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Rastafari
Rastafari
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Rastafari often claim the flag of the Ethiopian Royal Standard as was used during Haile Selassie's reign. It combines the conquering lion of Judah, symbol of the Ethiopian monarchy, with red, gold, and green.

Rastafari is an Abrahamic religion that developed in Jamaica during the 1930s. It is classified as both a new religious movement and a social movement by scholars of religion. There is no central authority in control of the movement and much diversity exists among practitioners, who are known as Rastafari, Rastafarians, or Rastas.

Rastafari beliefs are based on an interpretation of the Bible. Central to the religion is a monotheistic belief in a single God, referred to as Jah, who partially resides within each individual. Rastas accord key importance to Haile Selassie, Emperor of Ethiopia between 1930 and 1974, who is regarded variously as the Second Coming of Jesus, Jah incarnate, or a human prophet, though the emperor's own religion was Christianity. Rastafari is Afrocentric and focuses attention on the African diaspora, which it believes is oppressed within Western society, or "Babylon". Many Rastas call for this diaspora's resettlement in Africa, a continent they consider the Promised Land, or "Zion". Rastas refer to their practices as "livity", which includes adhering to Ital dietary requirements, wearing their hair in dreadlocks, and following patriarchal gender roles. Communal meetings are known as "groundations", and are typified by music, chanting, discussions, and the smoking of cannabis, the latter regarded as a sacrament with beneficial properties.

Rastafari originated among impoverished and socially disenfranchised Afro-Jamaican communities in 1930s Jamaica. A reaction against Jamaica's then-dominant British colonial culture, it was influenced by both Ethiopianism and the Back-to-Africa movement promoted by black nationalist figures such as Marcus Garvey. The religion developed after several Protestant Christian clergymen, most notably Leonard Howell, proclaimed that Haile Selassie's crowning as Emperor of Ethiopia in 1930 fulfilled a Biblical prophecy. By the 1950s, Rastafari's countercultural stance had brought the movement into conflict with wider Jamaican society, including violent clashes with law enforcement. Early Rastafari often espoused black supremacy as a form of opposition to white supremacy, but this has gradually become less common since the 1970s. In the 1960s and 1970s, it gained increased respectability within Jamaica and greater visibility abroad through the popularity of Rastafari-inspired reggae musicians, most notably Bob Marley. Enthusiasm for Rastafari declined in the 1980s, following the deaths of Haile Selassie and Marley, but the movement survived and has a presence in many parts of the world.

The Rastafari movement is decentralised and organised on a largely sectarian basis. There are several denominations, or "Mansions of Rastafari", the most prominent of which are the Nyahbinghi, Bobo Ashanti, and the Twelve Tribes of Israel, each offering a different interpretation of Rastafari belief. There are an estimated 700,000 to one million Rastafari across the world. The largest population is in Jamaica, although small communities can be found in most of the world's major population centres. Most Rastafari are of African descent, and some groups accept only black members, but non-black groups have also emerged.

Definition

[edit]
Two Rastafas in Zeerust, South Africa; they are wearing and selling items that display their commitment to the religion

Rastafari has been described as a religion,[1] meeting many of the proposed definitions for what constitutes a religion,[2] and is legally recognised as such in various countries.[3] Some scholars of religion have labelled it an Abrahamic religion,[4] while other scholars have also classified it as a new religious movement,[5] a sect,[6] a cult,[7] and a revitalisation movement.[8] Having arisen in Jamaica, it has been described as an Afro-Jamaican religion,[9] and more broadly an Afro-Caribbean religion.[10]

Although Rastafari focuses on Africa as a source of identity, it is a product of creolisation processes in the Americas,[11] described by the Hispanic studies scholars Margarite Fernández Olmos and Lizabeth Paravisini-Gebert as "a Creole religion, rooted in African, European, and Indian practices and beliefs".[12] The scholar Ennis B. Edmonds also suggested that Rastafari was "emerging" as a world religion, not because of the number of its adherents, but because of its global spread.[13] Many Rastas nevertheless reject descriptions of Rastafari as a religion, instead referring to it as a "way of life",[14] a "philosophy",[15] or a "spirituality".[16]

Emphasising its political stance, particularly in support of African nationalism and pan-Africanism, some academics have characterised Rastafari as a political movement,[17] a "politico-religious" movement,[18] or a protest movement.[19] It has alternatively been labelled a social movement,[20] or more specifically as a new social movement,[8] and a cultural movement.[21] Many Rastas or Rastafarians—as practitioners are known—nevertheless dislike the labelling of Rastafari as a "movement".[22] In 1989, a British Industrial Tribunal concluded that, for the purposes of the Race Relations Act 1976, Rastafarians could be considered an ethnic group because they have a long, shared heritage which distinguished them from other groups, their own cultural traditions, a common language, and a common religion.[23]

Rastafari has continuously changed and developed,[24] with significant doctrinal variation existing among practitioners depending on the group to which they belong.[25] It is not a unified movement,[26] and there has never been a single leader followed by all Rastafari.[27] It is thus difficult to make broad generalisations about the movement without obscuring the complexities within it.[28] The scholar of religion Darren J. N. Middleton suggested that it was appropriate to speak of "a plethora of Rasta spiritualities" rather than a single phenomenon.[29]

The term "Rastafari" derives from "Ras Tafari Makonnen", the pre-regnal title of Haile Selassie, the former Ethiopian emperor who occupies a central role in Rasta belief. The term "Ras" is a title of nobility equivalent to a duke or prince in the Ethiopian Semitic languages; "Tafari Makonnen" was Selassie's personal name.[30] It is unknown why the early Rastas adopted this form of Haile Selassie's name as the basis of the term for their religion.[31] As well as being the religion's name, "Rastafari" is also used for the religion's practitioners themselves.[32] Many commentators—including some academic sources[33] and some practitioners[34]—refer to the movement as "Rastafarianism".[35] However, the term is disparaged by many Rastafari, who believe that the use of -ism implies religious doctrine and institutional organisation, things they wish to avoid.[36]

Beliefs

[edit]
The Liberty Bell Temple in Los Angeles

Rastas refer to the totality of their religion's ideas and beliefs as "Rastalogy".[37] Edmonds described Rastafari as having "a fairly cohesive worldview";[37] however, the scholar Ernest Cashmore thought that its beliefs were "fluid and open to interpretation".[38] Within the movement, attempts to summarise Rastafari belief have never been accorded the status of a catechism or creed.[39] Rastas place great emphasis on the idea that personal experience and intuitive understanding should be used to determine the truth or validity of a particular belief or practice.[40] No Rasta, therefore, has the authority to declare which beliefs and practices are orthodox and which are heterodox.[39] The conviction that Rastafari has no dogma "is so strong that it has itself become something of a dogma", according to the sociologist of religion Peter B. Clarke.[41]

Some Rastas consider themselves Christian,[42] and the religion has been deeply influenced by both Christian and Jewish thought;[43] the scholar Michael Barnett called Rastafari "an Afrocentralized blend of Christianity and Judaism".[44] Like Christianity, Rastafari treats the Bible as a holy book occupying a central place in its belief system,[45] with Rastas often adopting a literalist interpretation of its contents.[46] Rastas regard the Bible as an authentic account of early black African history and of their place as God's favoured people.[41] They believe the Bible to be key to understanding both the past and the present and for predicting the future,[41] while also regarding it as a source book from which they can form and explain their beliefs and practices.[47] Rastas commonly perceive the final book of the Bible, the Book of Revelation, as the most important part, because they see its contents as having particular significance for the world's present situation.[48]

Rastas commonly believe the Bible was originally written on stone in the Ethiopian language of Amharic, contrary to scholarly understandings of how the Bible was compiled.[49] They also believe that the Bible's true meaning has been warped, both through mistranslation into other languages and by deliberate manipulation by those seeking to deny black Africans their history.[50] They also regard it as cryptographic, meaning that it has many hidden meanings.[51] They believe that its true teachings can be revealed through intuition and meditation on the "book within" which allows them to commune with God.[41] Because of what they regard as the corruption of the Bible, Rastas also turn to other sources that they believe shed light on African history, including Leonard Howell's 1935 work The Promised Key, Robert Athlyi Rogers' 1924 book Holy Piby, and Fitz Balintine Pettersburg's 1920s work, the Royal Parchment Scroll of Black Supremacy.[52] Many Rastas also treat the Kebra Nagast, a 14th-century Ethiopian text, as a source through which to interpret the Bible.[53]

Jah and Jesus Christ

[edit]

Rastas are monotheists, worshipping a singular God whom they call Jah. The term "Jah" is a shortened version of "Jehovah", the name of God in English translations of the Old Testament.[54] Rastas believe in the immanence of Jah,[55] who is inherent within each individual.[56] This belief is reflected in the aphorism, often cited by Rastas, that "God is man and man is God",[57] and Rastas speak of "knowing" Jah, rather than simply "believing" in him.[58] In seeking to narrow the distance between humanity and divinity, Rastafari embraces mysticism.[8] This idea of connecting to a singular divine force within differs from the forms of spirit possession found in other African diaspora religions, such as Kumina and Convince, where external spirits are invited into the body.[59]

Jesus is an important figure in Rastafari.[60] However, practitioners reject the traditional Christian view of Jesus, and they also reject the depiction of him as a white European.[61] They believe Jesus was a black African, and that the white Jesus was a false god.[62] Many Rastas regard Christianity as the creation of the white man;[63] they treat it with suspicion out of the view that the oppressors (white Europeans) and the oppressed (black Africans) cannot share the same God.[64] Some Rastas take the view that the God worshipped by most white Christians is actually the Devil,[65] and a recurring claim among Rastas is that the Pope is Satan or the Antichrist.[66] Rastas therefore often view Christian preachers as deceivers[65] and regard Christianity as being guilty of furthering the oppression of the African diaspora,[67] frequently referring to it as having perpetrated "mental enslavement".[68]

Haile Selassie

[edit]
Haile Selassie, the Emperor of Ethiopia between 1930 and 1974. He is of central importance to Rastas, many of whom regard him as the Second Coming of Jesus and thus God incarnate in human form.

