seat in the September 2019 Knesset election, representing the New Right (now a member of the Yamina alliance), and was appointed Minister of Defense, before leaving the position the following year.

In the 2021 Knesset election, Yamina under Bennett's leadership won 7 seats. On 2 June 2021, Bennett agreed to a rotation government with Yair Lapid, whereby Bennett would serve as Israel's prime minister until 2023, after which Lapid would assume the role until 2025.[10] Bennett was sworn in on 13 June 2021.[11] On 20 June 2022, following failures of the coalition to pass bills in the Knesset, Bennett announced he would call for a vote to dissolve the Knesset and step down as prime minister after the dissolution, to be succeeded by Lapid.[12] On 29 June, he announced that he would not seek re-election to the chamber in the next election that have been scheduled for later in the year.[13] Lapid succeeded him as prime minister on 1 July 2022, while Bennett succeeded Lapid as the Alternate Prime Minister.[14] He announced his resignation as alternative prime minister on 6 November, which became effective on 8 November.[15] Bennett registered a new political party in April 2025 under the placeholder name Bennett 2026.

Early life

[edit]

Bennett was born in Haifa, Israel, on 25 March 1972.[16] He is the youngest of three sons born to Jim and Myrna (née Lefko) Bennett,[17] American-Jewish immigrants who moved to Israel from San Francisco in July 1967.[18] Both his parents were from Ashkenazi Jewish backgrounds. His father's ancestors were from Poland, Germany, and the Netherlands.[19] Bennett's paternal great-great-great-grandfather Julius Salomonson was from Łobżenica, Poland, and arrived in San Francisco in 1851 during the California Gold Rush.[18][20] His mother's ancestors lived in Russia and Poland, and her parents immigrated to the United States prior to World War II.[18] They later moved to Israel, joining their daughter's family there, and settled on Vitkin Street in Haifa, close to where Bennett and his brothers grew up.[21] Some of his mother's family members who remained in Poland were murdered in the Holocaust.[19]

Bennett's parents were raised in non-Orthodox Jewish homes and were progressive activists during the 1960s. His father was arrested while taking part in an anti-racism sit-in protest in 1964. They later began to observe Modern Orthodox Judaism and embraced right-wing Israeli politics.[18] After moving to Israel in 1967, they volunteered for a few months at kibbutz Dafna, where they studied the Hebrew language, then settled in the Ahuza neighborhood of Haifa. Jim Bennett found a job in the Technion, working for its fundraising team, and became a successful real estate broker and real estate entrepreneur. Myrna Bennett was the deputy director general of the Association of Americans and Canadians in Israel's northern region.[21][22]

In the summer of 1973, when Bennett was one year old, the family returned to San Francisco at the urging of his mother.[18] With the outbreak of the Yom Kippur War in October 1973, Jim Bennett returned to Israel to fight in the Israel Defense Forces, serving in an artillery unit on the Golan Heights front.[18] Following the war, the rest of the family returned to Israel at his request as he was held in reserve duty for months after the war. Bennett's parents ultimately decided to stay permanently in Israel.[23]

In 1976, when Bennett was four years old, the family moved to Montreal for two years as part of his father's job.[24] Upon returning to Haifa, Bennett began attending Carmel elementary school. When he was in second grade, the family moved to Teaneck, New Jersey for two years, again as part of his father's job. While living in New Jersey, Bennett attended Yavneh Academy. The family returned to Haifa when Bennett was ten.[25][26] During Bennett's childhood, he visited San Francisco on family vacations nearly every summer.[18]

Bennett has two brothers; they are Asher, a former Israeli Navy submarine officer and businessman based in the United Kingdom, and Daniel, an accountant for Zim Integrated Shipping Services.[21] Bennett attended Yavne Yeshiva High School in Haifa and became a group leader (madrich) in the religious Zionist youth movement Bnei Akiva.[27][28]

Military service

[edit]

Bennett was drafted into the Israel Defense Forces in 1990. He served in the elite Sayeret Matkal commando unit, and after his regular service was selected for officer training. He was given a choice of remaining in Sayeret Matkal but as a regular operator rather than a commander or transferring to the Maglan commando unit to receive a command position and chose to transfer to Maglan. He became a company commander in the Maglan unit.[29][30][31]

Bennett was discharged from active service after six years but continued to serve in the reserves and attained the rank of major. During the time that Bennett was living in the United States and building his career as a software entrepreneur, he repeatedly traveled to Israel to do reserve duty.[30][31] Bennett served during the First Intifada and in the Israeli security zone in Lebanon during the 1982–2000 South Lebanon conflict. He commanded many operations. Among other missions, he served as an officer in Operation Grapes of Wrath.[32]

After his regular IDF service, Bennett received a law degree from the Hebrew University of Jerusalem.[33] During the Second Intifada, he participated in Operation Defensive Shield.[34]

He was called up as a reservist in the Maglan special forces unit during the 2006 Lebanon War and participated in a search and destroy mission behind enemy lines, operating against Hezbollah rocket launchers.[35]

One of Bennett's actions as a commando officer became highly controversial. During Operation Grapes of Wrath, while leading a force of 67 Maglan soldiers operating in southern Lebanon, Bennett radioed for support after his unit came under mortar fire. The IDF launched an artillery barrage to cover his force, and the shelling hit a United Nations compound in which civilians were taking refuge, an incident that became known as the Qana massacre. A total of 106 Lebanese civilians were killed.[31][36]

The incident resulted in a wave of international condemnation, and the subsequent diplomatic pressure caused Israel to end Operation Grapes of Wrath sooner than planned.[36] Journalist Yigal Sarna, writing in Israeli national tabloid Yedioth Ahronoth, argued that Bennett displayed "poor judgement" during the operation. Sarna wrote that "Bennett led a force of 67 combat troops into Lebanon. At a certain point, he decided to ignore orders and change operational plans, without coordinating these moves with his superiors, who in his mind were cowardly, and not steadfast enough. Near the village of Kfar Kana, Bennett's troops were caught in an ambush."[37]

Citing a "senior army figure", journalist Raviv Drucker said that Bennett's radio call for support after his unit came under fire was "hysterical" and contributed to the loss of life which occurred. Bennett responded: "I have now been subjected to an attack claiming that I am 'responsible for the massacre in Kfar Kana.' Heroism will not be investigated. Keep looking in the archives. My military file is available for viewing, and it's waiting for you."[36] Former members of Bennett's unit wrote a letter defending him, saying: "Naftali ... led many successful operations that led to the elimination of Hezbollah terrorists deep in enemy territory." Other officers involved in the operation, including one who was Bennett's deputy during the Qana incident, also denied that he had changed plans without consulting his superiors.[36][38]

In October 2023, immediately following the start of the Gaza war, Bennett enlisted to do reserve duty, serving in the emergency storage unit of the IDF's Technological and Logistics Directorate.[39][40]

Business career

[edit]

In 1999, Bennett co-founded Cyota, an anti-fraud software company, and became its CEO.[41][42] He moved to New York City in 2000 to oversee Cyota's corporate development, settling on the Upper East Side of Manhattan, and lived there for four years.[41][43] In 2005, the company was sold to RSA Security for $145 million, making Bennett a multimillionaire.[42][41] A stipulation of the deal allowed the Israeli arm of Cyota to remain intact. As of 2013, 400 Israelis were employed at the company's Israeli offices in Beersheba and Herzliya.[27]

Bennett was the CEO of Soluto, a technology company providing cloud-based service that enables remote support for personal computers and mobile devices in 2009, at a time when he and partner Lior Golan were engaged in raising funds for myriad Israeli technology startup companies. Soluto had hitherto raised $20 million from investors, including venture capital funds Giza Venture Capital, Proxima Ventures, Bessemer Venture Partners, Index Ventures, Michael Arrington's CrunchFund, and Eric Schmidt's Innovation Endeavors and Initial Capital. The sale of Soluto for a reported $100–130 million to the American company Asurion was finalized in October 2013.[44][45][5]

In June 2021, Forbes Israel reported that Bennett was expected to make $5 million from his investment in the American fintech company Payoneer.[46][47] Bennett invested several hundred thousand dollars in the company before entering politics. Payoneer is set to list on the Nasdaq stock exchange with a $3.3 billion valuation after reaching a SPAC merger with FTAC Olympus Acquisition Corp in February 2021.[46]

Political career

[edit]
Minister of Education Naftali Bennett (right) with Minister of Justice Ayelet Shaked (above center), Minister of Culture Miri Regev (left), and Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu (below center)
Bennett with U.S. Defense Secretary Mark Esper in February 2020

From 2010 to 2012, Bennett served as the director of the Yesha Council. In April 2011, together with Ayelet Shaked, he co-founded My Israel, which claims to have 94,000 Israeli members. In April 2012, he founded a movement named Yisraelim ("Israelis"). The movement's main goals include increasing Zionism among centre-right supporters, increasing dialogue between the religious and secular communities, and promoting "The Israel Stability Initiative."[48][49]

Bennett was elected the leader of The Jewish Home party in 2012.[50] He was reelected as the party's leader in 2015[51] and 2017.[52]

