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Prussianism and Socialism
Prussianism and Socialism (German: Preußentum und Sozialismus [ˈpʁɔʏsn̩tuːm ʔʊnt zotsi̯aˈlɪsmʊs]) is a 1919 book by Oswald Spengler originally based on notes intended for the second volume of The Decline of the West, in which he argues for "Prussian" socialism, characterized by an emphasis on social roles rather than capital, in contrast to mainstream socialism, which he refers to as "English" socialism.
Spengler responded to the claim that socialism's rise in Germany had not begun with the German revolution of 1918–1919 but rather in 1914 when Germany waged war, uniting the German nation in a national struggle that he claimed was based on socialistic Prussian characteristics, including creativity, discipline, concern for the greater good, productivity, and self-sacrifice.
In the book, Spengler claimed that these socialistic Prussian qualities were present across Germany and stated that the merger of German nationalism with this form of socialism, while resisting Marxist and internationalist socialism, would be in the interests of Germany. Spengler's Prussian socialism was popular amongst some Germans, especially some conservative revolutionaries who had distanced themselves from traditional conservatism. His notions of Prussian socialism influenced Nazism and the Conservative Revolutionary movement.
Spengler utilized the anti-English ideas addressed by Johann Plenge and Werner Sombart during World War I that condemned English liberalism and English parliamentarianism while advocating a nationalist socialism that was free from Marxism that would connect the individual to the state through corporatist organization.
Spengler claimed that socialistic Prussian characteristics existed across Germany that included creativity, discipline, concern for the greater good, productivity, and self-sacrifice. He described socialism outside of a class conflict perspective and said, "The meaning of socialism is that life is controlled not by the opposition between rich and poor, but by the rank that achievement and talent bestow. That is our freedom, freedom from the economic despotism of the individual." Spengler addressed the need of Germans to accept Prussian socialism to free themselves from foreign forms of government, stating:
Prussiandom and socialism stand together against the inner England, against the world-view that infuses our entire life as a people, crippling it and stealing its soul ... The working class must liberate itself from the illusions of Marxism. Marx is dead. As a form of existence, socialism is just beginning, but the socialism of the German proletariat is at an end. For the worker, there is only Prussian socialism or nothing... For conservatives, there is only conscious socialism or destruction. But we need liberation from the forms of Anglo-French democracy. We have our own.
Spengler went further to demonstrate the difference between priorities held in England and Prussia, stating that "English society is founded on the distinction between rich and poor, Prussian society on the distinction between command and obedience ... Democracy in England means the possibility for everyone to become rich, in Prussia the possibility of attaining to every existing rank." Spengler claimed that Frederick William I of Prussia became the "first conscious socialist" for having founded Prussian tradition of military and bureaucratic discipline. He also claimed that Otto von Bismarck's social policies were socialist in nature, and that they complemented his conservative policies rather than contradicted them as claimed by others.
Spengler denounced Marxism for having developed socialism from an English perspective, while not understanding Germans' socialist nature. In the pamphlet, a central argument is that the corrupt forces promoting English socialism in his country comprised an "invisible English army, which Napoleon had left behind on German soil after the Battle of Jena". Spengler accused Marxism of following the British tradition in which the poor envy the rich, stating: "The socialism of a Fichte would accuse [those who don't work] of sloth, it would brand them as irresponsible, dispensable shirkers and parasites. But Marxian instinct envies them. They are too well-off, and therefore they should be revolted against. Marx has inoculated his proletariat with a contempt for work."
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Prussianism and Socialism
Prussianism and Socialism (German: Preußentum und Sozialismus [ˈpʁɔʏsn̩tuːm ʔʊnt zotsi̯aˈlɪsmʊs]) is a 1919 book by Oswald Spengler originally based on notes intended for the second volume of The Decline of the West, in which he argues for "Prussian" socialism, characterized by an emphasis on social roles rather than capital, in contrast to mainstream socialism, which he refers to as "English" socialism.
Spengler responded to the claim that socialism's rise in Germany had not begun with the German revolution of 1918–1919 but rather in 1914 when Germany waged war, uniting the German nation in a national struggle that he claimed was based on socialistic Prussian characteristics, including creativity, discipline, concern for the greater good, productivity, and self-sacrifice.
In the book, Spengler claimed that these socialistic Prussian qualities were present across Germany and stated that the merger of German nationalism with this form of socialism, while resisting Marxist and internationalist socialism, would be in the interests of Germany. Spengler's Prussian socialism was popular amongst some Germans, especially some conservative revolutionaries who had distanced themselves from traditional conservatism. His notions of Prussian socialism influenced Nazism and the Conservative Revolutionary movement.
Spengler utilized the anti-English ideas addressed by Johann Plenge and Werner Sombart during World War I that condemned English liberalism and English parliamentarianism while advocating a nationalist socialism that was free from Marxism that would connect the individual to the state through corporatist organization.
Spengler claimed that socialistic Prussian characteristics existed across Germany that included creativity, discipline, concern for the greater good, productivity, and self-sacrifice. He described socialism outside of a class conflict perspective and said, "The meaning of socialism is that life is controlled not by the opposition between rich and poor, but by the rank that achievement and talent bestow. That is our freedom, freedom from the economic despotism of the individual." Spengler addressed the need of Germans to accept Prussian socialism to free themselves from foreign forms of government, stating:
Prussiandom and socialism stand together against the inner England, against the world-view that infuses our entire life as a people, crippling it and stealing its soul ... The working class must liberate itself from the illusions of Marxism. Marx is dead. As a form of existence, socialism is just beginning, but the socialism of the German proletariat is at an end. For the worker, there is only Prussian socialism or nothing... For conservatives, there is only conscious socialism or destruction. But we need liberation from the forms of Anglo-French democracy. We have our own.
Spengler went further to demonstrate the difference between priorities held in England and Prussia, stating that "English society is founded on the distinction between rich and poor, Prussian society on the distinction between command and obedience ... Democracy in England means the possibility for everyone to become rich, in Prussia the possibility of attaining to every existing rank." Spengler claimed that Frederick William I of Prussia became the "first conscious socialist" for having founded Prussian tradition of military and bureaucratic discipline. He also claimed that Otto von Bismarck's social policies were socialist in nature, and that they complemented his conservative policies rather than contradicted them as claimed by others.
Spengler denounced Marxism for having developed socialism from an English perspective, while not understanding Germans' socialist nature. In the pamphlet, a central argument is that the corrupt forces promoting English socialism in his country comprised an "invisible English army, which Napoleon had left behind on German soil after the Battle of Jena". Spengler accused Marxism of following the British tradition in which the poor envy the rich, stating: "The socialism of a Fichte would accuse [those who don't work] of sloth, it would brand them as irresponsible, dispensable shirkers and parasites. But Marxian instinct envies them. They are too well-off, and therefore they should be revolted against. Marx has inoculated his proletariat with a contempt for work."