From its origins, Rastafari was intrinsically linked with Haile Selassie, the Emperor of Ethiopia from 1930 to 1974.[69] He remains the central figure in Rastafari ideology,[70] and although all Rastas hold him in esteem, precise interpretations of his identity differ.[71] Understandings of how Haile Selassie relates to Jesus vary among Rastas.[72] Many, although not all, believe that the Ethiopian monarch was the Second Coming of Jesus,[73] legitimising this by reference to their interpretation of the nineteenth chapter of the Book of Revelation.[60] By viewing Haile Selassie as Jesus, these Rastas also regard him as the messiah prophesied in the Old Testament,[74] the manifestation of God in human form,[71] and "the living God".[75] Some perceive him as part of a Trinity, alongside God as Creator and the Holy Spirit, the latter referred to as "the Breath within the temple".[76] Rastas who view Haile Selassie as Jesus argue that both were descendants from the royal line of the Biblical king David,[60] while Rastas also emphasise the fact that the Makonnen dynasty, of which Haile Selassie was a member, claimed descent from the Biblical figures Solomon and the Queen of Sheba.[77]

Other Rastas see Selassie as embodying Jesus' teachings and essence but reject the idea that he was the literal reincarnation of Jesus.[78] Members of the Twelve Tribes of Israel denomination, for instance, reject the idea that Selassie was the Second Coming, arguing that this event has yet to occur.[57] From this perspective, Selassie is perceived as a messenger or emissary of God rather than a manifestation of God himself.[79] Rastas holding to this view sometimes regard the deification of Haile Selassie as naïve or ignorant,[80] in some cases thinking it as dangerous to worship a human being as God.[81] There are various Rastas who went from believing that Haile Selassie was both God incarnate and the Second Coming of Jesus to seeing him as something distinct.[82]

On being crowned, Haile Selassie was given the title of "King of Kings and Lord of Lords, Conquering Lion of the Tribe of Judah".[83] Rastas use this title for Haile Selassie alongside others, such as "Almighty God", "Judge and Avenger", "King Alpha and Queen Omega", "Returned Messiah", "Elect of God", and "Elect of Himself".[84] Rastas also view Haile Selassie as a symbol of their positive affirmation of Africa as a source of spiritual and cultural heritage.[85]

While he was emperor, many Jamaican Rastas professed the belief that Haile Selassie would never die.[86] The 1974 overthrow of Haile Selassie by the military Derg and his subsequent death in 1975 resulted in a crisis of faith for many practitioners.[87] Some left the movement altogether.[88] Others remained, and developed new strategies for dealing with the news. Some Rastas believed that Selassie did not really die and that claims to the contrary were Western misinformation.[89] To bolster their argument, they pointed to the fact that no corpse had been produced; in reality, Haile Selassie's body had been buried beneath his palace, remaining undiscovered there until 1992.[90] Another perspective within Rastafari acknowledged that Haile Selassie's body had perished, but claimed that his inner essence survived as a spiritual force.[91] A third response within the Rastafari community was that Selassie's death was inconsequential as he had only been a "personification" of Jah rather than Jah himself.[92]

During his life, Selassie described himself as a devout Christian.[93] In a 1967 interview, Selassie was asked about the Rasta belief that he was the Second Coming of Jesus, to which he responded: "I have heard of this idea. I also met certain Rastafarians. I told them clearly that I am a man, that I am mortal, and that I will be replaced by the oncoming generation, and that they should never make a mistake in assuming or pretending that a human being is emanated from a deity."[94] His grandson Ermias Sahle Selassie has said that there is "no doubt that Haile Selassie did not encourage the Rastafari movement".[95] Critics of Rastafari have used this as evidence that Rasta theological beliefs are incorrect,[96] although some Rastas take Selassie's denials as evidence that he was indeed the incarnation of God, based on their reading of the Gospel of Luke.[a][97]

Afrocentrism and race

[edit]
The eastern African nation of Ethiopia is given great prominence in Rasta doctrine.

According to Clarke, Rastafari is "concerned above all else with black consciousness, with rediscovering the identity, personal and racial, of black people".[98] The movement began among Afro-Jamaicans who wanted to reject the British colonial culture that dominated Jamaica and replace it with a new identity based on a reclamation of their African heritage.[85] Accordingly it decenters Europe and whiteness and emphasises Africa and blackness,[99] seeking to purge from its followers any belief in the inferiority of black people and the superiority of white people.[100] Rastafari is therefore Afrocentric,[101] equating blackness with the African continent,[64] and endorsing Pan-Africanism.[102]

Practitioners of Rastafari identify themselves with the ancient Israelites—God's chosen people in the Old Testament—and believe that black Africans broadly or Rastas more specifically are either the descendants or the reincarnations of this ancient people.[103] This is similar to beliefs in Judaism,[104] although many Rastas believe that contemporary Jews' status as the descendants of the ancient Israelites is a false claim.[105] Rastas typically believe that black Africans are God's chosen people, meaning that they made a covenant with him and thus have a special responsibility.[106] Rastafari espouses the view that this, the true identity of black Africans, has been lost and needs to be reclaimed.[107]

There is no uniform Rasta view on race.[104] Black supremacy was a theme early in the movement, with the belief in a distinctly black African race that was superior to other racial groups.[108] This has opened the religion to accusations of racism.[109] While some Rastas still hold such beliefs, black supremacy has waned in the movement since at least the 1970s, and non-black Rastas are now widely accepted.[110] Some Rastas cite a 1963 speech by Haile Selassie in support of racial acceptance.[111] Some sects maintains that white Europeans can never be legitimate Rastas but others believe an "African" identity is not inherently linked to black skin but whether an individual displays an African "attitude" or "spirit".[112]

Exile in Babylon

[edit]

Rastafari teaches that the black African diaspora are exiles living in "Babylon", a term which it applies to Western society.[113] For Rastas, European colonialism and global capitalism are regarded as manifestations of Babylon,[114] while police and soldiers are viewed as its agents.[115] The term "Babylon" is adopted because of its Biblical associations. In the Old Testament, Babylon is the Mesopotamian city where the Israelites were held captive, exiled from their homeland, between 597 and 538 BCE;[116] Rastas compare the exile of the Israelites in Mesopotamia to the exile of the African diaspora outside Africa.[117] Rastas perceive the exile of the black African diaspora in Babylon as an experience of great suffering,[118] with the term "suffering" having a significant place in Rasta discourse.[119]

Rastas view Babylon as being responsible for both the Atlantic slave trade, which removed enslaved Africans from their continent, and ongoing poverty in the African diaspora.[120] Rastas believe Biblical scripture explains the Atlantic slave trade,[121] and that the enslavement, exile, and exploitation of black Africans was punishment for failing to live up to their status as Jah's chosen people.[122] Many Rastas, adopting a Pan-Africanist ethos, have criticised the division of Africa into nation-states, regarding this as a Babylonian development,[123] and are often hostile to capitalist resource extraction from the continent.[124] Rastas seek to delegitimise and destroy Babylon, something often conveyed in the Rasta aphorism "Chant down Babylon".[120] Rastas often expect the white-dominated society to dismiss their beliefs as false, and when this happens they see it as confirmation of the correctness of their faith.[125]

Return to Zion

[edit]

Rastas view Zion as an ideal to which they aspire.[120] As with "Babylon", this term comes from the Bible, where it refers to an idealised Jerusalem.[120] Rastas use "Zion" either for Ethiopia specifically or for Africa more broadly.[126] Many Rastas use the term "Ethiopia" as a synonym for Africa, following its usage in English translations of the Bible.[127] Rastas in Ghana, for instance, describe themselves as already living within "Ethiopia".[128] Other Rastas apply the term "Zion" to Jamaica or they use it to describe a state of mind.[117] Rastas believe that Africa, as the Promised Land, will allow them to escape the domination and degradation they experience in Babylon.[129]

A map of Ethiopia, sometimes called "Zion" by Rastas

During the first three decades of the Rastafari movement, it placed strong emphasis on the need for the African diaspora to be repatriated to Africa.[129] To this end, various Rastas lobbied the Jamaican government and United Nations to oversee this resettlement process.[129][130] Other Rastas organised their own transportation to the African continent.[129] Critics of the movement have argued that the migration of the entire African diaspora to Africa is implausible, particularly as no African country would welcome this.[96]

By the movement's fourth decade, the desire for physical repatriation to Africa had declined among Rastas,[131] a change influenced by observation of the 1983–1985 famine in Ethiopia.[132] Rather, many Rastas saw the idea of returning to Africa in a metaphorical sense, entailing the restoration of their pride and self-confidence as people of black African descent.[133] The term "liberation before repatriation" began to be used within the movement.[134] Some Rastas seek to transform Western society so that they may more comfortably live within it rather than seeking to move to Africa.[135] There are nevertheless many Rastas who continue to emphasise the need for physical resettlement of the African diaspora in Africa.[131]

Salvation and paradise

[edit]

Rastafari is a millenarian movement,[136] espousing the idea that the present age will come to an apocalyptic end.[137] Many practitioners believe that on this Day of Judgment, Babylon will be overthrown,[138] with Rastas being the chosen few who survive the upheaval.[139] With Babylon destroyed, Rastas believe that humanity will enter a "new age",[140] a millennium of peace, justice, and happiness in which the righteous shall live in Africa.[141] In the 1980s, many Rastas believed that the Day of Judgment would happen around the year 2000.[142] A view then common in the Rasta community was that the world's white people would wipe themselves out through nuclear war,[143] with black Africans then ruling the world, something that they argued was prophesied in the Book of Daniel.[b][143]

Death and reincarnation

[edit]

Rasta views on death vary.[144] Traditionally, many Rastas believed in the possibility of eternal life.[145] In the 1980s, scholar of religion Leonard E. Barrett observed Jamaican Rastas who believed that practitioners who died had not been faithful to Jah.[146] He suggested that this attitude stemmed from the large numbers of young people in the movement, who had thus seen very few Rastas die.[147] Another common Rasta view is that those who are righteous may undergo reincarnation.[148]

Rastas have traditionally avoided death and funerals,[149] meaning that many were given Christian funerals by their relatives.[150] This attitude to death is less common among more recent or moderate strands of Rastafari, with many considering death a natural part of life.[144] Unlike other African diaspora religions, Rastas typically avoid ancestor veneration.[151]

Morality, ethics, and gender roles

[edit]
A Rasta in Barbados, wearing a rastacap decorated in the Rastafari colours: green, gold, red and black

Most Rastas share a pair of fundamental moral principles known as the "two great commandments": love of God and love of neighbour.[152] Many Rastas believe that to determine whether they should undertake a certain act or not, they should consult the presence of Jah within themselves.[153]

Rastafari emphasises the idea of "living naturally".[154] As an extension of this view, Africa is considered the natural abode of black Africans—a continent where they can live according to African culture and tradition, and be themselves on a physical, emotional, and intellectual level.[112] Practitioners believe that Westerners and Babylon have detached themselves from nature through technological development and thus have become debilitated, slothful, and decadent.[155] Some Rastas also believe they should adhere to African laws rather than the laws of Babylon, potentially putting them at odds with the law of the countries in which they currently live.[156] In emphasising this Afrocentric approach, Rastafari expresses overtones of black nationalism.[157]

The scholar Maureen Warner-Lewis observed that Rastafari combined a "radical, even revolutionary" stance on socio-political issues, particularly regarding race, with a "profoundly traditional" approach on other issues.[158] Rastas typically look critically upon modern capitalism,[153] instead favouring small-scale, pre-industrial and agricultural societies.[159] Some Rastas have promoted activism for socio-political reform, while others believe in awaiting change that will be brought about through divine intervention.[160] In Jamaica, Rastas typically do not vote,[161] dismissing politics as "politricks",[162] and rarely involve themselves in political parties or unions.[163] The Rasta tendency to believe that socio-political change is inevitable opens the religion up to the criticism from the political left that it discourages attempts to alter the status quo.[164] Other Rastas do engage in political activism; the Ghanaian Rasta singer-songwriter Rocky Dawuni for instance was involved in campaigns promoting democratic elections,[165] while in Grenada, many Rastas joined the People's Revolutionary Government formed in 1979.[166]

Gender roles

[edit]

Rasta discourse has traditionally presented women as morally weak, susceptible to deception by evil,[167] and impure while menstruating,[168] citing the Book of Leviticus and the writings of Paul the Apostle.[169] By contrast, Rastafari often espouses the belief that black men in the African diaspora have been emasculated by Babylon and that their manhood must therefore be restored.[170] As a result, Rastafari often affirms patriarchal principles,[171] including the idea that women should submit to male leadership.[172] External observers—including scholars such as Cashmore and Edmonds[173]—have claimed that Rastafari accords women an inferior position to men.[135] Cashmore suggests Rastafari women accept this subordinate position and regard it as their duty to obey their men.[174] The academic Maureen Rowe suggested that women were willing to join the religion despite its restrictions because they valued the life of structure and discipline it provided.[175] Attitudes to women within Rastafari have changed since the 1970s, however, with a growing "womanist" movement, and increasing numbers of women in leadership positions at local and international levels.[176]

The Rasta Shop, a store selling items associated with Rastafari in the U.S. state of Oregon

Rasta women usually wear clothing that covers their head and hides their body contours.[177] Trousers are usually avoided,[178] with long skirts preferred.[179] Women are expected to cover their head while praying,[180] and in some Rasta groups this is expected of them whenever in public.[181] According to traditional Rasta discourse, this dress code is necessary to prevent the sexual objectification of women by men in Babylon.[182] Rasta men do not usually have such a dress code.[183] Some Rasta women have challenged gender norms by wearing their hair uncovered in public and donning trousers.[184]