Following his election to the Knesset, and before he could take his seat, Bennett had to renounce his U.S. citizenship, which he held as the son of American parents.[53] He was appointed Minister of Economy and Minister of Religious Services in March 2013. In April 2013, he was also appointed Minister of Jerusalem and Diaspora Affairs.[54]

After being reelected in the 2015 Knesset election, Bennett was appointed Minister of Education and retained the Diaspora Affairs portfolio in the new government. In May 2015, Netanyahu split the Ministry of Jerusalem and Diaspora Affairs, initially taking back the Jerusalem Affairs portfolio for himself.[55] He later appointed Ze'ev Elkin to the role of Jerusalem Affairs Minister.[56] As Minister of Education, Bennett issued an official order prohibiting school principals from inviting members of Breaking the Silence and other organizations that denounce Israel's military conduct in the West Bank.[57]

In October 2015, Bennett resigned from the Knesset in order to allow Shuli Mualem to take his seat. His resignation took place under the Norwegian Law, which allowed ministers to resign their seats when in the cabinet but return to the Knesset if they leave the government.[58] He returned to the Knesset on 6 December after Avi Wortzman opted to vacate his seat,[59] having temporarily had to resign as a minister in order to do so.[60]

Following Avigdor Lieberman's resignation as Defense Minister in November 2018, Bennett announced that he was seeking the position for himself.[61][62] On 16 November 2018, a Likud party spokesman announced that Netanyahu had rejected Bennett's request and that Netanyahu himself would take the position instead.[62] It was then announced that Bennett's Jewish Home party would no longer be affiliated with Netanyahu's government.[63] On 19 November, Bennett reneged on his pledge to withdraw from Netanyahu's coalition.[64]

In December 2018, Bennett was among the Jewish Home MKs to leave the party and form the breakaway New Right party.[65] In the April 2019 Knesset election, New Right narrowly failed to cross the electoral threshold; as a result, Bennett did not gain a seat in the 21st Knesset.[66] In June 2019, he left the government after Netanyahu dismissed Bennett from his positions as Education and Diaspora Affairs Minister.[67]

After the Knesset dissolved and a second election in 2019 was called for September, the New Right formed an electoral alliance with the Jewish Home and National Union-Tkuma, named the United Right[68] which was later renamed Yamina, and was led by Ayelet Shaked.[69] The list won seven seats in the election, and Bennett regained his Knesset seat.[70] In November 2019, Bennett rejoined Netanyahu's government as Minister of Defense.[71] After briefly dissolving, the Yamina alliance was reunified in January 2020 ahead of the 2020 Knesset election, with Bennett succeeding Ayelet Shaked as the new leader of the alliance.[72] Yamina won six seats in that election.[73]

In May 2020, with negotiations taking place between Netanyahu and Benny Gantz (leader of the centrist Blue and White alliance) to form a new government, Yamina announced that it would go into the opposition, ending Bennett's tenure as Defense Minister.[74] The day before, Rafi Peretz, the leader of The Jewish Home, had split from the alliance, and would be named as the Minister of Jerusalem in the thirty-fifth government of Israel.[75][76] On 17 May, Bennett met with Gantz, who also succeeded him as Defense Minister, and declared that Yamina was now a "head held high" member of the opposition.[77] Tkuma, which rebranded as the Religious Zionist Party on 7 January 2021,[78] split from Yamina on 20 January.[79] In spite of this, Yamina won seven seats in the 2021 Knesset election in March.[80]

Prime Minister of Israel (2021–2022)

[edit]
Main article: Thirty-sixth government of Israel
Bennett and his Cabinet with President Reuven Rivlin, June 2021

On 9 May 2021, it was reported that Bennett and Leader of the Opposition and Yesh Atid leader Yair Lapid had made major headway in coalition talks for forming a new Israeli government which would oust Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.[81][82] On 30 May, Bennett announced that he would be prime minister in a rotation government until August 2023, at which point Lapid would take over as prime minister until 2025.[83] Bennett was sworn in on 13 June, ending Netanyahu's 12-year tenure in office.[11] He is Israel's first kippah-wearing prime minister.[84][85]

On the fast of 9th of Av, 2021, as hundreds of Jews went to mourn on the temple mount, where it was forbidden for them to pray,[86] Bennett wrote: "The Jewish people twice had a Jewish state on the Land of Israel, and both times we did not succeed to complete the eighth decade as an independent state, because of internal wars and baseless hatred ... At the time of the Roman siege on Jerusalem, the nation was divided, each group entrenched itself in its own position, and burned the food stores of the others, as part of the internal power struggle, so the Romans had a much easier task. The bitter end we all know, and until today every year on this date we mourn the awful destruction which a people with a little more baseless love, restraint, and listening, could have saved us from."[87]

Upon the government's formation in June 2021, it held 61 seats in the Knesset; all these members of the Knesset (MK) came from coalition parties excluding Yamina's Amichai Chikli.[88][89][90] On 6 April 2022, Yamina MK Idit Silman, resigned from the coalition, causing the governing coalition to lose its majority in the Knesset.[91] On 13 June, Yamina MK Nir Orbach left the coalition, arguing that left-wing members of the coalition were holding it hostage.[92] Several days later, on 20 June, Bennett and Lapid announced the introduction of a bill to dissolve the Knesset in a joint statement, stating that Lapid would become the interim prime minister following the dissolution.[93] The Knesset was dissolved on the night of 30 June, ending Bennett's term as prime minister.[94]

COVID-19 pandemic

[edit]

At the time of Bennett's assumption of office, the COVID-19 pandemic in Israel had somewhat subsided, with a low national infection rate and with 55% of the Israeli population having received two or more COVID-19 vaccines. Within ten days of his assumption of office, Israel underwent an outbreak of the Delta variant. In response, Bennett encouraged renewed social distancing, and the vaccination of all children aged twelve and above.[95] In addition, he reached a deal with Pfizer to provide previously purchased vaccines before their intended delivery date to ensure the accessibility of the vaccine,[96] and to provide additional vaccines in case a second booster shot becomes necessary.[97] Following the variant's continued spread, a second booster shot and third overall shot was approved by the government on 1 August 2021 for all individuals aged 60 or older,[98] which was expanded on 29 August to all adults.[99]

Israel experienced a surge in COVID cases beginning in late November 2021. By December, the first cases of the Omicron variant were being reported in the country, the government responded by restricting air travel to the country and encouraging the vaccination of children and teenagers. On 2 January 2022, following an additional surge in late December, a third booster shot, and a fourth overall shot, was approved by the government for all individuals aged 60 or older.[100] Cases grew at a steady pace through January and began to decrease, stabilizing again in March[101] before continuing to fall. Israel ended its mask mandate in late April.[102]

Foreign policy

[edit]
Bennett with US President Joe Biden, August 2021

King Mohammed VI of Morocco sent a special congratulatory letter to Prime Minister Bennett upon his taking office. Bennett responded that he would "work to reinforce Israeli-Moroccan relations in all areas".[103] Israel and Morocco restored diplomatic relations on 10 December 2020, as part of the Israel–Morocco normalization agreement involving the United States, which at the same time recognized Morocco's sovereignty over the disputed territory of Western Sahara.[104] In August 2021, the two parties agreed to enter formal diplomatic relations, and to open embassies in Tel Aviv and Marrakesh respectively.[105]

That month, Bennett made his first visit to the United States, where he met Secretary of State Antony Blinken, Secretary of Defense Lloyd Austin, and AIPAC CEO Howard Kohr. He subsequently met President Joe Biden on 27 August 2021.[106][107] In this meeting, Bennett described Israel's strategy against Iran as "a death by a thousand cuts" or "lingchi".[108]

On 27 September, Bennett addressed the general assembly of the United Nations in his first speech there. He talked about fighting the COVID-19 pandemic and combatting political polarization. In addition, Bennett denounced Iran's alleged state-sponsored terrorism, which he argued brought harm not only to Israel but also to many countries in the Middle East. He warned of Iran's efforts to acquire nuclear weapons, stating that Israel would not allow it.[109]

Bennett with Russian President Vladimir Putin, October 2021

On 12 December, he visited the United Arab Emirates in the first visit of the country by an Israeli Prime Minister, meeting with then crown prince of the Emirate of Abu Dhabi, Mohamed bin Zayed.[110] On 14 February 2022 he visited Manama, marking the first time an Israeli Prime Minister officially visited Bahrain.[111]

On 5 March 2022, Bennett met with Russian President Vladimir Putin in order to discuss the Russian invasion of Ukraine in a meeting coordinated with the United States, France, and Germany. The Kremlin stated that Bennett had offered to mediate between Putin and Ukrainian president Volodymyr Zelenskyy.[112][113][114] Bennett then flew on the same day to Germany to brief German chancellor Olaf Scholz, updated French President Macron by telephone, and spoke with Zelenskyy twice in the evening, but few details were disclosed publicly.[115] According to Al Monitor, the meetings were instigated by Scholz who made a lightning visit to Israel on 3 March and held a long one-on-one meeting, which resulted in the mediation idea.[116] Natan Sharansky, former head of the Jewish Agency for Israel, criticised Bennett, saying he was afraid to call out Putin by name for war crimes, and said Israel should provide defensive arms to Ukraine.[117] Bennett later faced criticism for putting himself forward as neutral mediator amid global condemnation of Putin, while refusing requests from Ukraine for military equipment.[118]