Although men and women took part alongside each other in early Rasta rituals, from the late 1940s and 1950s the Rasta community increasingly encouraged gender segregation for ceremonies.[185] This was based on the belief that women's menstruation made them impure and that their presence at the ceremonies would distract male participants.[185]

Sexuality

[edit]

As it existed in Jamaica, Rastafari did not promote monogamy.[186] Though it is not especially common, Rasta men are permitted to engage in polygamy,[187] while women are expected to reserve their sexual activity for one male partner.[188] Common-law marriage is the norm,[189] although many Rastas are legally married.[190] Rasta men refer to their female partners as "queens",[191] "empresses",[184] or "lionesses",[192] while the males in these relationships are known as "kingmen".[193] Rastafari places great importance on family life and the raising of children,[194] with reproduction being encouraged.[195] Traditionally, the religion emphasised the place of men in child-rearing, associating this with the recovery of African manhood.[196] Women would often work, sometimes while the man raised the children at home.[197]

Rastafari regards procreation as the purpose of sex, and thus oral and anal sex are usually forbidden.[198] Both contraception and abortion are usually censured,[199] and a common claim in Rasta discourse is that these were inventions of Babylon to decrease the black African birth-rate.[200] Rastas typically express hostile attitudes to homosexuality, regarding homosexuals as evil and unnatural;[201] this attitude derives from references to same-sex sexual activity in the Bible.[46] Cashmore reported that Rastas typically saw the growing acceptance of birth control and homosexuality in the 1970s and 1980s as evidence of the degeneration of Babylon and proof of its approaching demise.[202] LGBTQ+ Rastas may conceal their sexual orientation because of these attitudes.[203]

Practices

[edit]

Rastas refer to their cultural and religious practices as "livity".[204] Rastafari does not place emphasis on hierarchical structures.[153] It has no professional priesthood,[37] with Rastas believing that there is no need for a priest to act as mediator between the worshipper and Jah.[205] It nevertheless has "elders", an honorific title bestowed upon those with a good reputation among the community.[206] Although respected figures, they do not necessarily have administrative functions or responsibilities.[206] When they do oversee ritual meetings, they are often responsible for helping to interpret current events in terms of Biblical scripture.[207] Elders often communicate with each other through a network to plan movement events and form strategies.[206]

Grounding

[edit]
A group of Rastas in Liberia celebrating Marcus Garvey's birthday

The term "grounding" is used among Rastas to refer to the establishment of relationships between like-minded practitioners.[208] Groundings often take place in a commune or yard, and are presided over by an elder.[197] The elder is charged with keeping discipline and can ban individuals from attending.[206] The number of participants can range from a handful to several hundred.[197] Activities that take place at groundings include the playing of drums, chanting, the singing of hymns, and the recitation of poetry.[209] Cannabis, known as ganja, is often smoked.[209] Most groundings contain only men, although some Rasta women have established their own all-female grounding circles.[210]

One of the central activities at groundings is "reasoning".[211] This is a discussion among assembled Rastas about the religion's principles and their relevance to current events.[212] These discussions are supposed to be non-combative, although attendees can point out the fallacies in any arguments presented.[213] Those assembled inform each other about the revelations that they have received through meditation and dream.[197] Each contributor is supposed to push the boundaries of understanding until the entire group has gained greater insight into the topic under discussion.[214] In meeting together with like-minded individuals, reasoning helps Rastas to reassure one another of the correctness of their beliefs.[96] Rastafari meetings are opened and closed with prayers. These involve supplication to Jah for the vulnerable and needy, calls for the destruction of the Rastas' enemies, and closing statements of adoration.[215]

Princes shall come out of Egypt, Ethiopia shall stretch forth her hand unto God. Oh thou God of Ethiopia, thou God of divine majesty, thy spirit come within our hearts to dwell in the parts of righteousness. That the hungry be fed, the sick nourished, the aged protected, and the infant cared for. Teach us love and loyalty as it is in Zion.

— Opening passage of a common Rasta prayer[215]

The largest groundings were known as "groundations" or "grounations" in the 1950s, although they were subsequently re-termed "Nyabinghi Issemblies".[216] The term "Nyabinghi" is adopted from the name of a mythical African queen.[217] Nyabinghi Issemblies are often held on dates associated with Ethiopia and Haile Selassie.[218] These include Ethiopian Christmas (7 January), the day on which Haile Selassie visited Jamaica (21 April), Selassie's birthday (23 July), Ethiopian New Year (11 September), and Selassie's coronation day (2 November).[218] Some Rastas also organise Nyabinghi Issemblies to mark Jamaica's Emancipation Day (1 August) and Marcus Garvey's birthday (17 August).[218]

Nyabinghi Issemblies typically take place in rural areas, being situated in the open air or in temporary structures—known as "temples" or "tabernacles"—specifically constructed for the purpose.[219] Any elder seeking to sponsor a Nyabinghi Issembly must have approval from other elders and requires the adequate resources to organise such an event.[220] The assembly usually lasts between three and seven days.[219] During the daytime, attendees engage in food preparation, ganja smoking, and reasoning, while at night they focus on drumming and dancing around bonfires.[219] Nyabinghi Issemblies often attract Rastas from a wide area, including from different countries.[219] They establish and maintain a sense of solidarity among the Rasta community and cultivate a feeling of collective belonging.[219] Unlike in many other religions, rites of passage play no role in Rastafari;[221] on death, various Rastas have been given Christian funerals by their relatives, as there are no established Rasta funeral rites.[150]

Use of cannabis

[edit]

The principal ritual of Rastafari is the smoking of ganja, also known as marijuana or cannabis.[222] Among the names that Rastas give to the plant are callie, Iley, "the herb", "the holy herb", "the grass", and "the weed".[223] Cannabis is usually smoked during groundings,[197] although some practitioners also smoke it informally in other contexts.[224] Some Rastas smoke cannabis very frequently, something other practitioners regard as excessive.[225] Many practitioners alternatively consume cannabis in a tea, as a spice in cooking, and as an ingredient in medicine.[226] Not all Rastas use cannabis;[227] many abstainers explain that they have already achieved a higher level of consciousness and thus do not require it.[228]

A flowering cannabis plant; the smoking of which is considered a Biblically sanctioned sacrament by Rastas

In Rastafari, cannabis is considered a sacrament.[229] Rastas argue that the use of ganja is promoted in the Bible, specifically in Genesis,[c] Psalms,[d] and Revelation.[e][230] They regard it as having healing properties,[231] eulogise it for inducing feelings of "peace and love",[232] and claim that it cultivates a form of personal introspection that allows the smokers to discover their inner divinity.[233] Some Rastas believe that cannabis smoke serves as an incense that counteracts immoral practices in society.[203]

Rastas typically smoke cannabis in the form of a large, hand-rolled cigarette known as a spliff.[234] This is often rolled together while a prayer is offered to Jah; the spliff is lit and smoked only when the prayer is completed.[235] At other times, cannabis is smoked in a water pipe referred to as a chalice: styles include kutchies, chillums, and steamers.[235] The pipe is passed in a counter-clockwise direction around the assembled circle of Rastas.[235]

There are various options that might explain how cannabis smoking came to be part of Rastafari. By the 8th century, Arab traders had introduced cannabis to Central and Southern Africa.[236] In the 19th century, enslaved Bakongo people arrived in Jamaica, where they established the religion of Kumina. In Kumina, cannabis was smoked during religious ceremonies in the belief that it facilitated possession by ancestral spirits.[208] The religion was largely practiced in south-east Jamaica's Saint Thomas Parish, where a prominent early Rasta, Leonard Howell, lived while he was developing many of Rastafari's beliefs and practices; it may have been through Kumina that cannabis became part of Rastafari.[208] A second possible source was the use of cannabis in Hindu rituals.[237] Hindu migrants arrived in Jamaica as indentured servants from British India between 1834 and 1917, and brought cannabis with them.[208] A Jamaican Hindu priest, Laloo, was one of Howell's spiritual advisors, and may have influenced his adoption of ganja.[208] The adoption of cannabis may also have been influenced by the widespread medicinal and recreational use of cannabis among Afro-Jamaicans in the early 20th century.[208] Early Rastafarians may have taken an element of Jamaican culture which they associated with their peasant past and the rejection of capitalism and sanctified it by according it Biblical correlates.[238]

In many countries—including Jamaica[239]—cannabis is illegal and by using it, Rastas protest the rules and regulations of Babylon.[240] In the United States, for example, thousands of practitioners have been arrested because of their possession of the drug.[241] Rastas have also advocated for the legalisation of cannabis in those jurisdictions where it is illegal;[242] in 2015, Jamaica decriminalized personal possession of marijuana up to two ounces and legalized it for medicinal and scientific purposes.[243] In 2019, Barbados legalised Rastafari use of cannabis within religious settings and pledged 60 acres (24 ha) of land for Rastafari to grow it.[244][245]

Music

[edit]
A Rasta playing a batá drum

Rastafari music developed at reasoning sessions,[246] where drumming, chanting, and dancing are all present.[247] Rasta music is performed to praise and commune with Jah,[248] and to reaffirm the rejection of Babylon.[248] Rastas believe that their music has healing properties, with the ability to cure colds, fevers, and headaches.[248] Many of these songs are sung to the tune of older Christian hymns,[249] but others are original Rasta creations.[248]

The bass-line of Rasta music is provided by the akete, a three-drum set, which is accompanied by percussion instruments like rattles and tambourines.[247] A syncopated rhythm is then provided by the fundeh drum.[247] In addition, a batá drum improvises over the rhythm.[247] The different components of the music are regarded as displaying different symbolism; the bassline symbolises blows against Babylon, while the lighter beats denote hope for the future.[247]

As Rastafari developed, popular music became its chief communicative medium.[250] During the 1960s, ska was a popular musical style in Jamaica, and although its protests against social and political conditions were mild, it gave early expression to Rasta socio-political ideology.[251] Particularly prominent in the connection between Rastafari and ska were the musicians Count Ossie and Don Drummond.[252] Ossie was a drummer who believed that black people needed to develop their own style of music;[253] he was heavily influenced by Burru, an Afro-Jamaican drumming style.[254] Ossie subsequently popularised this new Rastafari ritual music by playing at various groundings and groundations around Jamaica,[254] with songs like "Another Moses" and "Babylon Gone" reflecting Rasta influence.[255] Rasta themes also appeared in Drummond's work, with songs such as "Reincarnation" and "Tribute to Marcus Garvey".[255]

1968 saw the development of reggae in Jamaica, a musical style typified by slower, heavier rhythms than ska and the increased use of Jamaican Patois.[256] Like calypso, reggae was a medium for social commentary,[257] although it demonstrated a wider use of radical political and Rasta themes than were previously present in Jamaican popular music.[256] Reggae artists incorporated Rasta ritual rhythms, and also adopted Rasta chants, language, motifs, and social critiques.[258] Songs like The Wailers' "African Herbsman" and Peter Tosh's "Legalize It" referenced cannabis use,[259] while tracks like The Melodians' "Rivers of Babylon" and Junior Byles' "Beat Down Babylon" referenced Rasta beliefs in Babylon.[260] Reggae gained widespread international popularity during the mid-1970s,[261] coming to be viewed by black people in many different countries as music of the oppressed.[262] Many Rastas grew critical of reggae, believing that it had commercialised their religion.[263] Although reggae contains much Rastafari symbolism,[6] and the two are widely associated,[264] the connection is often exaggerated by non-Rastas.[265] Most Rastas do not listen to reggae music,[265] and reggae has also been utilised by other religious groups, such as Protestant Evangelicals.[266] Out of reggae came dub music; dub artists often employ Rastafari terminology, even when not Rastas themselves.[267]

Language and symbolism

[edit]

Rastas typically regard words as having an intrinsic power,[268] seeking to avoid language that contributes to servility, self-degradation, and the objectification of the person.[269] Practitioners therefore often use their own form of language, known commonly as "dread talk",[270] "Iyaric",[271] and "Rasta talk".[272] Developed in Jamaica during the 1940s,[273] this use of language fosters group identity and cultivates particular values.[274] Adherents believe that by formulating their own language they are launching an ideological attack on the integrity of the English language, which they view as a tool of Babylon.[275] The use of this language helps Rastas distinguish and separate themselves from non-Rastas,[276] for whom—according to Barrett—Rasta rhetoric can be "meaningless babbling".[277] However, Rasta terms have also filtered into wider Jamaican speech patterns.[278]

Rastas regularly use the three colours of the Ethiopian flag for their movement, although they often add black to this tricolour, symbolising the black skin of the African people

Rastas make wide use of the pronoun "I".[279] This denotes the Rasta view that the self is divine,[280] and reminds each Rasta that they are not a slave and have value, worth, and dignity as a human being.[281] For instance, Rastas use "I" in place of "me", "I and I" in place of "we", "I-ceive" in place of "receive", "I-sire" in place of "desire", "I-rate" in place of "create", and "I-men" in place of "Amen".[274] Rastas refer to this process as "InI Consciousness" or "Isciousness".[90] Rastas typically refer to Haile Selassie as "Haile Selassie I", thus indicating their belief in his divinity.[281] Rastas also typically believe that the phonetics of a word should be linked to its meaning.[268] For instance, Rastas often use the word "downpression" in place of "oppression" because oppression bears down on people rather than lifting them up, with "up" being phonetically akin to "opp-".[282] Similarly, they often favour "livicate" over "dedicate" because "ded-" is phonetically akin to the word "dead".[283] In the early decades of the religion's development, Rastas often said "Peace and Love" as a greeting, although the use of this declined as Rastafari matured.[284]

Rastas often make use of the colours red, black, green, and gold.[285] Red, gold, and green were used in the Ethiopian flag, while, prior to the development of Rastafari, the Jamaican black nationalist activist Marcus Garvey had used red, green, and black as the colours for the Pan-African flag representing his United Negro Improvement Association.[286] According to Garvey, the red symbolised the blood of martyrs, the black symbolised the skin of Africans, and the green represented the vegetation of the land, an interpretation endorsed by some Rastas.[287] The colour gold is often included alongside Garvey's three colours; it has been adopted from the Jamaican flag,[288] and is often interpreted as symbolising the minerals and raw materials which constitute Africa's wealth.[289] Rastas often paint these colours onto their buildings, vehicles, kiosks, and other items,[285] or display them on their clothing, helping to distinguish Rastas from non-Rastas and allowing adherents to recognise their co-religionists.[290] As well as being used by Rastas, the colour set has also been adopted by Pan-Africanists more broadly, who use it to display their identification with Afrocentricity;[289] for this reason it was adopted on the flags of many post-independence African states.[285] Rastas often accompany the use of these three or four colours with the image of the Lion of Judah, also adopted from the Ethiopian flag and symbolizing Haile Selassie.[285]

Diet

[edit]
A Styrofoam container of food, plastic fork, and glass of juice
An ital breakfast; ackee, plantain, boiled food, breadfruit, and mango-pineapple juice

Rastas seek to produce food "naturally",[291] eating what they call ital, or "natural" food.[292] This is often grown organically,[293] and locally.[268] Most Rastas adhere to the dietary laws outlined in the Book of Leviticus, and thus avoid eating pork or crustaceans.[294] Other Rastas remain vegetarian,[295] or vegan,[296] a practice stemming from their interpretation of Leviticus.[f][297] Many also avoid the addition of additives, including sugar and salt, to their food.[298] Rasta dietary practices may be denigrated by non-Rastas; in Ghana for example, where food traditionally includes a high meat content, the Rastas' emphasis on vegetable produce has led to the saying that they "eat like sheep and goats".[299] In Jamaica, Rasta practitioners have commercialised ital food, for instance by selling fruit juices prepared according to Rasta custom.[300]

Rastafarians typically avoid food produced by non-Rastas or from unknown sources.[301] Rasta men refuse to eat food prepared by a woman while she is menstruating,[302] and some will avoid food prepared by a woman at any time.[303] Rastas also generally avoid alcohol,[304] cigarettes,[305] and hard drugs such as heroin and cocaine,[232] presenting these substances as unnatural and dirty and contrasting them with cannabis.[241] Rastas also often avoid mainstream scientific medicine and will reject surgery, injections, or blood transfusions.[306] Instead they utilise herbal medicine for healing, especially teas and poultices, with cannabis often used as an ingredient.[307]

Appearance

[edit]
A man with dreadlocks in São Paulo, Brazil

Rastas use their physical appearance as a means of visually demarcating themselves from non-Rastas.[107] Male practitioners will often grow long beards,[308] and many Rastas prefer to wear African styles of clothing, such as dashikis, rather than styles that originated in Western countries.[309] However, it is the formation of hair into dreadlocks that is one of the most recognisable Rasta symbols.[310] Rastas believe that dreadlocks are promoted in the Bible, specifically in the Book of Numbers,[g][311] and regard them as a symbol of strength linked to the hair of the Biblical figure of Samson.[312] They argue that their dreadlocks mark a covenant that they have made with Jah,[313] and reflect their commitment to the idea of 'naturalness'.[314] They also perceive the wearing of dreads as a symbolic rejection of Babylon and a refusal to conform to its norms regarding grooming aesthetics.[315] Rastas are often critical of black people who straighten their hair, believing that it is an attempt to imitate white European hair and thus reflects alienation from a person's African identity.[314] Sometimes this dreadlocked hair is then shaped and styled, often inspired by a lion's mane symbolising Haile Selassie, who is regarded as "the Conquering Lion of Judah".[316]

Rastas differ on whether they regard dreadlocks as compulsory for practicing the religion.[25] Some Rastas do not wear their hair in dreadlocks; within the religion they are often termed "cleanface" Rastas,[317] with those wearing dreadlocked hair often called "locksmen".[318] Some Rastas have also joined the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church, the Christian organisation to which Haile Selassie belonged, and these individuals are forbidden from putting their hair in dreadlocks by the Church.[319] In reference to Rasta hairstyles, Rastas often refer to non-Rastas as "baldheads",[320] or "combsome",[321] while those who are new to Rastafari and who have only just started to grow their hair into dreads are termed "nubbies".[317] Members of the Bobo Ashanti sect of Rastas conceal their dreadlocks within turbans,[322] while some Rastas tuck their dreads under a rastacap or tam headdress, usually coloured green, red, black, and yellow.[323] Dreadlocks and Rastafari-inspired clothing have also been worn for aesthetic reasons by non-Rastas.[324] For instance, many reggae musicians who do not adhere to the Rastafari religion wear their hair in dreads.[265]

A Rasta man wearing a rastacap in Jamaica

From the beginning of the Rastafari movement in the 1930s, adherents typically grew beards and tall hair, perhaps in imitation of Haile Selassie.[131] The wearing of hair as dreadlocks then emerged as a Rasta practice in the 1940s;[131] there were debates within the movement as to whether dreadlocks should be worn or not, with proponents of the style becoming dominant.[325] There are various claims as to how this practice was adopted.[131] One claim is that it was adopted in imitation of certain African nations, such as the Maasai, Somalis, or Oromo, or that it was inspired by the hairstyles worn by some of those involved in the anti-colonialist Mau Mau Uprising in Kenya.[131] An alternative explanation is that it was inspired by the hairstyles of the Hindu sadhus.[326]

The wearing of dreadlocks has contributed to negative views of Rastafari among non-Rastas, many of whom regard it as wild and unattractive.[327] Dreadlocks remain socially stigmatised in many societies; in Ghana for example, they are often associated with the homeless and mentally ill, with such associations of marginality extending onto Ghanaian Rastas.[328] In Jamaica during the mid-20th century, teachers and police officers used to forcibly cut off the dreads of Rastas.[329] In various countries, Rastas have since won legal battles ensuring their right to wear dreadlocks: in 2020, for instance, the High Court of Malawi ruled that all public schools must allow their students to wear dreadlocks.[330] The decision is to be enforced before the 30th of June 2023 or schools will be in breach of the country's constitution.[331]

History

[edit]

Rastafari developed out of the legacy of the Atlantic slave trade, in which over ten million enslaved Africans were transported to the Americas between the 16th and 19th centuries.[332] Under 700,000 of these slaves were settled in the British colony of Jamaica.[332] The British government abolished slavery in the Caribbean island in 1834,[333] although racial prejudice remained prevalent across Jamaican society.[334]

Ethiopianism, Back to Africa, and Marcus Garvey

[edit]
Marcus Garvey, a prominent black nationalist theorist who heavily influenced Rastafari and is regarded as a prophet by many Rastas

Rastafari owed much to intellectual frameworks arising in the 19th and early 20th centuries.[335] One key influence on Rastafari was Christian Revivalism,[336] with the Great Revival of 1860–61 drawing many Afro-Jamaicans to join churches.[337] Increasing numbers of Pentecostal missionaries from the United States arrived in Jamaica during the early 20th century, climaxing in the 1920s.[338]

Further contributing significantly to Rastafari's development were Ethiopianism and the Back to Africa ethos, both traditions with 18th-century roots.[339] In the 19th century, there were growing calls for the African diaspora located in Western Europe and the Americas to be resettled in Africa,[339] with some of this diaspora establishing colonies in Sierra Leone and Liberia.[339] Based in Liberia, the black Christian preacher Edward Wilmot Blyden began promoting African pride and the preservation of African tradition, customs, and institutions.[340] Also spreading throughout Africa was Ethiopianism, a movement that accorded special status to the east African nation of Ethiopia because it was mentioned in various Biblical passages.[341] For adherents of Ethiopianism, "Ethiopia" was regarded as a synonym of Africa as a whole.[342]

Of significant influence on Rastafari was the Jamaican activist Marcus Garvey, who spent much of his adult life in the US and Britain. Garvey supported the idea of global racial separatism and called for part of the African diaspora to relocate to Africa.[343] His ideas faced opposition from civil rights activists like W. E. B. Du Bois who supported racial integration,[344] and as a mass movement, Garveyism declined in the Great Depression of the 1930s.[344] A rumour later spread that in 1916, Garvey had called on his supporters to "look to Africa" for the crowning of a black king; this quote was never verified.[345] However, in August 1930, Garvey's play, Coronation of an African King, was performed in Kingston. Its plot revolved around the crowning of the fictional Prince Cudjoe of Sudan, although it anticipated the crowning of Haile Selassie later that year.[346] Rastas hold Garvey in great esteem,[117] with many regarding him as a prophet.[347] Garvey knew of Rastafari, but took a largely negative view of the religion;[348] he also became a critic of Haile Selassie,[349] calling him "a great coward" who rules a "country where black men are chained and flogged".[83]

Haile Selassie and the early Rastas: 1930–1949

[edit]

Haile Selassie was crowned Emperor of Ethiopia in 1930, becoming the first sovereign monarch crowned in Sub-Saharan Africa since 1891 and first Christian one since 1889. A number of Jamaica's Christian clergymen claimed that Selassie's coronation was evidence that he was the black messiah that they believed was prophesied in the Book of Revelation,[h] the Book of Daniel,[i] and Psalms.[j][350] Over the following years, several street preachers—most notably Leonard Howell, Archibald Dunkley, Robert Hinds, and Joseph Hibbert—began claiming that Haile Selassie was the returned Jesus.[351] They first did so in Kingston, and soon the message spread throughout 1930s Jamaica,[352] especially among poor communities who were hit particularly hard by the Great Depression.[163] Clarke stated that "to all intents and purposes this was the beginning" of the Rastafari movement.[353]