Alternate Prime Minister and post-political career

[edit]

Upon the end of his term, Bennett became the Alternate Prime Minister of Israel on 30 June.[94] On 29 June 2022, Bennett announced that he would not run in the next election, and retire from politics at the end of his term as Alternate Prime Minister.[119] Following the election, Bennett resigned from his position on 6 November, with his term ending two days later.[120] Following his retirement, Bennett joined the board of directors of Israeli Tech company Quantom Source in May 2023.[121]

Bennett 2026

[edit]

In September 2024, a report from Hevrat HaHadashot indicated that Bennett would return to politics.[122] A report by the Israeli Public Broadcasting Corporation from later that month confirmed that he plans to return to politics.[123]

Bennett registered a new political party in April 2025 under the name Bennett 2026,[124] but has not determined whether he will run in the next Knesset election.[125]

Bennett 2026
בנט 2026‎
LeaderNaftali Bennett
Founder
Naftali Bennett
Gilat Bennett
Liran Avissar Ben-Horin
Gadi Lesin
Bruria Naim Erman
Giora Levi
Ofer Ogash
Nir Novak
IdeologyZionism
Constitutionalism[126]
Knesset
0 / 120
Website
bennett2026.org.il

According to party registration paperwork filed by Bennett 2026 with the Israeli Corporations Authority, the party plans to "restore security to Israel, and restore the people’s trust in Israel’s ability to defend its borders and the interior of the country while implementing an active security concept." The founders of the party include Bennett, "his wife, Gilat", former member of the Communications Ministry Liran Avissar Ben-Horin, former Strauss Group executive Gadi Lesin and Bruria Naim Erman, who is the founder of a PR firm. The founding members also include Giora Levi, who was Bennett’s commander while he served in the Sayeret Matkal unit, as well as Ofer Ogash, who previously ran for the Knesset as part of Bennett’s previous party and former Target Market executive Nir Novak.[127]

According to a report by Channel 12, Bennett is expected to retain close control of the party; he will manage the Knesset faction and will remain party leader until 2034. In addition, he will be the only person in the party to select candidates for the party's electoral list, will have the sole ability to choose government ministers, and will control the selection of Knesset committee members. This is in contrast to the thirty-sixth government of Israel, where numerous members of his party defected from his government and ultimately brought about its collapse.[128]

Bennett stated at a Kfar Saba conference on 4 September that he would head a centrist slate of candidates in the next election, potentially including Gadi Eisenkot and Avigdor Lieberman, and plans to create a Zionist unity government, which would pursue the creation of an Israeli constitution, and would impose term limits for prime ministers.[126]

Political positions

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Bennett's positions have been described as "ultra-nationalist", and Bennett describes himself, and has been described,[129] as "more right wing" than Netanyahu.[130] He had also been labeled as a far-right politician,[131] a "pragmatist" and an "opportunist".[129] He opposes the creation of a Palestinian state,[132] and supports cutting taxes.[133] Since his term as a member of the Thirty-sixth government of Israel in 2021, he has become increasingly more critical of Likud and Benjamin Netanyahu because of democratic backsliding in Israel and incompetency in handling Israel's Gaza War.[126][134] However, some within the Israeli opposition have criticized Bennett for not fully abandoning all of his right-wing positions, including his support for annexing Area C of the West Bank and leaving Areas A and B under an "ill-defined autonomy regime."[135]

Israeli–Palestinian conflict

[edit]

In February 2012, Bennett published a plan to manage the Israeli–Palestinian conflict called "The Israel Stability Initiative."[48][49] The plan was based in part on elements of earlier initiatives, such as "Peace on Earth" by Adi Mintz and the "Elon Peace Plan" by Binyamin Elon. It relied on statements of Netanyahu and Likud party ministers in favor of unilateral annexation of the West Bank. Bennett opposed the creation of a Palestinian state, saying: "I will do everything in my power to make sure they never get a state."[43]

Bennett at the pre-election foreign-policy debate at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, 8 January 2013

In January 2013, Bennett suggested a tripartition of the Palestinian territories, whereby Israel would unilaterally annex Area C, authority over the Gaza Strip would be transferred to Egypt, and Area A and Area B would remain with the Palestinian National Authority, but under the security umbrella of the Israel Defense Forces and Shin Bet to "ensure quiet, suppress Palestinian terrorism, and prevent Hamas from taking over the territory." Area C constituted 62% of the area, and approximately 365,000 people lived in Israeli settlements. Palestinians who lived in this area would be offered Israeli citizenship or permanent residency status (between 48,000, according to Bennett, and 150,000, according to other surveys).[136]

Finally, Israel would invest in creating roads so Palestinians could travel between Areas A and B without checkpoints, and invest in infrastructure and joint industrial zones, because "[p]eace grows from below – through people, and people in daily life." Bennett also resisted immigration of Palestinian refugees now living outside the West Bank, or the connection between the Hamas-controlled Gaza Strip and the West Bank. In 2011, he stated that there were about 50 factories in the West Bank industrial region where Israelis and Palestinians work together and cited this as one workable approach to finding peace between the two sides.[137]

In June 2013, Bennett suggested that Israel must learn to live with the Palestinian problem without a "surgical action" of separation to two states: "I have a friend who's got shrapnel in his rear end, and he's been told that it can be removed surgically, but it would leave him disabled ... . So he decided to live with it. There are situations where insisting on perfection can lead to more trouble than it's worth." Bennett's "Shrapnel in the butt" quickly became widely known as representing his view of the Palestinian problem.[138][139]

In response to Israel's release of Palestinian prisoners in 2013, Bennett said that Palestinian terrorists should be shot, allegedly adding: "I already killed lots of Arabs in my life, and there is absolutely no problem with that."[140][141] Bennett was widely condemned for these words,[142] although he denied saying them, claiming he said merely that "terrorists should be killed if they pose an immediate life threat to our soldiers when in action."[143] In January 2013, Bennett said: "There is not going to be a Palestinian state within the tiny land of Israel [referring to the area from the Jordan River to the Mediterranean Sea]. It's just not going to happen. A Palestinian state would be a disaster for the next 200 years."[144]

In December 2014, a group of academics who opposed the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions movement and members of The Third Narrative, a Labor Zionist organization, called on the U.S. and E.U. to impose sanctions on Bennett and three other Israelis "who lead efforts to insure permanent Israeli occupation of the West Bank and to annex all or parts of it unilaterally in violation of international law." The academics, who called themselves Scholars for Israel and Palestine (SIP) and claimed to be "pro-Israel, pro-Palestine, pro-peace", asked the U.S. and EU to freeze Bennett's foreign assets and impose visa restrictions.[145] Bennett was chosen as a target for proposed sanctions because of his work in opposing the 2010 settlement freeze while he was director of the Yesha Council, actively supporting annexation of over 60% of the West Bank, and "pressing strongly for a policy of creeping annexation."[146]

In October 2016, Bennett said: "On the matter of the Land of Israel, we have to move from holding action to a decision. We have to mark the dream, and the dream is that Judea and Samaria will be part of the sovereign State of Israel. We have to act today, and we must give our lives. We can't keep marking the Land of Israel as a tactical target and a Palestinian state as the strategic target."[147] In November 2016, Bennett said that the election of Donald Trump as President of the United States gave him hope that the two-state solution would no longer be considered viable, claiming: "The era of the Palestinian state is over."[148]

According to Israeli journalist Anshel Pfeffer, those who have worked with Bennett have privately said that much of his rhetoric is for electioneering purposes, and he is in fact more moderate than believed.[31] In spite of his expressed right-wing views against a Palestinian state, while engaged in coalition negotiations for a unity government with Yair Lapid and other party leaders following the 2021 Knesset election, during which he was offered the prime ministership, Bennett agreed to a policy of not annexing any territory in the West Bank and to not build any new settlements while being prime minister in a potential unity government.[149]

In October 2023, during the Gaza war, he expressed support for Israel's total blockade of the Gaza Strip, saying "I'm not going to feed electricity to my enemies."[150] Following the beginning of the Israeli invasion of the Gaza Strip, Bennett advised against a direct ground invasion and occupation of major cities, but rather for Israel to create buffer zones and conduct sporadic ground raids against isolated pockets of Hamas militants. He believes that this is the best plan that would drain Hamas's resources while it protects Gazan civilians and prevents the collapse of the Israeli economy.[151]

Economy and society

[edit]
Bennett with President Rivlin, Michal Ansky, and Ofra Strauss at the Jasmine businesswomen's convention for promotion of small and medium-sized enterprises, Israel, 15 December 2014