Emperor Haile Selassie in 1942, a year after he re-took control of Ethiopia

Howell was the early movement's "leading figure".[31] He preached that black Africans were superior to white Europeans and that Afro-Jamaicans should owe their allegiance to Haile Selassie rather than to King George V. The island's colonial authorities arrested him and charged him with sedition in 1934, resulting in a two-year imprisonment.[354] Following his release, Howell established the Ethiopian Salvation Society and in 1939 formed a Rasta community, known as Pinnacle, in Saint Catherine Parish.[355] Jamaica's police feared that Howell was plotting an armed rebellion and raided Pinnacle repeatedly. Pinnacle ultimately closed in 1954 and Howell was committed to a mental hospital.[356]

In 1936, Italy invaded and occupied Ethiopia, and Haile Selassie went into exile. The invasion brought international condemnation and led to growing sympathy for the Ethiopian cause.[357] In 1937, Selassie created the Ethiopian World Federation, which established a branch in Jamaica later that decade.[358] In 1941, Allied forces drove the Italians out of Ethiopia and Selassie returned to reclaim his throne. Many Rastas interpreted this as the fulfilment of a prophecy made in the Book of Revelation.[k][357]

Growing visibility: 1950–1969

[edit]

Rastafari's main appeal was among Jamaica's lower classes.[357] For its first thirty years, Rastafari was in a conflictual relationship with the Jamaican authorities.[359] Jamaica's Rastas expressed contempt for many aspects of the island's society, viewing the government, police, bureaucracy, professional classes, and established churches as instruments of Babylon.[160] Relations between practitioners and the police were strained, with Rastas often being arrested for cannabis possession.[360] During the 1950s the movement grew rapidly in Jamaica and also spread to other Caribbean islands, the United States, and the United Kingdom.[357]

In the 1940s and 1950s, a more militant brand of Rastafari emerged.[361] The vanguard of this was the House of Youth Black Faith, a group largely based in West Kingston.[362] Backlash against the Rastas grew after a practitioner allegedly killed a woman in 1957.[160] In March 1958, the first Rastafarian Universal Convention was held in Back-o-Wall, Kingston.[363] Following the event, militant Rastas unsuccessfully tried to capture the city in the name of Haile Selassie.[364] Later that year they tried again in Spanish Town.[160] The increasing militancy of some Rastas resulted in growing alarm;[160] according to Cashmore, the Rastas became "folk devils" in Jamaican society.[365]

In 1959, the self-declared prophet and founder of the African Reform Church, Claudius Henry, sold thousands of tickets to Afro-Jamaicans, including many Rastas, for passage on a ship that he claimed would take them to Africa. The ship never arrived and Henry was charged with fraud. In 1960 he was sentenced to six years imprisonment for conspiring to overthrow the government.[366] Henry's son was accused of being part of a paramilitary cell and executed, confirming public fears about Rasta violence.[367] One of the most prominent clashes between Rastas and law enforcement was the Coral Gardens incident of 1963, in which an initial skirmish between police and Rastas resulted in several deaths and led to a larger roundup of practitioners.[368] Clamping down on the Rasta movement, in 1964 the island's government implemented tougher laws surrounding cannabis use.[369]

At the invitation of its government, Haile Selassie visited Jamaica for the first time on 21 April 1966, with thousands of Rastas assembled to meet him at the airport.[370] Over the course of the 1960s, Jamaica's Rasta community underwent a process of routinisation,[371] with the late 1960s witnessing the launch of the first official Rastafarian newspaper, the Rastafarian Movement Association's Rasta Voice.[372] The decade also saw Rastafari develop in increasingly complex ways,[373] as it did when some Rastas began to reinterpret the idea that salvation required a physical return to Africa, instead interpreting salvation as coming through a process of mental decolonisation that embraced African approaches to life.[373]

Whereas its membership had previously derived predominantly from poorer sectors of society, in the 1960s Rastafari began attracting support from more privileged groups like students and professional musicians.[374] The foremost group emphasising this approach was the Twelve Tribes of Israel, whose members came to be known as "Uptown Rastas".[375] Many Rastas came under the influence of the Guyanese black nationalist academic Walter Rodney, who lectured to their community in 1968 before publishing his thoughts as the pamphlet Groundings.[376] Like Rodney, many Jamaican Rastas were influenced by the U.S.-based Black Power movement,[377] and after that movement declined, Rastafari filled the vacuum it left for many black youth.[378]

International spread and decline: 1970–present

[edit]

In the mid-1970s, reggae's international popularity exploded.[261] The most successful reggae artist, Bob Marley, played a major role in introducing Rastafari themes to audiences across the world.[379] Reggae's popularity led to a growth in "pseudo-Rastafarians", individuals who listened to reggae and wore Rasta clothing but did not share its belief system.[380] Many Rastas were angered by this, believing it commercialised their religion.[263]

Reggae musician Bob Marley did much to raise international awareness of the Rastafari movement in the 1970s.

Through reggae, Rasta musicians became increasingly important in Jamaica's political life during the 1970s.[381] To bolster his popularity with the electorate, Jamaican Prime Minister Michael Manley employed Rasta imagery and courted support from Marley and other reggae musicians.[382] Manley described Rastas as a "beautiful and remarkable people"[327] and carried a cane which he claimed was a gift from Haile Selassie.[383] Following Manley's example, Jamaican political parties increasingly employed Rasta language, symbols, and reggae references in their campaigns,[384] while Rasta symbols became increasingly mainstream in Jamaican society.[385] This helped to confer greater legitimacy on Rastafari,[386] with reggae and Rasta imagery being increasingly presented as a core part of Jamaica's cultural heritage for the growing tourist industry.[387] In the 1980s, a Rasta, Barbara Makeda Blake Hannah, became a senator in the Jamaican Parliament.[388]

Enthusiasm for Rastafari was likely dampened by the death of Haile Selassie in 1975 and that of Marley in 1981.[389] During the 1980s, the number of Rastas in Jamaica declined,[390] with Pentecostal and other Charismatic Christian groups proving more successful at attracting young recruits.[391] Several prominent Rastas converted to Christianity,[391] and two of those who did so—Judy Mowatt and Tommy Cowan—maintained that Marley had converted to Christianity, in the form of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church, during his final days.[392] The significance of Rastafari messages in reggae also declined with the growing popularity of dancehall, a Jamaican musical genre that typically foregrounded lyrical themes of hyper-masculinity, violence, and sexual activity rather than religious symbolism.[393]

The mid-1990s saw a revival of Rastafari-focused reggae associated with musicians like Anthony B, Buju Banton, Luciano, Sizzla, and Capleton.[393] From the 1990s, Jamaica also witnessed the growth of organised political activity within the Rasta community, seen for instance through campaigns for the legalisation of cannabis and the creation of political parties like the Jamaican Alliance Movement and the Imperial Ethiopian World Federation Incorporated Political Party, none of which attained more than minimal electoral support.[394] In 1995, the Rastafari Centralization Organization was established in Jamaica as an attempt to organise the Rastafari community.[395]

Organisation

[edit]

Rastafari is not a homogeneous movement and has no single administrative structure,[396] nor any single leader.[397] A majority of Rastas avoid centralised and hierarchical structures because they do not want to replicate the structures of Babylon and because their religion's ultra-individualistic ethos places emphasis on inner divinity.[398] The structure of most Rastafari groups is less like that of Christian denominations and is instead akin to the cellular structure of other African diasporic traditions like Haitian Vodou, Cuban Santería, and Jamaica's Revival Zion.[396] Since the 1970s, there have been attempts to unify all Rastas, namely through the establishment of the Rastafari Movement Association, which sought political mobilisation.[399] In 1982, the first international assembly of Rastafari groups took place in Toronto, Canada.[399] This and subsequent international conferences, assemblies, and workshops have helped to cement global networks and cultivate an international community of Rastas.[400]

Mansions of Rastafari

[edit]
A stylised Rastafari motif, depicting the Lion of Judah

Sub-divisions of Rastafari are often referred to as "houses" or "mansions", in keeping with a passage from the Gospel of John (14:2): as translated in the King James Bible, Jesus states, "In my father's house are many mansions".[401] The three most prominent branches are the House of Nyabinghi, the Bobo Ashanti, and the Twelve Tribes of Israel, although other important groups include the Church of Haile Selassie I, Inc., and the Fulfilled Rastafari.[401] By fragmenting into different houses without any single leader, Rastafari became more resilient amid opposition from Jamaica's government during the early decades of the movement.[402]

Probably the largest Rastafari group, the House of Nyabinghi is an aggregate of more traditional and militant Rastas who seek to keep the movement close to the way in which it existed during the 1940s.[401] They stress the idea that Haile Selassie was Jah and the reincarnation of Jesus.[401] The wearing of dreadlocks is regarded as indispensable and patriarchal gender roles are strongly emphasised.[401] According to Cashmore, writing in 1983, they are "vehemently anti-white".[403] Nyabinghi Rastas refuse to compromise with Babylon and are often critical of reggae musicians like Marley for collaborating with the commercial music industry.[404]

The Bobo Ashanti sect was founded in Jamaica by Emanuel Charles Edwards through the establishment of his Ethiopia Africa Black International Congress (EABIC) in 1958.[405] The group established a commune in Bull Bay, where they were led by Edwards until his death in 1994.[406] The group hold to a highly rigid ethos,[407] and are influenced by Mosaic Law.[130][408] Edwards advocated the idea of a new trinity, with Haile Selassie as the living God, himself as the Christ, and Garvey as the prophet.[409] Male members are divided into two categories: the "priests" who conduct religious services and the "prophets" who take part in reasoning sessions.[407] It places greater restrictions on women than most other forms of Rastafari;[410] women are regarded as impure because of menstruation and childbirth and so are not permitted to cook for men.[407] The group teaches that black Africans are God's chosen people and are superior to white Europeans,[411] with members often refusing to associate with white people.[412] By the opening decades of the twenty-first century, the Bobo Ashanti have become more welcoming of outsiders, even those who are menstruating.[413] Bobo Ashanti Rastas are recognisable by their long, flowing robes and turbans.[414]

The headquarters of the Twelve Tribes of Israel group in Shashemene, Ethiopia

The Twelve Tribes of Israel group was founded in 1968 in Kingston by Vernon Carrington.[415] He proclaimed himself the reincarnation of the Old Testament prophet Gad and his followers call him "Prophet Gad", "Brother Gad", or "Gadman".[416] It is commonly regarded as the most liberal form of Rastafari and the closest to Christianity.[57] Practitioners are often dubbed "Christian Rastas" because they believe Jesus is the only saviour; Haile Selassie is accorded importance, but is not viewed as the second coming of Jesus.[417] The group divides its members into twelve groups according to which Hebrew calendar month they were born in; each month is associated with a particular colour, body part, and mental function.[418] Maintaining dreadlocks and an Ital diet are considered commendable but not essential,[419] while adherents are called upon to read a chapter of the Bible each day.[420] Membership is open to individuals of any racial background.[421]

The Twelve Tribes peaked in popularity during the 1970s, when it attracted artists, musicians, and many middle-class followers—Marley among them[422]—resulting in the terms "middle-class Rastas" and "uptown Rastas" being applied to members of the group.[423] Carrington died in 2005, since which time the Twelve Tribes of Israel have been led by an executive council.[423] The council includes an equal number of men and women.[424] As of 2010, it was recorded as being the largest of the centralised Rasta groups.[72] It remains headquartered in Kingston, although it has followers outside Jamaica;[425] the group was responsible for establishing the Rasta community in Shashamane, Ethiopia.[426]

The Church of Haile Selassie, Inc., was founded by Abuna Foxe and operated much like a mainstream Christian church, with a hierarchy of functionaries, weekly services, and Sunday schools.[427] In adopting this broad approach, the Church seeks to develop Rastafari's respectability in wider society.[399] Fulfilled Rastafari is a multi-ethnic movement that has spread in popularity during the 21st century, in large part through the Internet.[399] The Fulfilled Rastafari group accepts Haile Selassie's statements that he was a man and that he was a devout Christian, and so places emphasis on worshipping Jesus through the example set forth by Haile Selassie.[399] The wearing of dreadlocks and the adherence to an ital diet are considered issues up to the individual.[399]

Demographics

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Born in the ghettos of Kingston, Jamaica, the Rastafarian movement has captured the imagination of thousands of black youth, and some white youth, throughout Jamaica, the Caribbean, Britain, France, and other countries in Western Europe and North America. It is also to be found in smaller numbers in parts of Africa—for example, in Ethiopia, Ghana, and Senegal—and in Australia and New Zealand, particularly among the Maori.