Bennett believes in less government regulation of the private sector and that private businesses are the engine of economic growth. He favors social support of vulnerable populations such as the elderly and disabled. Bennett has said Israel needs to break the monopoly of the tycoons, the major labor unions, and the Ministry of Defense,[152] which in his opinion are strangling Israel's economy. He believes the key to reducing disparities is equality of opportunity and investment in education in the periphery, to give tools to populations of weaker economic backgrounds. By doing so, Bennett believes weaker populations in Israel will be given the opportunity to succeed professionally and financially. He supports the provision of land to veterans in the periphery, in the Negev, and the Galilee, to promote a national solution to the problem of "affordable housing"[153][154] and a more equitable distribution of the population in Israel.[155] He has also pledged to remove heavy bureaucratic challenges to small and medium-sized Israeli businesses.[156]

As Economy Minister, Bennett oversaw a new strategy by Israel to increase trade with emerging markets around the world and reduce trade with the European Union, so as to diversify its foreign trade. The two main reasons for this shift are to take advantage of opportunities in emerging markets and to avert the threat of possible EU sanctions on Israel over the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Bennett acknowledged that he was seeking to reduce Israel's economic dependence on the EU to reduce its influence on Israel. According to the Financial Times, Bennett is the primary architect of this economic pivot. Under his leadership, the Economy Ministry began opening new trade attaché offices in Asia, Africa, and South America, and also began closing some trade offices in Europe and consolidating others with offices in neighboring countries. As part of this process, Bennett opened negotiations with Russia and China on free trade agreements, oversaw continuing negotiations with India for a free trade agreement, and led economic delegations to China and India. While attending the World Trade Organization Ministerial Conference of 2013 in Bali, Indonesia, Bennett held talks with delegations from some unspecified countries on the possibility of future free trade agreements.[157][158][159]

Bennett implemented reforms to lower Israel's high food prices. Under his oversight, import duties and barriers were reduced, and mechanisms were set up to ensure more competition in the Israeli food industry. These reforms have been credited with a decline in Israeli food prices that began in April 2014 and continued throughout the rest of the year and into 2015.[160] According to a Haaretz editorial, a fall in global commodity prices and dire financial straits among many Israeli consumers prompted the decline, not the reforms.[161] Bennett has led a push to integrate Haredi men, many of whom are unemployed, into the workforce. According to Bennett, their integration into the workforce will greatly bolster economic growth. Under his "voucher plan", the Ministry of the Economy issues vouchers for hundreds of vocational schools that will allow Haredi men to avoid mandatory military service, at least temporarily, in exchange for enrolling in a vocational school to learn a trade. Bennett also wants to increase employment rate among Israeli-Arab women.[162][163][164] In October 2021, Bennett's administration approved plans to spend billions of dollars to improve conditions for Israel's Arab minority.[162]

Gilat and Naftali Bennett, Chidon Hatanach, 2017

An adherent of Orthodox Judaism, Bennett opposes the implementation of same-sex marriage in Israel, "just as we don't recognize milk and meat together as kosher",[165] but has expressed support for equivalent rights such as tax breaks for same-sex couples.[165][166] Following the murder of a 16-year-old girl at the Jerusalem gay pride parade in 2015, Bennett, who was Education Minister at the time, instructed the Education Ministry to prepare programs to prevent future attacks on the LGBTQ community, saying: "We are responding to this attack with actions and not just talk."[167] While Bennett has voiced support for LGBTQ rights, saying "they deserve all of the civil rights", he stated in late 2020 that he had no plans to push for policy changes to help LGBTQ people.[168]

Personal life

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Bennett married Gilat Ethel Einav in 1999, while he was a law student and reserve Maglan officer. The couple had met during her military service as an educational NCO in the Paratroopers Brigade, when she invited him to lecture her soldiers. She worked as a professional pastry chef before becoming a parent counselor.[169][170] She was secular, but following her husband she now observes the Sabbath and kashrut.[21] The couple have four children and live in Ra'anana, a city 20 kilometres (12 mi) north of Tel Aviv.[21][43][144] They have four children: sons Yonatan and David and daughters Avigail and Michal. Their son Yonatan is named after Yonatan Netanyahu and the middle name of their son David Emmanuel is in honor of Emmanuel Moreno, who was a comrade of Bennett's in the special forces.[170][171][172] Bennett adheres to Modern Orthodox Judaism.[21][173][174][175]

See also

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References

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Further reading

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Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia

Naftali Bennett

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from Grokipedia
Naftali Bennett (Hebrew: נַפְתָּלִי בֶּנֶט; born 25 March 1972) is an Israeli politician, software entrepreneur, and former military officer who served as the 13th from 13 June 2021 to 30 June 2022. Born in to American immigrant parents, Bennett completed compulsory military service in the Israel Defense Forces' elite commando unit and later commanded a platoon in the unit during the 1990s. In 1999, he co-founded the cybersecurity firm Cyota, serving as CEO until its acquisition by in 2005 for $145 million, which established his reputation as a successful tech entrepreneur before entering politics. Bennett's political career began as to from 2006 to 2008, followed by leadership of the right-wing party from 2012 to 2018, during which he held ministerial posts including economy, education, and defense. As head of the alliance, he formed a broad in 2021 that included parties across the , marking the first non-Netanyahu-led government in over a decade and passing key legislation like a multi-year budget amid ongoing security challenges. His tenure emphasized economic recovery from the , technological innovation, and security measures, though it ended after the coalition's collapse, leading to new elections; Bennett has since focused on private ventures while critiquing judicial overreach and advocating for term limits on the premiership.

Early life and education

Family background and upbringing

Naftali Bennett was born on March 25, 1972, in , , to Jim and Myrna (née Lefko) Bennett, American Jewish immigrants from who made in 1967 immediately following 's victory in the , motivated by Zionist ideals. As the youngest of three sons, Bennett spent parts of his early childhood accompanying his family on temporary relocations to , including , where his father worked as a fundraiser for Haifa-based institutions, before returning to for a more permanent settlement in . Raised in an English-speaking home yet immersed in Israel's Hebrew-centric society, Bennett grew up in a religious Zionist environment that emphasized Jewish , alongside modern education, and a strong attachment to the biblical . This upbringing, including attendance at a high school in , instilled values of ideological commitment and practical initiative that later influenced his worldview.

Military service in the IDF

Bennett enlisted in the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) in 1990, undergoing rigorous selection and training to join , the IDF's premier general staff reconnaissance unit known for deep reconnaissance, counter-terrorism, and hostage rescue missions. He served as a combat soldier in this elite commando force during the latter stages of the (1987–1993), participating in high-risk operations that demanded precision targeting and rapid execution to neutralize threats while adhering to operational constraints on collateral damage. His service extended into efforts in , where units conducted intelligence-gathering and direct-action raids against and other militants entrenched in hostile terrain. Advancing through the ranks, Bennett transitioned to the unit, where he served as a platoon commander and ultimately as a company commander, leading teams in specialized anti-terrorist and sabotage missions. In April 1996, during —a IDF campaign to suppress rocket fire into northern —he commanded a 67-soldier detachment that operated undetected deep inside Lebanese territory for eight days, executing reconnaissance and interdiction tasks amid intense enemy activity. These experiences underscored the tactical imperatives of 's asymmetric conflicts, where elite units prioritized surgical strikes to degrade adversary capabilities without broader escalation, a doctrine shaped by the persistent cross-border threats from non-state actors. Bennett completed six years of , attaining the rank of major, before transitioning to reserve service, which he maintained post-discharge in 1996. In reserves, he continued in elite capacities, including as deputy company commander during the 2006 Second Lebanon War, directing searches for rocket launchers and infrastructure in the aftermath of intensified barrages on Israeli civilians. This prolonged exposure to frontline Arab-Israeli hostilities reinforced Bennett's assessment of existential security challenges as rooted in adversarial intent and capabilities, rather than Israeli actions alone, informing his later advocacy for proactive deterrence over reactive measures often critiqued as disproportionate in international discourse.

Business career

Founding and selling tech startups

In 1999, Naftali Bennett co-founded Cyota, an Israeli cybersecurity firm focused on anti-fraud software for financial institutions, alongside three partners including Tzur. As CEO based in New York, Bennett led the company, which grew to employ 140 people by the time of its acquisition. Cyota was sold to U.S.-based in December 2005 for $145 million, including $136 million in cash, with the founders and employees receiving $30 million of the proceeds. Following the Cyota exit, Bennett took on the CEO role at Soluto in November 2009, an Israeli startup developing cloud-based tools to diagnose and resolve issues remotely. Under his leadership, which lasted briefly before his entry into politics, Soluto implemented structural changes to scale operations. The company was acquired in October 2013 by Corporation, a U.S. tech insurance provider, for around $100 million. Bennett personally profited millions from the deal, further building his wealth from private-sector in Israel's sector. These entrepreneurial successes highlighted Bennett's application of practical problem-solving to scalable tech solutions, contributing to job growth in Israel's high-tech ecosystem without reliance on intervention. The Cyota and Soluto ventures generated substantial value through mergers with larger firms, enabling Bennett financial autonomy that supported his later career shifts.