— Sociologist of religion Peter B. Clarke, 1986[98]

As of 2012, there were an estimated 700,000 to 1,000,000 Rastas worldwide.[428] They can be found in many different regions, including most of the world's major population centres.[428] Rastafari's influence on wider society has been more substantial than its numerical size,[429] particularly in fostering a racial, political, and cultural consciousness among the African diaspora and Africans themselves.[428] Men dominate Rastafari.[430] In its early years, most of its followers were men, and the women who did adhere to it tended to remain in the background.[430] This picture of Rastafari's demographics has been confirmed by ethnographic studies conducted in the late 20th and early 21st centuries.[431]

The Rasta message resonates with many people who feel marginalised and alienated by the values and institutions of their society.[432] Internationally, it has proved most popular among the poor and among marginalised youth.[433] In valorising Africa and blackness, Rastafari provides a positive identity for youth in the African diaspora by allowing them to psychologically reject their social stigmatisation.[432] It then provides these disaffected people with the discursive stance from which they can challenge capitalism and consumerism, providing them with symbols of resistance and defiance.[432] Cashmore expressed the view that "whenever there are black people who sense an injust disparity between their own material conditions and those of the whites who surround them and tend to control major social institutions, the Rasta messages have relevance."[434]

Conversion and deconversion

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Rastafari is a non-missionary religion.[435] However, elders from Jamaica often go "trodding" to instruct new converts in the fundamentals of the religion.[436] On researching English Rastas during the 1970s, Cashmore noted that they had not converted instantaneously, but rather had undergone "a process of drift" through which they gradually adopted Rasta beliefs and practices, resulting in their ultimate acceptance of Haile Selassie's central importance.[437] Based on his research in West Africa, Neil J. Savishinsky found that many of those who converted to Rastafari came to the religion through their pre-existing use of marijuana as a recreational drug.[438]

Rastas often claim that—rather than converting to the religion—they were actually always a Rasta and that their embrace of its beliefs was merely the realisation of this.[439] There is no formal ritual carried out to mark an individual's entry into the Rastafari movement,[440] although once they do join an individual often changes their name, with many including the prefix "Ras".[53] Rastas regard themselves as an exclusive and elite community, membership of which is restricted to those who have the "insight" to recognise Haile Selassie's importance.[441] Practitioners thus often regard themselves as the "enlightened ones" who have "seen the light".[442] Many of them see no point in establishing good relations with non-Rastas, believing that the latter will never accept Rastafari doctrine as truth.[443]

Some Rastas have left the religion. Clarke noted that among British Rastas, some returned to Pentecostalism and other forms of Christianity, while others embraced Islam or no religion.[444] Some English ex-Rastas described disillusionment when the societal transformation promised by Rastafari failed to appear, while others felt that while Rastafari would be appropriate for agrarian communities in Africa and the Caribbean, it was not suited to industrialised British society.[444] Others experienced disillusionment after developing the view that Haile Selassie had been an oppressive leader of the Ethiopian people.[444] Cashmore found that some British Rastas who had more militant views left the religion after finding its focus on reasoning and music insufficient for the struggle against white domination and racism.[445]

Regional spread

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Although it remains most concentrated in the Caribbean,[446] Rastafari has spread to many areas of the world and adapted into many localised variants.[447] It has spread primarily in Anglophone regions and countries, largely because reggae music has primarily been produced in the English language.[433] It is thus most commonly found in the Anglophone Caribbean, United States, Canada, United Kingdom, Australia and New Zealand, and Anglophone parts of Africa.[448]

Jamaica and the Americas

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A practitioner of Rastafari in Jamaica

Barrett described Rastafari as "the largest, most identifiable, indigenous movement in Jamaica."[6] In the mid-1980s, there were approximately 70,000 members and sympathisers of Rastafari in Jamaica.[449] The majority were male, working-class, former Christians aged between 18 and 40.[449] In the 2011 Jamaican census, 29,026 individuals identified as Rastas.[450] Jamaica's Rastas were initially entirely from the Afro-Jamaican majority,[451] and although Afro-Jamaicans are still the majority, Rastafari has also gained members from the island's Chinese, Indian, Afro-Chinese, Afro-Jewish, mulatto, and white minorities.[452] Until 1965, the vast majority were from the lower classes, although it has since attracted many middle-class members; by the 1980s, there were Jamaican Rastas working as lawyers and university professors.[453] Jamaica is often valorised by Rastas as the fountain-head of their faith, and many Rastas living elsewhere travel to the island on pilgrimage.[454]

Both through travel between the islands,[455] and through reggae's popularity,[456] Rastafari spread across the eastern Caribbean during the 1970s. Here, its ideas complemented the anti-colonial and Afrocentric views prevalent in countries like Trinidad, Grenada, Dominica, and St Vincent.[457] In these countries, the early Rastas often engaged in cultural and political movements to a greater extent than their Jamaican counterparts had.[458] Various Rastas were involved in Grenada's 1979 New Jewel Movement and were given positions in the Grenadine government until it was overthrown and replaced following the U.S. invasion of 1983.[459] Although Fidel Castro's Marxist–Leninist government generally discouraged foreign influences, Rastafari was introduced to Cuba alongside reggae in the 1970s.[460] Foreign Rastas studying in Cuba during the 1990s connected with its reggae scene and helped to further ground it in Rasta beliefs.[461] In Cuba, most Rastas have been male and from the Afro-Cuban population.[462]

Rastafari was introduced to the United States and Canada with the migration of Jamaicans to continental North America in the 1960s and 1970s.[463] American police were often suspicious of Rastas and regarded Rastafari as a criminal sub-culture.[464] Rastafari also attracted converts from within several Native American communities[447] and picked up some support from white members of the hippie subculture, which was then in decline.[465] In Latin America, small communities of Rastas have also established in Brazil, Panama, and Nicaragua.[448]

Africa

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Some Rastas in the African diaspora have followed through with their beliefs about resettlement in Africa, with Ghana and Nigeria being particularly favoured.[466] In West Africa, Rastafari has spread largely through the popularity of reggae,[467] gaining a larger presence in Anglophone areas than their Francophone counterparts.[468]

Caribbean Rastas arrived in Ghana during the 1960s, encouraged by its first post-independence president, Kwame Nkrumah, while some native Ghanaians also converted to the religion.[469] The largest congregation of Rastas has been in southern parts of Ghana, around Accra, Tema, and the Cape Coast,[124] although Rasta communities also exist in the Muslim-majority area of northern Ghana.[470] Middleton suggests that Rasta migrants' dreadlocks resembled the hairstyles of the native fetish priests, which may have assisted the presentation of these Rastas as having authentic African roots in Ghanaian society.[471] However, Alhassan has noted that prejudice against people wearing dreadlocks was present among at least some Ghanaians in 2008.[472] Ghanaian Rastas have also complained of social ostracism and prosecution for cannabis possession, while non-Rastas in Ghana often consider them to be "drop-outs", "too Western", and "not African enough".[473] Conversely, Alhassan noted an increased acceptance of dreadlocks by 2017, with notable Ghanaians such as Lordina Mahama and Ursula Owusu-Ekuful wearing their hair in this style. This has reportedly coincided with increased interest in Rastafari in Ghana. Alhassan suggests Ghanaians "trod the path" to Rastafari to "affirm their African identity" and engage in Pan-African anti-colonial politics, "despite adverse social consequences".[472]

A Rasta street vendor in South Africa's Eastern Cape

A smaller number of Rastas are found in Muslim-majority countries of West Africa, such as Gambia and Senegal.[474] One West African group that wear dreadlocks are the Baye Faal, a Mouride sect in Senegambia, some of whose practitioners have started calling themselves "Rastas" in reference to their visual similarity to Rastafari.[475] The popularity of dreadlocks and marijuana among the Baye Faal may have been spread in large part through access to Rasta-influenced reggae in the 1970s.[476] A small community of Rastas also appeared in Burkina Faso.[477]

In the 1960s, a Rasta settlement was established in Shashamane, Ethiopia, on land made available by Haile Selassie's Ethiopian World Federation.[478] The community faced many problems; 500 acres were confiscated by the Marxist government of Mengistu Haile Mariam.[478] There were also conflicts with local Ethiopians, who largely regarded the incoming Rastas, and their Ethiopian-born children, as foreigners.[478] The Shashamane community peaked at a population of 2,000, although subsequently declined to around 200.[478]

By the early 1990s, a Rasta community existed in Nairobi, Kenya, whose approach to the religion was informed both by reggae and by traditional Kikuyu religion.[479] Rastafari groups have also appeared in Zimbabwe,[480] Malawi[481] and in South Africa;[482] in 2008, there were at least 12,000 Rastas in the country.[483] At an African Union/Caribbean Diaspora conference in South Africa in 2005, a statement was released characterising Rastafari as a force for integration of Africa and the African diaspora.[484]

Europe

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The English Rasta Benjamin Zephaniah was a well-known poet.

During the 1950s and 1960s, Rastas were among the thousands of Caribbean migrants who settled in the United Kingdom,[485] leading to small groups appearing in areas of London such as Brixton[486] and Notting Hill in the 1950s.[463] By the late 1960s, Rastafari had attracted converts from the second generation of British Caribbean people,[463] spreading beyond London to cities like Birmingham, Leicester, Liverpool, Manchester, and Bristol.[487] Its spread was aided by the gang structures that had been cultivated among black British youth by the rudeboy subculture,[488] and gained increasing attention in the 1970s through reggae's popularity.[489] According to the 2001 United Kingdom Census there are about 5000 Rastafari living in England and Wales.[490] Clarke described Rastafari as a small but "extremely influential" component of black British life.[449]

Rastafari also established itself in various continental European countries, among them the Netherlands, Germany,[491] Portugal, Ukraine,[492][493] and France, gaining a particular foothold among black migrant populations but also attracting white converts.[494] In France for instance it established a presence in two cities with substantial black populations, Paris and Bordeaux,[495] while in the Netherlands, it attracted converts within the Surinamese migrant community.[496]

Australasia and Asia

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Rastafari attracted membership from within the Maori population of New Zealand,[497] and the Aboriginal population of Australia.[496] Rastafari has also established a presence in Japan,[498] including a small rural community of Rasta musicians in Yoshino.[499] Japanese Rastafari emerged from the 1960s counterculture and focuses on issues such as rural communities, colonialism, imperialism, capitalism and the environment.[500] Rastafari is also established in Israel, primarily among those highlighting similarities between Judaism and Rastafari.[501]

See also

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References

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Further reading

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Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
Rastafari is an Abrahamic religious and sociopolitical movement that emerged in during among disenfranchised black communities, emphasizing African identity, to the continent as , and the divinity of I, the last Emperor of who reigned from 1930 until his deposition in 1974. Central to its theology is the interpretation of biblical prophecy—particularly Revelation 5:5—fulfilled in Selassie's coronation, positioning him as , the living God incarnate and returned messiah who would liberate black people from "," a term denoting Western colonial oppression and materialism. Influenced by Marcus Garvey's pan-Africanist back-to-Africa ideology and Ethiopianism, the movement rejects white supremacist distortions of while drawing on narratives to affirm black as the true . Practices known as "livity" promote natural living through an diet of unprocessed, mostly plant-based foods to maintain bodily purity and harmony with creation, alongside symbolizing covenant with and rejection of Babylonian grooming norms. , termed or holy herb, holds sacramental status for and revelation, though its ritual use has sparked legal conflicts and persecution in and beyond, with adherents viewing as tools of cultural suppression. Rastafari's global spread accelerated in the 1970s via music, particularly through Bob Marley's advocacy, which fused spiritual lyrics with calls for redemption and unity, elevating figures like Garvey—hailed as a prophet—and Selassie despite the emperor's own Orthodox Christian denial of messianic claims for the movement. Controversies persist over patriarchal structures in some mansions, resistance to modern medicine favoring herbal remedies, and theological variances across groups like the Nyabinghi Order and , yet its core endures as a decolonial prioritizing empirical and causal links between historical oppression and spiritual awakening.