Key achievements and financial success

Bennett's leadership in Cyota resulted in the development of and fraud detection software that protected transactions for major financial institutions worldwide, contributing to the mitigation of cyber fraud risks during the early 2000s surge in threats. The company's sale to for $145 million in December 2005 distributed $30 million among its four founders—including Bennett—and 140 employees, providing substantial returns that fueled further entrepreneurial activity in Israel's tech sector. This exit exemplified scalable Israeli innovation exported to global markets, with former Cyota personnel subsequently founding around 10 new startups that generated thousands of high-tech jobs. In 2013, Bennett's tenure as CEO of Soluto, a cloud-based PC maintenance platform, culminated in its acquisition by for approximately $130 million, yielding him personal earnings estimated in the millions and reinforcing his track record of building valuable tech assets. These successes amassed Bennett a of around NIS 32 million (approximately $9 million) by 2019, primarily from Cyota proceeds, enabling self-funded political endeavors free from reliance on donor networks that often constrain career politicians beholden to . Bennett's ventures underscored Israel's "" dynamism, where low barriers to innovation—stemming from a regulatory environment favoring over bureaucratic hurdles—allowed tech exports to thrive, in contrast to growth-stifling overregulation prevalent in more socialist-oriented economies that prioritize state control over private enterprise. His exits not only created hundreds of direct jobs at Cyota and Soluto but amplified economic multipliers through talent diffusion, bolstering Israel's per capita tech output that outpaces many developed nations.

Entry into politics

Advising Benjamin Netanyahu

In 2006, following Israel's Second Lebanon War, Naftali Bennett entered politics as chief of staff to , then leader of the opposition party. In this role, Bennett managed daily operations of Netanyahu's office and contributed to strategic planning, leveraging his business experience to advocate for free-market economic policies alongside strong measures. His involvement reflected a pragmatic conservative approach, prioritizing empirical lessons from recent conflicts over ideological concessions in prior peace processes. Bennett played a key role in orchestrating Netanyahu's successful campaign for the party leadership primaries in August 2008, which solidified Netanyahu's position ahead of the February 2009 . This effort emphasized security realism, including support for retaining major settlement blocs in any territorial arrangements, grounded in demographic and defensive imperatives rather than abstract two-state frameworks. The strategy contributed to 's strong performance, enabling Netanyahu to form a after securing 27 seats, the largest bloc in the . Bennett departed the position in late amid a personal and professional falling out with Netanyahu, reportedly exacerbated by clashes with Netanyahu's wife, Sara, and underlying tensions over flexibility in coalition-building. This rift underscored broader internal dynamics between hardline ideological stances on security and settlements—favored by Bennett—and the pragmatic compromises required for , foreshadowing Bennett's later shift toward more independent right-wing .

Leadership in Habayit Hayehudi

Bennett was elected chairman of Habayit Hayehudi on November 6, 2012, defeating incumbent Zevulun Orlev with 67% of the vote in the party's primaries. Under his leadership, the party broadened its appeal beyond its traditional religious-Zionist base, emphasizing economic competence, , and practical governance over narrow sectarian concerns. This shift attracted secular voters disillusioned with established parties, contributing to a surge in support. In the January 22, 2013, Knesset elections, Habayit Hayehudi secured 12 seats, a quadrupling from the 3 seats it held after the 2009 elections, marking one of the party's strongest performances. Bennett's platform highlighted job creation, technological innovation, and robust defense policies, positioning the party as a viable alternative for middle-class Israelis focused on prosperity and safety rather than exclusively religious issues. He advocated for integrating ultra-Orthodox (haredi) men into the workforce and Israel Defense Forces (IDF), arguing that widespread exemptions from military service and employment perpetuated economic dependency, with haredi unemployment rates exceeding 50% at the time straining national resources and growth. These reforms aimed to enforce "equal burden sharing," supported by data showing haredi non-participation correlated with lower overall productivity and higher welfare costs. As part of the formed after the elections, Bennett served as Minister of Economy from March 18, , to May 14, 2015, where he prioritized export growth and high-tech investments to bolster Israel's GDP, which rose by approximately 3.5% annually during his tenure amid global recovery. He also held the portfolios for and Diaspora Affairs and Religious Services, using these to promote practical policies like streamlining certification to reduce business barriers. In 2015, Bennett transitioned to Minister of , serving until 2019, where he implemented reforms emphasizing STEM (science, technology, ) curricula and core skills over rote , including extended days and incentives for math/ teaching to address Israel's lagging scores in these areas. These changes, coupled with expansions allowing parental vouchers for specialized programs, yielded measurable gains, such as a 5% rise in rates in STEM subjects by 2018. Bennett's approach challenged institutional , prioritizing empirical outcomes like improved over ideological conformity in .

Rise to prominence and Yamina party

Formation of Yamina

In December 2018, amid internal tensions in Habayit Hayehudi over the party's potential merger with far-right elements like , Naftali Bennett and resigned their leadership roles and announced the formation of the party on December 29. The move aimed to create a right-wing platform blending strong policies with centrist on governance and economics, explicitly targeting secular voters disillusioned by both Netanyahu's and the religious exclusivity of traditional Zionist parties. Bennett positioned the party as "right but not far-right," emphasizing merit-based reforms inspired by his tech entrepreneurship experience to promote and critique entrenched political longevity. The New Right's platform highlighted initiatives, streamlined bureaucracy, and opposition to , which Bennett argued undermined democratic accountability through overreach in appointments and rulings. This appealed to voters seeking alternatives to Netanyahu's 13-year rule by 2019, with Bennett publicly questioning the sustainability of prolonged leadership amid ongoing investigations. For the September 2019 Knesset elections, the merged into the electoral alliance with party, securing 7 seats (5.85% of the vote) under joint leadership that included Bennett's influence. By the March 2020 elections, Bennett assumed full chairmanship of , again winning 7 seats (5.78%), as the party leveraged voter fatigue with repeated elections and concerns over institutional imbalances, though its modest gains reflected fragmented right-wing priorities favoring short-term mandates over stable majorities.

2020–2021 elections and anti-Netanyahu coalition

In the Israeli legislative election of March 23, , , under Naftali Bennett's leadership, won 7 seats in the 120-member , emerging as a pivotal amid a fragmented where Benjamin Netanyahu's secured 30 seats but failed to assemble a . This outcome followed three prior elections since , highlighting the paralyzing effect of Netanyahu's ongoing , which Bennett cited as eroding institutional trust and necessitating a shift to prioritize rule-of-law principles over continued alliance with him. Bennett, who had previously served in Netanyahu's cabinets, broke from earlier pledges against partnering with centrist or left-leaning factions, arguing that the repeated electoral deadlocks—caused by Netanyahu's insistence on remaining in power despite legal proceedings—threatened governance stability. Bennett's strategic pivot enabled negotiations culminating in a coalition agreement on June 2, 2021, uniting disparate parties including his right-wing Yamina, Yair Lapid's centrist Yesh Atid, the secular-right Yisrael Beiteinu, Labor and Meretz from the left, the nationalist New Hope, and the Islamist United Arab List (Ra'am), forming a slim 61-seat majority focused on ousting Netanyahu rather than unified ideology. This arrangement, emphasizing pragmatic stability to avert a fifth election, required Bennett to compromise on core voter priorities like West Bank annexation, instead foregrounding anti-corruption measures and institutional reforms as causal drivers for the alliance. The inclusion of Ra'am marked a historic participation of an Arab party in a governing coalition, underscoring the causal trade-offs in Israel's multi-party system where ideological purity yields to arithmetic necessity, though it drew criticism from Bennett's base for diluting right-wing coherence. On June 13, 2021, Bennett was sworn in as , the first from a religious Zionist-aligned , under a deal granting him the role until 2023, after which Lapid would assume it, empirically resolving the two-year of interim governments and repeated voting. This coalition's formation demonstrated the pragmatic mechanics of parliamentary , where Bennett's 7 seats tipped the balance, but also revealed inherent tensions: the diverse ideological spectrum—from religious nationalists to secular leftists and representatives—foreshadowed compromises that prioritized procedural over purity, achieving short-term empirical success in restoring a functioning executive.

Premiership (2021–2022)

Domestic governance

As prime minister from June 13, 2021, to June 30, 2022, Naftali Bennett led a diverse coalition government spanning ideological lines, necessitating pragmatic, incremental domestic policies focused on economic stabilization and shared national burdens amid political fragility. The administration passed Israel's first dual-year budget in five years, incorporating reforms to reduce regulatory burdens and lower living costs, including measures to streamline bureaucracy in housing and infrastructure sectors to address chronic shortages driven by excessive permitting delays. Bennett prioritized integrating the ultra-Orthodox (haredi) population into the workforce and military, countering the economic drag from low male rates—estimated at around 50%—which strained public resources and limited GDP growth potential. Without haredi parties in the , the government allowed prior draft exemption laws to lapse, resulting in increased IDF summons for haredi men and incentives for vocational training to boost participation, aligning with Bennett's long-held view that and foster national resilience. In housing policy, the government pursued to accelerate , targeting bureaucratic reductions that had previously exacerbated affordability crises, with reforms embedded in the 2022 budget to expedite approvals and counter critiques from left-leaning sources by prioritizing evidence-based efficiency over expansive planning mandates. Bennett pledged to slash regulations economy-wide, aiming to cut living costs by simplifying processes that delayed thousands of units annually. Following the April 2021 Meron stampede, which claimed 45 lives due to overcrowding at a religious gathering site, Bennett's incoming administration swiftly established a state commission of inquiry on June 20, 2021, to probe systemic failures and enforce accountability, diverging from previous leadership's tendencies toward deflection and emphasizing transparent institutional reforms over political expediency.

Foreign and security policy

During his premiership, Bennett prioritized regional alliances that bypassed Palestinian concessions, viewing normalization with Arab states as a strategic counterweight to shared threats like . He actively reinforced the , signed in 2020 between , the UAE, and , by conducting high-level visits to both nations. In December 2021, Bennett traveled to the UAE for talks on , , and security cooperation, emphasizing mutual economic benefits amid rising bilateral trade volumes exceeding $2 billion annually. In February 2022, he became the first Israeli prime minister to visit , where he signed framework agreements on and defense, further integrating into Gulf security architectures without linking progress to Israeli-Palestinian negotiations. Bennett publicly hailed the Accords as "groundbreaking" on their first anniversary in September 2021, crediting them with fostering stability through pragmatic partnerships rather than ideological concessions. On Iran, Bennett adopted a hawkish posture, framing Tehran's nuclear program as an existential threat to based on the regime's repeated vows of destruction and its history of proxy . In August 2021, shortly after assuming office, he warned that was "marching very quickly, step by step, toward nuclear weapons" with no credible civilian justification, urging intensified and covert disruptions to halt enrichment activities nearing weapons-grade levels. His administration continued 's longstanding campaign of and assassinations against Iranian nuclear scientists and facilities, including operations attributed to that delayed 's progress at sites like , while opposing U.S.-led revival of the 2015 nuclear deal as insufficiently verifiable. Bennett advocated "maximum pressure" through alliances, coordinating with the U.S. and Gulf states to isolate economically and militarily, arguing that deterrence required credible threats of force alongside . Regarding Gaza, Bennett's security doctrine emphasized precise, deterrent strikes against Hamas and Islamic Jihad to neutralize rocket threats without enabling the group's recovery through premature ceasefires or concessions. His government responded to intermittent barrages—such as those in May and 2021, and smaller incidents in 2022—with airstrikes targeting launch sites, command centers, and terror tunnels, resulting in the elimination of over 100 militants while minimizing civilian infrastructure damage compared to prior escalations. Bennett rejected frameworks that funneled aid directly to , instead piloting mechanisms like private-sector transfers for humanitarian goods to Gaza, conditional on non-diversion to military use, aiming to weaken the group's control without ground incursions that risked broader entanglement. This approach, rooted in intelligence-driven operations, sought to maintain quiet along the border by raising the cost of attacks for , which had rearmed post-2021 under previous truces, while avoiding policies that could legitimize the terrorist governance in Gaza.

Economic and social reforms

As , Bennett pursued pro-market economic policies emphasizing to enhance and long-term growth, contrasting with expansionary fiscal interventions that often lead to debt accumulation. In July 2021, shortly after assuming office, he announced plans to reduce bureaucratic hurdles across sectors, aiming to lower living costs and align Israel's GDP more closely with Western peers, where gaps had persisted despite strong overall output. These measures supported the high-tech sector's expansion, with government backing for hubs that prioritized merit-based incentives over subsidized welfare models, empirically linked to sustained private . The administration's approach yielded robust recovery metrics amid post-COVID rebound, with Israel's GDP expanding by 8.1% in 2021—the highest rate in over two decades and exceeding the average of 5.3%—driven by export-led tech growth and contained rather than stimulus-driven consumption. Bennett's coalition passed the 2021–2022 state budgets in November 2021, the first comprehensive plans since 2018, maintaining a fiscal deficit of 4.3% of GDP in 2021—below projections—through buoyant tax revenues from high earners and firms, while public debt fell to 69% of GDP, avoiding spikes observed in jurisdictions reliant on deficit-financed spending. On the social front, Bennett's reforms targeted upward mobility in peripheral regions through skill-building tied to market demands, such as enhanced vocational and tech access for underserved groups, evaluated via rates and wage gains rather than demographic quotas. This opportunity-centric framework, rooted in empirical outcomes like reduced regional disparities in high-tech participation, diverged from identity-based allocations, fostering integration of populations like ultra-Orthodox and Arab Israelis into productive roles without expanding entitlement programs. Such initiatives aligned with causal evidence that investment outperforms redistributive in generating sustained prosperity, as seen in Israel's periphery upticks during the period.

Government collapse and immediate aftermath

Reasons for coalition failure

The collapse of Naftali Bennett's culminated on June 20, 2022, when Bennett and Foreign Minister jointly announced the dissolution of the , triggering snap elections for November 1, 2022. The immediate catalyst was the coalition's failure to renew a temporary order applying select Israeli criminal laws to approximately 475,000 Jewish settlers in the , which lapsed on June 1, 2022; left-wing partners and Labor refused support, viewing it as entrenching occupation, while right-wing members insisted on its extension to avoid legal disruptions for settlers. This impasse exemplified deeper structural fragility, as the eight-party —spanning nationalist , centrist , leftist Labor and , and the Arab Islamist Ra'am—lacked consensus on core issues like settlement policy, judicial oversight, and security legislation, rendering routine governance dependent on perpetual compromise. Compounding these cross-ideological tensions were internal fractures within Bennett's party, which held only seven seats and suffered multiple defections that eroded the coalition's razor-thin 61-59 majority. In April 2022, MK resigned over a dispute regarding restrictions allowing unleavened bread for hospitalized patients during , citing betrayal of coalition guidelines protecting religious observance. This was followed in by MK Nir Orbach suspending support, arguing the had devolved into concessions to "extremist" elements from Arab and left-wing factions, further paralyzing legislative progress. , 's co-founder, , and Bennett's longtime ally, opposed the dissolution, advocating instead for a narrower right-wing alignment excluding Arab and far-left parties to preserve 's ideological core; sources close to Shaked described Bennett's unilateral decision as a political betrayal aimed at sidelining her influence, particularly amid stalled advances on judicial selection reforms where she had sought greater control over appointments to counter perceived activist judiciary biases. These intra-party revolts underscored irreconcilable priorities within the right-nationalist base, as MKs faced constituent backlash for supporting a government perceived as diluting conservative stances on security and judicial independence. Broader voter disillusionment amplified the coalition's vulnerabilities, with public fatigue evident in polls showing declining support for the rotation agreement—under which Bennett was set to cede the premiership to Lapid in November 2022—amid repeated crises and veto power wielded by minor partners like Ra'am on Arab-related bills or on settlement expansions. This facilitated Benjamin Netanyahu's political resurgence, as his Likud-led bloc capitalized on perceptions of governmental paralysis despite his ongoing trials, ultimately securing a in the ensuing election. Bennett rejected unilateral extensions of his tenure, adhering to the pre-agreed rotation mechanism to maintain institutional integrity rather than risk further erosion of democratic norms through ad-hoc power retention, a stance he framed as prioritizing national responsibility over short-term survival. The episode highlighted the causal limits of ideologically heterogeneous coalitions in Israel's fragmented , where veto dynamics inevitably prioritize stasis over decisive policy on polarizing issues.

Role as alternate prime minister

Following the Knesset dissolution on June 30, 2022, assumed the premiership on July 1, 2022, with Naftali Bennett transitioning to the role of alternate and foreign minister in the caretaker government, a position he held until after the , 2022, elections. As alternate , Bennett was designated to assume full prime ministerial duties if Lapid became temporarily or permanently unable to serve, thereby ensuring institutional continuity during the pre-electoral transition. In this dual capacity, he emphasized continuity, including coordination of humanitarian assistance to amid the ongoing Russian invasion—such as field hospitals and refugee support—and diplomatic efforts to check Iranian nuclear advancements and proxy activities in and . Bennett formally resigned as alternate on , 2022, shortly after the elections yielded a right-wing majority led by . From this platform, he defended the prior coalition's security achievements with data-driven arguments, noting a 40% drop in terrorism-related fatalities and over 500 thwarted attacks during its tenure, attributing these to proactive intelligence and military operations rather than mere restraint. He also critiqued the incoming government's initial proposals as risking national destabilization by undermining checks and balances without adequate consensus-building.