Definition and Origins

Core Principles and Emergence

The Rastafari movement originated in during the 1930s amid socioeconomic hardships and colonial oppression, coalescing around the teachings of early preachers like Leonard Percival Howell, who returned from missionary work abroad and began proclaiming the divinity of I, the recently crowned , as the returned . Howell's sermons, delivered starting around 1933 in areas like Kingston and the rural parish of St. Catherine, interpreted Selassie's November 2, 1930, coronation as fulfillment of biblical prophecy and Marcus Garvey's 1920s exhortation to "look to Africa, where a black king shall be crowned, for the day of deliverance is near." This emergence drew from Garvey's Universal Negro Improvement Association, which promoted Pan-African pride and repatriation, blending it with Ethiopianist reverence for as an uncolonized African Christian kingdom symbolizing black sovereignty. Core Rastafari principles center on monotheistic worship of , an Amharic-derived term for the biblical God , with viewed as Jah's earthly incarnation or the black Christ's second coming, embodying redemption for oppressed Africans descended from the . Adherents reject "," a for the corrupt, materialistic Western system rooted in and , advocating instead for livity—a disciplined, natural lifestyle promoting spiritual enlightenment, communal solidarity, and resistance to assimilation. Central to this is to , idealized as or broadly, as eschatological liberation from diaspora suffering, often pursued through self-reliant communities like Howell's Pinnacle settlement established in 1940. Sacramental practices underpin these beliefs, including ritual use of () as a herb for and divine insight, derived from biblical references to for and Howell's teachings, alongside an diet emphasizing unprocessed, plant-based foods to maintain bodily purity and vitality in harmony with creation. While decentralized without formal , these tenets emphasize Afrocentric biblical , , and ethical , though early movement faced , including Howell's 1934 imprisonment for , solidifying Rastafari as a millenarian response to racial injustice.

Influences from Ethiopianism and Garveyism

Ethiopianism, a late 19th- and early 20th-century ideological current among African and African-descended Christians, emphasized Ethiopia as a biblical symbol of black redemption and African sovereignty, drawing from passages like Psalm 68:31 foretelling Ethiopia's extension of hands to God. This movement gained traction after Ethiopia's victory over Italy at the Battle of Adwa in 1896, which demonstrated African resistance to European colonialism and inspired hopes for continental unity and independence. Ethiopianism influenced proto-Rastafarian thought by framing Ethiopia as the spiritual homeland and archetype of uncorrupted black monarchy, later central to Rastafari's veneration of Emperor Haile Selassie I as a messianic figure. Marcus Garvey, born August 17, 1887, in , propagated Ethiopianist ideas through his Universal Negro Improvement Association (UNIA), founded in 1914, which promoted black economic self-sufficiency, pride, and repatriation to Africa. Garvey's teachings, disseminated via the Negro World newspaper starting in 1918, reached widely and urged followers to "look to Africa, where a black king shall be crowned, for the day of deliverance is at hand," a interpreted by early Rastafarians as fulfilled by Haile Selassie's on November 2, 1930. Garvey himself, though critical of Selassie later, embodied Garveyism's emphasis on and opposition to , which Rastafari adapted into anti-Babylonian rhetoric decrying Western oppression. The synthesis of Ethiopianism and catalyzed Rastafari's emergence in during the 1930s, as preachers like , who began disseminating teachings around 1933, fused Garvey's prophetic warnings with Ethiopian symbolism to proclaim Selassie as the returning Christ and advocate repatriation to "" in . This influence manifested in Rastafari's core tenets of black divinity, rejection of colonial mentalities, and communal , with Garvey revered posthumously after his on June 10, 1940, as a prophetic forerunner akin to . Garveyite organizations in , such as branches, provided organizational precedents for early Rastafarian gatherings, though Rastafari diverged by elevating spiritual mysticism over Garvey's secular nationalism.

Theology

Haile Selassie as Jah

In Rastafari theology, I, born Tafari Makonnen on July 23, 1892, and crowned on November 2, 1930, is revered as Rastafari, the living God incarnate and the returned prophesied in the Bible. This identification draws from Marcus Garvey's 1920s prophecy that "a black king shall be crowned" in Africa, signaling deliverance for black people, which Rastafari interpreted as fulfilled by Selassie's ascension as the 225th Emperor in the , claiming descent from King Solomon and the Queen of . His official titles—Elect of God, Conquering Lion of the , King of , Lord of Lords—were seen as matching 19:16, reinforcing his messianic status among early Rastafari preachers like , who proclaimed the divinity of Ras Tafari (Selassie's pre-coronation name) in starting in . Selassie, a devout member of the [Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church](/page/Ethiopian_Orthodox_Tewahedo Church), consistently rejected claims of his personal , viewing himself as a defender of Orthodox Christianity rather than its embodiment. During his April 21, 1966, visit to , invited by Rastafari amid widespread acclaim, he met with movement leaders but emphasized adherence to biblical teachings and reportedly urged them to "not worship me," though he did not outright denounce the , which some Rastafari interpreted as tacit endorsement. His policies, including resistance to Italian invasion in 1935–1936 and advocacy for African unity at the 1963 founding of the , aligned with Rastafari ideals of black empowerment and opposition to Western imperialism, termed "," further solidifying his symbolic role despite his personal disavowals. Following the official announcement of Selassie's death on August 27, 1975, amid Ethiopia's Marxist revolution, Rastafari responses varied: some denied the report as Babylonian , asserting that cannot die and citing lack of public evidence like a body or ; others maintained that while his physical form perished, his divine essence endures spiritually. Groups like the rejected mortality claims outright, preserving through ongoing celebrations such as on November 2 and his birthday on July 23. This belief in Selassie's enduring divinity persists as central to Rastafari identity, undeterred by historical critiques of his reign, including authoritarian tendencies and responses, which some sources attribute to systemic challenges rather than personal failing.

Biblical Exegesis and Christology

Rastafarians interpret the Bible through communal "reasonings," applying a selective literalism infused with Afrocentric hermeneutics to reclaim it as a narrative of black African history and divine favor toward people of African descent. They assert that the King James Version, while used, reflects European corruptions intended to justify slavery and colonialism, originally intended for black audiences in Amharic or Hebrew contexts. Central to this exegesis is the identification of black diaspora peoples as the true biblical Israelites, exiled in "Babylon" (the oppressive Western system), with Ethiopia symbolizing Zion as the promised homeland per passages like Psalm 87:3-4. Prophetic texts such as Daniel 2:31-42 and Revelation 5:2-5 are decoded to foresee the rise of a black messianic king from Africa, countering mainstream Christian readings that detach these from racial liberation. In , Rastafarians affirm a Trinitarian-like structure of — the singular, omnipresent God—manifesting incarnate across history, with Jesus Christ as one such manifestation alongside figures like and , but not the ultimate or exclusive redeemer. Jesus is revered as a Jewish teacher and divine avatar whose mission addressed first-century , yet incomplete for global ; European depictions of him as white are rejected as idolatrous distortions rooted in colonial propaganda. This view draws on reoriented toward Afrocentric fulfillment, emphasizing Jah's progressive revelations over a singular . Haile Selassie I is positioned as the culminating Christological figure—the "" and returning in kingly character—fulfilling 19:16's "" through his 1930 coronation and Solomonic lineage traced via the , which narrates the Queen of Sheba's union with as ancestral to Ethiopian emperors. This integrates canonical and apocryphal sources like and Promised Key to portray Selassie as Jah's earthly incarnation for and paradise restoration, distinct from ' prophetic role. Variations persist: orthodox Nyabinghi adherents emphasize Selassie's divinity, while some Twelve Tribes members view him more prophetically, subordinating him to ' salvific primacy. Influential interpreters like , in his 1969 treatise The Earth Most Strangest Man, linked these themes to lived events, such as Selassie's 1966 Jamaican visit (, April 21), framing it as biblical enacted.

Afrocentric Cosmology and Babylon

In Rastafari cosmology, represents the cradle of humanity and divine order, with specifically identified as , the and eternal homeland for people of African descent. This Afrocentric framework reorients biblical geography away from a Eurocentric or Semitic focus, asserting 's —traced to King Solomon and the Queen of —as evidence of 's ancient imperial and spiritual primacy. Emerging in from influences like Ethiopianism and Marcus Garvey's back-to-Africa advocacy, this view counters narratives of African inferiority by emphasizing pre-colonial Ethiopian sovereignty, including its resistance to European colonization until Italy's invasion. Central to this cosmology is the rejection of diasporic displacement as a temporary curse, with to framed as eschatological redemption rather than mere migration. Rastafarians interpret 68:31—"Princes shall come out of ; shall soon stretch out her hands unto "—as prophetic validation of Ethiopia's role, linking it to Haile Selassie's 1930 amid global anticipation of African resurgence. This ethos promotes self-reliance and cultural reclamation, viewing natural elements like the (Irie) and as sacramental bridges to ancestral wisdom, distinct from orthodox Christian alienation of African spiritual traditions. Opposed to Zion stands Babylon, symbolizing the corrupt, materialistic edifice of Western , , and racial oppression that enslaved and marginalized Africans. Coined from biblical as a site of idolatry and exile (e.g., Book of Revelation), in Rastafari usage it encompasses colonial legacies, exploitative governments, police as agents of control, and consumerist decay— all seen as rebellions against divine (Iwa). This binary critiques systemic downpression, where Babylon's hierarchies perpetuate and cultural erasure, as articulated in lyrics decrying its "fire burning" judgment. Rastafari resistance to manifests in ethical withdrawal, such as livity (vital living) and communal groundings, aimed at dismantling its influence through consciousness elevation (I-vision). While some scholars note 's fluidity—extending to post-colonial Jamaican elites—the core remains a causal of historical enslavement and neocolonial , unsubstantiated by empirical reversals in conditions.