Post-premiership activities (2022–2025)

Public commentary on national security

Following the October 7, 2023, attacks that killed 1,163 Israeli civilians and personnel, Bennett demanded a state commission of inquiry into the preceding and operational failures, describing the government's as "pathetic" for evading . He attributed these lapses to systemic complacency under Netanyahu, including policies that treated as a containable "asset" rather than an existential threat requiring proactive elimination, and criticized the prime minister's refusal to convene such a probe as of March 2025. Bennett acknowledged his own partial responsibility from prior governments but stressed empirical evidence of ignored warnings, such as repeated proposals to assassinate leaders, which were blocked to preserve political calm. Bennett has consistently advocated for the total military defeat of as the only path to lasting security, rejecting partial containment strategies that incentivize future through concessions. In a November 2023 interview, he stated the conflict "will go on forever until we eliminate ," emphasizing that half-measures perpetuate cycles of attack and retaliation observed since 's 2007 Gaza takeover. Detailing this in an October 27, 2023, New York Times , he proposed a targeted plan to starve fighters of supplies in Gaza's tunnel network, forcing mass surrender without a protracted ground war akin to , while minimizing civilian through precision isolation rather than indiscriminate . He warned against post-war illusions of Palestinian statehood, arguing in September 2025 that recognizing such a state—potentially encompassing a deradicalized Gaza—would inevitably produce a "terror state" akin to 's rule, given historical patterns of governance failure and radicalization in Palestinian territories. Amid ongoing manpower strains from the war, with IDF reserves depleted by prolonged operations, Bennett pressed for mandatory of ultra-Orthodox (haredi) men to address critical shortages. In October 2024, he calculated that drafting just 15,000 of the 64,000 eligible haredi youths—achievable six months prior—could have secured Israel's borders and eased the burden on 300,000 active reservists facing repeated call-ups. By April 2025, he declared "no victory without soldiers," faulting coalition exemptions for haredim as a direct enabler of IDF weakness, with data showing enlistment rates below 1% among this demographic despite imperatives. Bennett framed this as causal realism: exemptions not only exacerbate frontline exhaustion but also undermine deterrence, as adversaries exploit Israel's internal divisions over equal burden-sharing.

International and business engagements

Following his premiership, Naftali Bennett assumed a seat on the of Quantum Source Ltd., an Israeli firm developing room-temperature hardware, in May 2023, leveraging his prior experience as a entrepreneur to guide strategic growth amid Israel's challenges. In this role, he contributed to efforts positioning Israeli quantum advancements as a national asset for economic resilience, particularly as geopolitical tensions heightened risks to high-tech sectors reliant on stable investment and talent retention. Bennett delivered a at the Quantum World Congress in September 2025, advocating for integrated national quantum strategies that integrate defense imperatives with commercial innovation, emphasizing Israel's comparative advantages in scalable despite ongoing regional instability. These engagements underscored his focus on fostering international partnerships to sustain Israel's edge in quantum technologies, where empirical progress in error-corrected qubits could offset vulnerabilities from adversarial disruptions. In international forums, Bennett has lectured on geopolitics through a realist lens, critiquing systemic biases in and academic sources that empirically overstate 's agency in conflicts while underreporting initiating aggressions by non-state actors. For instance, in a March 2023 address at , he highlighted causal asymmetries in regional power dynamics, drawing on verifiable incident data to challenge portrayals of as perpetual aggressor, a narrative prevalent in outlets with documented left-leaning institutional tilts. Bennett has publicly addressed erosions in - ties, attributing them in August 2025 statements to unaddressed distortions in Gaza coverage by mainstream media, which he argued foster perceptions of as isolated, evidenced by polling declines in American youth support from 2023 highs under prior administrations. He advocated proactive countermeasures, citing first-hand observations of strains where empirical Israeli restraint contrasts with amplified casualty asymmetries in reporting, without direct post-premiership summits with leaders noted.

Political reentry and Bennett 2026 initiative

In April 2025, former Naftali Bennett registered a new under the temporary name "Bennett 2026" with Israel's Central Elections Committee, signaling his intent to contest the scheduled October 2026 elections. The move came amid widespread public dissatisfaction following the October 7, 2023, attacks, positioning the party to attract voters prioritizing enhancements. The platform emphasized restoring Israel's security apparatus and integrating ultra-Orthodox (haredi) populations into and the workforce, aiming to broaden appeal among right-leaning voters seeking alternatives to the incumbent -led . Early polling reflected initial momentum, with projections in 2025 estimating "Bennett 2026" securing 24 seats—outpacing 's 22—and leading as the largest party. By September, surveys showed it at 23 seats, briefly overtaking . However, support eroded thereafter, dipping to a low of 18 seats in an October 23, 2025, poll, insufficient for forming a without alliances. Bennett publicly committed to preventing any delays to the 2026 vote, stating on September 21, 2025, that "nobody will be allowed to postpone or disrupt" the elections amid efforts to extend tenure. In parallel, he explored centrist s, including leaked discussions in September 2025 about uniting moderate factions and enacting governance reforms such as prime ministerial term limits and a formal to address perceived institutional weaknesses. These efforts faced hurdles, including a June 2025 legislative proposal to disqualify party leaders with unresolved factional debts, potentially targeting Bennett's prior obligations.

Political ideology and positions

Israeli–Palestinian conflict and security

Bennett has consistently rejected the establishment of a sovereign Palestinian state alongside , arguing that it would compromise Israeli security based on the outcomes of previous territorial withdrawals. He cited the 2005 Gaza disengagement, which involved Israel's unilateral evacuation of all settlements and military presence from the in August 2005, as empirical evidence of the risks: following the withdrawal, seized control in 2007, transforming Gaza into a base for rocket attacks on Israeli civilians and, ultimately, the , 2023, assault that killed over 1,200 people. This causal sequence, Bennett contends, demonstrates that ceding territory to Palestinian governance enables terror infrastructure rather than peace, regardless of international endorsements for a two-state framework. In place of a two-state solution, Bennett proposes annexing Area C of the West Bank—comprising approximately 60% of the territory's land area, including all Israeli settlements and strategic security zones—to Israeli sovereignty, while granting Palestinians in Areas A and B enhanced autonomy without statehood, military capabilities, or control over borders. Under this model, the roughly 80,000 Palestinians residing in Area C could be offered Israeli citizenship or residency rights, but overall Palestinian self-rule would be limited to municipal functions to prevent the replication of Gaza's militarization. Bennett frames this as "autonomy on steroids," prioritizing demilitarization and economic integration over political independence, which he views as incompatible with Israel's survival given historical patterns of rejectionist violence. Bennett supports expanding Jewish settlements in the as strategic buffers that enhance security by maintaining Israeli control over terrain conducive to smuggling and attacks, correlating such presence with significantly reduced terror incidents compared to uncontrolled areas like Gaza. Data from Israeli security assessments indicate that IDF operational freedom in settlement-adjacent zones has thwarted numerous terror plots over the past decade, contrasting with Gaza's post-2005 surge in rocket fire exceeding 20,000 projectiles by 2023. He advocates sustained IDF dominance in these territories, critiquing international diplomatic pressures—often amplified by biased narratives—that demand concessions while downplaying Arab leadership's repeated rejection of offers, such as the 2000 parameters and 2008 Olmert proposal, which prioritized Palestinian statehood but were declined in favor of ongoing conflict. This stance underscores Bennett's emphasis on unilateral Israeli strength over negotiated illusions, grounded in the verifiable failure of withdrawal experiments to yield stability.

Economic liberalism and haredi integration

Naftali Bennett has advocated for economic policies rooted in , reduced taxation, and fostering to enhance Israel's competitiveness and lower living costs. As in 2021, he announced plans to slash bureaucratic s, aiming to streamline operations and stimulate growth amid post-pandemic recovery efforts. Earlier, as economy minister, Bennett introduced a "regulation light" initiative allowing startups extended periods to develop products without immediate regulatory burdens, enabling generation before full compliance. He has consistently supported small government, , and low taxes, arguing these measures empower es while avoiding fiscal burdens that stifle , as evidenced by Israel's rise as a global tech leader through market-driven incentives rather than state-heavy interventions. Bennett's approach opposes expansive welfare systems, favoring targeted incentives that tie benefits to participation and to mitigate long-term dependency. In addressing the ultra-Orthodox (haredi) 's low rates—where male participation hovered around 50% in the early —he prioritized integration through practical reforms over blanket exemptions. As economy minister in 2013, his ministry allocated 500 million shekels (approximately $140 million) for haredi programs, including professional training, job guidance centers, and financial incentives for employers hiring from the sector, aiming to boost labor force entry without undermining norms. By 2021, as , Bennett proposed conditioning state daycare subsidies on both parents' , explicitly targeting haredi families to encourage male involvement and reduce reliance on stipends that sustain full-time religious study. Bennett contends that haredi draft and welfare exemptions exacerbate economic dependency and uneven military burdens, distorting incentives and straining Israel's fiscal resources amid demographic growth in the sector. He has criticized policies preserving subsidies for draft-evading haredi men as "shameful" and anti-Zionist, particularly post-October 7, 2023, when heightened security demands underscored the unsustainability of such disparities. These views align with his broader causal emphasis on : exemptions, he argues, perpetuate cycles by disincentivizing skills acquisition, whereas subsidized training yields measurable gains, with haredi male rising from 45% in 2013 to over 55% by 2021 under aligned policies. Bennett's reforms prioritize empirical outcomes like increased GDP contributions from integrated sectors over ideological concessions, rejecting universal expansions that ignore productivity linkages.

Governance and judicial issues

Bennett has long argued that Israel's has overreached its authority, blocking legislative reforms and exercising over policy, which he views as undermining democratic accountability. He supported specific elements of the 2023 judicial overhaul proposals, such as allowing government ministers to appoint their own legal advisers to reduce judicial interference in executive decisions, and criticized the High Court's frequent use of the "" doctrine as an overreach. However, he deemed the full 2023 package dangerous in its rushed implementation, arguing it risked harming Israel's institutional foundations without adequate negotiation. To enhance governance efficiency and prevent power concentration, Bennett advocates imposing term limits on the prime minister's office, proposing a cap of either two terms or eight years, whichever is longer. This measure, which he introduced as his first bill upon entering the and prioritized during his premiership, aims to counter elite entrenchment by ensuring rotation in leadership and promoting fresh perspectives in decision-making. In September 2025, he reiterated that enacting such limits would be his immediate priority if returned to power, emphasizing their role in stabilizing Israel's political system. Bennett critiques Israel's system for fostering fragmented coalitions reliant on small, extreme parties that amplify instability and enable disproportionate influence by outliers. He has described recent governments as plagued by ineffective , advocating for broader, centrist alliances to secure stable majorities capable of efficient without veto power ceded to fringe elements. This approach, he argues, balances institutional checks by prioritizing elected majorities over judicial or parliamentary paralysis, fostering decisive policy execution while maintaining democratic oversight.

Controversies and public reception

Criticisms from the left

Left-leaning outlets and activists have characterized Bennett as far-right primarily for his longstanding support of settlements, including his tenure as head of the from 2012 to 2013, and for statements perceived as dehumanizing . A frequently invoked example is his July 2013 remark during a cabinet meeting on security risks from prisoner exchanges—"I've killed lots of in my life, and there's no problem with that"—which critics cite as emblematic of callous , though it referenced his IDF combat experience in defensive operations against . As from May 2015 to June 2019, Bennett drew fire from secular organizations and left-wing commentators for allegedly prioritizing religious and nationalist content, such as increasing study hours from 1.5 to 3.5 weekly in schools and incorporating religious-Zionist perspectives into civics textbooks, which they argued amounted to eroding pluralism. These reforms prompted parental protests and demands for curriculum revisions to remove unsecular sources, with detractors claiming a shift away from and toward ideological conformity. Countervailing data from the period, however, indicate enhancements in educational infrastructure, including reductions from 37 to under 32 students per teacher and gains in national standardized tests for math, , English, and Hebrew by , challenging assertions of systemic academic harm. Bennett's June 2021 coalition, which included the Islamist Ra'am party alongside left-wing factions like and Labor, elicited left-wing skepticism as a pragmatic of principles, given his settlement advocacy and rejection of a Palestinian state, with observers arguing it masked continuity in occupation policies rather than fostering genuine . Critics from outlets like portrayed the arrangement as enabling authoritarian tendencies under a veneer of diversity, prioritizing anti-Netanyahu unity over progressive advances on Palestinian issues. Nonetheless, the eight-party alliance endured 14 months without collapse, surpassing the instability of five prior elections in four years and enacting budgets and reforms amid gridlock.

Criticisms from the right

Right-wing critics, including supporters and settler advocates, accused Naftali Bennett of betraying core nationalist principles by forming the 2021 coalition government, which incorporated left-wing parties such as and Labor alongside the Islamist (Ra'am), thereby empowering factions perceived as hostile to Zionist sovereignty goals. , Bennett's party, secured only seven seats in the March 2021 elections, yet this alliance enabled Bennett to become on June 13, 2021, ousting after four elections; detractors argued this maneuver halted advances in applying to parts of and and legitimized Arab parties with ties to movements opposing Israel's existence. Bennett's tenure drew further rebuke from the right for deprioritizing annexation, with his August 24, 2021, declaration that "Israel will neither annex territory nor establish a Palestinian state on my watch" marking a retreat from his prior advocacy for annexing Area C—the 60% of the disputed territories under full Israeli control—which he had championed as Jewish Home leader in 2013 and 2017. Right-wing outlets and politicians, including those from the Religious Zionism camp, viewed this as subordinating ideology to short-term power-sharing, especially given the coalition's ideological diversity that constrained bold territorial moves. Symbolic gestures amplified these charges, as when Bennett referred to the territories as the "" during a March 2022 meeting with U.S. Secretary of State , prompting immediate backlash from right-wing figures who condemned it as conceding to international and Palestinian terminology over biblical " and ." Bennett had himself criticized similar usage by in 2018, heightening perceptions of inconsistency driven by pragmatic governance rather than unwavering commitment to settlement expansion.

Defenses and empirical achievements

Under Bennett's premiership from June 2021 to June 2022, achieved among the world's highest vaccination rates, with over 80% of the eligible population receiving two doses plus a booster by late 2021, enabling rapid rollout of third doses ahead of many nations. This effort included vaccinating over 100,000 teens within weeks of eligibility expansion in July 2021, contributing to controlled morbidity despite Delta variant pressures. Bennett's administration prioritized boosters for at-risk groups, with one-third of adults over 60 receiving fourth doses shortly after approval in August 2021, sustaining 's position as a global leader in coverage during the pandemic peak. Bennett's government advanced expansions of the through diplomatic initiatives, including high-level visits to signatory states like and in late 2021 and early 2022, fostering deepened economic and security ties. Efforts focused on extending normalization to additional Gulf and North African countries, with Bennett publicly committing to upgrade the framework for broader . These steps built on prior agreements, yielding precedents in and defense cooperation without derailing ongoing implementations. Drawing from his technology entrepreneurship background, Bennett implemented measures as , launching a July 2021 plan to slash excess regulations across sectors to boost GDP by 6% and address post-COVID recovery. The 2022 deregulated key economic areas, reducing welfare dependencies and promoting private sector efficiency, which correlated with stabilized growth amid global disruptions. On , Bennett's tenure saw no full-scale escalations comparable to prior Gaza operations, with policy emphasizing targeted operations against threats like Iranian proxies and infrastructure to maintain deterrence without broader conflicts. activities shifted toward proactive arrests and precision strikes, minimizing widespread casualties while addressing rising militancy, as evidenced by contained responses to provocations in 2021-2022. This approach sustained relative stability, with assessments noting internalized restraint among adversaries to avert major flare-ups.

Personal life

Family and religious observance

Bennett married Gilat Ettinger in 1999; the couple has four children—Yoni, David, Avigail, and Michal—and resides in . The family maintained their private home during Bennett's premiership, with him commuting as needed rather than relocating to the official residence in . An adherent of , Bennett observes traditional practices such as and while integrating into secular professional and social spheres, distinguishing his approach from haredi ultra-Orthodoxy. He wears a small knit , a marker of religious Zionist identity, and has attended Modern Orthodox synagogues during visits to the , reflecting familial ties to American Jewish communities. His parents, Jim and Myrna Bennett, emigrated from to in 1967 shortly after the , instilling in him a bicoastal perspective on Jewish observance amid influences.

Public persona and influences

Naftali Bennett projects a public as a tech-savvy entrepreneur turned , drawing from his experience co-founding the cybersecurity company Cyota in 1999, which was sold for $145 million in 2005. This background informs a pragmatic, innovation-oriented approach to problem-solving, evident in his advocacy for and technological advancement in governance. Fluent in English, Bennett maintains a media presence characterized by blunt, combative , frequently appearing on international outlets to defend Israeli policies without evasion. Bennett's intellectual influences include Ayn Rand's , as he has expressed admiration for and its Howard Roark, aligning with his entrepreneurial ethos. In public remarks, he has recounted how Rand's novels, alongside works by and , shaped his views upon entering the private sector, emphasizing rational self-interest and free-market principles. His military service in the elite commando unit, where he commanded combat operations, further cultivated resilience and a firm security outlook, prioritizing operational effectiveness over compromise. In post-October 7, 2023, interviews, Bennett exemplified unfiltered realism by labeling the attack's prelude an "epic colossal failure" of Israeli and , urging and decisive action amid rather than softening critiques for public image. This stance underscores a persona focused on empirical assessment and victory-oriented resolve, rooted in firsthand elite unit and data-informed pragmatism from his tech career.

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  133. https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/worldviews/wp/2017/01/02/qa-with-israeli-minister-with-trump-coming-in-its-time-to-annex-much-of-the-west-bank/
  134. https://www.jpost.com/diplomacy-and-politics/bennett-dismantle-west-bank-security-barrier-to-achieve-peace-with-palestinians-352899
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  137. https://www.jpost.com/business/business-features/bennett-unveils-regulation-light-plan-for-new-businesses-350822
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  141. https://www.timesofisrael.com/liveblog_entry/bennett-anti-zionist-daycare-subsidies-bill-for-haredi-men-who-defy-draft-is-shameful/
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  144. https://www.timesofisrael.com/former-pm-bennett-proposes-weeklong-halt-to-judicial-overhaul-for-negotiations/
  145. https://www.timesofisrael.com/liveblog_entry/naftali-bennett-says-first-move-as-pm-would-be-basic-law-to-term-limit-premier/
  146. https://www.jpost.com/israel-news/politics-and-diplomacy/israeli-ministers-vote-in-favor-of-term-limits-for-pm-684963
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  150. https://www.huffpost.com/entry/naftali-bennett-kill-arabs_n_3670767
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