Eschatology: Repatriation to Zion and Paradise

In Rastafari , eschatology revolves around the prophesied of people of African descent from ""—the system of Western oppression and materialism—to , equated with as the biblical and earthly paradise. This return fulfills prophecies such as those in Revelation 19:16 and Psalm 68:31, interpreted as signaling the coronation of I on November 2, 1930, as the returning who would lead . symbolizes both physical migration and spiritual liberation, enabling adherents to escape degradation and achieve redemption through adherence to "livity," or righteous living aligned with . The fall of precedes this , envisioned as on corrupt institutions via economic collapse, natural disasters, or social upheaval, as echoed in Revelation 18's depiction of Babylon's destruction. Marcus Garvey's 1930 exhortation to "look to where a black king shall be crowned" is regarded as a prophetic precursor, linking pan-African to eschatological fulfillment and positioning Selassie as the catalyst for Zion's restoration. Early Rastafari leaders like emphasized imminent physical return, prompting delegations to in the 1950s, though post-1974 political upheavals and the 1983–1985 Ethiopian famine tempered literal expectations among later generations. Paradise, or "Mount Zion," manifests as an achievable terrestrial state rather than a postmortem realm, where immortals dwell in harmony with Jah's order, free from death's dominion through discipline and communal grounding. This vision draws from Ethiopianist traditions viewing as heaven on earth, with Selassie's 1948 land grant of 500 acres in to settlers symbolizing initial realization, though only about 200 Rastafari resided there by the amid ongoing challenges. Variations exist across mansions: the stress biblical preparation for return, while Nyahbinghi orders prioritize spiritual over physical migration, interpreting paradise as internal conquest of Babylonian mindsets. Ultimate salvation thus hinges on collective awakening, with anthems like Bob Marley's "" (1980) reinforcing the call to from mental en route to .

Ethical Framework

Rastafari ethics center on livity, defined as a disciplined, mode of existence that aligns the self with divine order and rejects dependency fostered by colonial legacies. This framework promotes purity of body, mind, and spirit through practices like abstaining from processed substances and embracing self-sufficiency, viewing such alignment as essential to manifesting Jah's will amid systemic . Livity entails living in accordance with natural laws, prioritizing communal over individualistic pursuits, and fostering from exploitative structures. A foundational moral orientation draws from interpreted biblical imperatives, emphasizing for () and fellow humanity, with particular toward oppressed black communities as descendants of ancient . Early Rastafarian leader Sam Brown codified this in ten principles around the 1940s, including objections to bodily alteration via cutting or shaving, adherence to a vegetarian diet excluding swine and , exclusive devotion to over other deities, rejection of vices such as jealousy and deceit, opposition to societal "pleasures" like excessive , promotion of universal brotherhood, extension of charity starting within the Rastafari community, fidelity to ancient Ethiopian legal traditions, and dismissal of aid from adversarial powers in favor of spiritual focus. These guidelines underscore ethical imperatives to defend the poor, live off the land without commercial exploitation, and pursue a "conscious" African-oriented existence. Central to Rastafari ethics is antagonism toward "," the symbolic system of Western , , and spiritual void, which is critiqued for perpetuating greed, environmental disregard, and racial subjugation. Adherents counter this by advocating to , economic , and cultural resistance, seeing ethical fulfillment in escaping Babylon's corrupting influence rather than reforming it from within. Many Rastafarians embrace , rejecting war and violence as Babylon's mechanisms of control, though self-defense and advocacy for against remain affirmed. Community-specific codes, such as those from certain Rastafari organizations, reinforce these with prohibitions against alcohol, , , and non-ital foods, while mandating modest conduct, reasoned via committees, and commitment to African liberation, reparations, and global peace. Due to the movement's decentralized structure across mansions like the or , ethical applications vary—some emphasize strict ritual purity, others broader social activism—but livity as ethical integrity unites them, evaluated through personal reasoning and communal grounding rather than dogmatic enforcement.

Practices

Sacramental Use of Cannabis

In Rastafari practice, , referred to as or the holy herb, serves as a to facilitate , spiritual insight, and communion with , the divine presence. Adherents consume it during communal gatherings known as groundations or rituals, where it is believed to cleanse the mind, enhance reasoning, and foster unity among participants, rather than for recreational intoxication. The sacramental use of traces its adoption within Rastafari to the 1930s and 1940s, particularly through the influence of early leader at his Pinnacle community in , where it was initially cultivated as a but soon recognized for its role in deepening spiritual discourse. Howell, often called the "first Rasta," integrated ganja into rituals, drawing from observations of its calming effects during extended reasoning sessions, an approach influenced by the plant's prior introduction to by Indian indentured laborers in the . Rastafarians justify ganja's use through selective biblical exegesis, citing passages such as Genesis 1:11, which describes God creating "every herb bearing seed," and Psalms 104:14, noting herbs provided "for the service of man," interpreting these as endorsements of cannabis as a divine gift for enlightenment. Additional references include Exodus 30:23, linking it to "kaneh bosm" (calamus or aromatic cane), and Revelation 22:2, associating healing leaves with the tree of life, which adherents equate with ganja's properties for spiritual healing and prophecy. Ritually, ganja is typically smoked via a chalice—a water-cooled pipe resembling a chillum or hookah—or in spliffs rolled with Bible paper, passed communally in a circle to symbolize equality and shared wisdom. The steam chalice, a Jamaican innovation, filters smoke through water for smoother inhalation, used in nyabinghi ceremonies involving drumming, chanting, and prolonged meditation to invoke divine revelation. Historically, ganja's sacramental role faced suppression in , where it was criminalized under the 1913 Ganja Law amid colonial fears of social unrest, leading to of Rastafarians through arrests and raids on communities like Pinnacle. Decriminalization in 2015 via the Dangerous Drugs Amendment Act reduced possession of up to two ounces to a petty offense and explicitly accommodated Rastafari religious use, marking a shift after decades of advocacy by figures like , though full legalization remains limited.

Ital Diet and Health Disciplines

The Ital diet constitutes a core element of Rastafari livity, promoting the intake of natural, unprocessed foods derived directly from the to foster physical and spiritual purity. Adherents prioritize plant-based , including fruits, , grains, , and herbs, while excluding additives, preservatives, refined sugars, and excessive salts, which are viewed as contaminants disrupting the body's natural harmony. This approach draws from biblical injunctions on cleanliness, such as those in Leviticus, adapted to emphasize organic, locally sourced ingredients often cultivated in personal gardens to minimize exposure to industrial chemicals. Preparation methods favor steaming, boiling, or raw consumption over frying to preserve inherent life forces, with common dishes like , ackee, or peanut porridge exemplifying simplicity and nutritional density. Variations exist across Rastafari groups; strict observers maintain a fully vegan regimen all animal products, whereas others permit small under 12 inches in length, aligning with interpretations of kosher-like dietary laws that prohibit larger scaleless or red meats. Alcohol, , and are universally avoided as impure, with the diet's rationale rooted in sustaining "I and I" energy— a unified self-divinity— rather than mere sustenance. Empirical nutritional analysis of Ital meals highlights high levels of fiber, vitamins, and antioxidants from whole plants, potentially supporting digestive and reducing , though long-term studies specific to Rastafari practitioners remain limited. Beyond diet, Ital extends to broader health disciplines encompassing holistic self-care, including from native Jamaican plants like cerasee for or ginger for immunity, as alternatives to synthetic pharmaceuticals deemed products of "Babylonian" . Physical purity practices involve regular cleansing rituals, such as or steam baths, to align body and spirit, with livity discouraging and excess while endorsing moderate exercise through communal labor or in Nyabinghi gatherings. This integrated framework aims to cultivate resilience against environmental toxins and modern ailments, predicated on the causal link between pure inputs and optimal physiological function, though anecdotal reports dominate over controlled trials.

Communal Groundings and Nyabinghi Rituals

Communal groundings, also known as groundations, consist of regular gatherings among Rastafarians for collective reasoning sessions focused on scriptural interpretation, social issues, and spiritual guidance, typically incorporating , singing, and the sacramental smoking of to facilitate and communal harmony. These meetings, often led by elders, occur weekly or monthly in settings and emphasize egalitarian discussion without rigid , allowing participants to "reason" through first-hand experiences and biblical texts to discern truth from Babylonian influences. Nyabinghi rituals represent a formalized extension of these groundings, characterized by prolonged ceremonies of acoustic drumming, repetitive chanting of praises to (often drawing from or the ), dancing, and smoking, which can extend from dusk through the night or span several days to invoke spiritual presence and communal purification. The first documented ritual in Jamaica occurred in March 1958, marking an early organized expression of Rastafarian worship amid growing persecution, with subsequent gatherings used for healing, mourning, or celebrating events like Haile Selassie's coronation anniversaries. Drumming, performed exclusively by initiated Rastafarian men on traditional repertoires mimicking heartbeat rhythms, accompanies call-and-response chants that reinforce Afrocentric cosmology and resistance to oppression, while participants adhere to modest attire—long skirts and covered shoulders for women—to maintain sanctity. These rituals, rooted in pre-reggae acoustic traditions, predate 1960s popularization and serve as a non-commercial anchor for Rastafari identity, distinct from performative reggae by prioritizing endurance and trance-like states over entertainment.

Reggae Music and Cultural Expression

, emerging in during the late from predecessors like and , became a primary vehicle for Rastafarian cultural expression and the dissemination of the movement's ideology. , in particular, incorporated Rastafarian themes of resistance against "Babylon"—the perceived oppressive Western system—spiritual awakening, and calls for repatriation to . Lyrics often invoked biblical references, praised as , and critiqued social injustices, transforming the into a form of and empowerment for the disenfranchised. Bob Marley, a pivotal figure who embraced Rastafari in the mid-1960s, elevated reggae's global reach through his work with the Wailers. Albums such as (1973) and (1976) blended infectious rhythms with messages of unity and defiance, exemplified in songs like "Get Up, Stand Up" (1973), co-written with , which urged resistance to oppression, and "One Love/People Get Ready" (1977), promoting pan-African solidarity. Marley's international tours and sales exceeding 75 million records worldwide amplified Rastafarian visibility, influencing liberation movements in and beyond. Other Rastafarian artists, including and —original Wailers members—and , further embedded movement principles in . Tosh's Legalize It (1976) advocated cannabis sacramental use, while Burning Spear's works emphasized African heritage and anti-colonialism. This musical output not only preserved Rastafarian oral traditions akin to chants but also fostered cultural identity amid Jamaica's socio-economic challenges, contributing to the movement's expansion beyond the island by the . The genre's emphasis on offbeat rhythms and call-and-response structures mirrored communal reasoning sessions, reinforcing Rastafari's ethical and eschatological worldview.

Symbolism: Dreadlocks, Colors, and Iyaric Language

Dreadlocks, referred to as "locs" or the "crown of glory" among Rastafarians, emerged as a symbolic practice in the late 1940s, with the Youth Black Faith group adopting them around 1949 as a marker of spiritual commitment and resistance to colonial grooming standards. They draw from the biblical Nazarite vow in Numbers 6:5, which prohibits cutting hair as a sign of covenant with the divine, linking Rastafarian identity to ancient Israelite traditions of strength and consecration akin to Samson. Dreadlocks signify rejection of "Babylonian" vanity and conformity, embodying natural growth aligned with livity principles and serving as a visible emblem of covenant with Jah. The Rastafarian colors—red, gold, and green—originate from the , adopted in the movement's early formation to express allegiance to and ancient African heritage. Red represents the blood shed by martyrs in the African struggle against , gold symbolizes the continent's mineral wealth and the sun's life-giving energy, while green denotes the fertile vegetation and of as . These hues, often worn in clothing or displayed in flags with the , reinforce communal solidarity and eschatological hope for . Iyaric, also known as Dread Talk, constitutes a deliberate linguistic reformulation developed by Rastafarians from the 1940s onward to subvert the negativity embedded in colonial English and affirm . Key features include replacing possessive pronouns with "I and I" to denote oneness between self, others, and , avoiding terms implying hierarchy or division; for instance, "" becomes "downpression" to highlight downward forces, and "understand" shifts to "overstand" for elevated comprehension. This constructed dialect, rooted in , promotes positivity through neologisms like "iries" for states of goodness and "give thanks" for gratitude, functioning as both worship and resistance against linguistic imperialism.

Social Organization

Mansions and Decentralized Structure

The Rastafari movement operates without a central authority or hierarchical institution, featuring a polycephalous structure that emphasizes individual and communal . This arose from its origins in diverse prophetic interpretations during and has persisted, enabling varied expressions of core beliefs across local groundations and international extensions. Adherents organize into independent "mansions," an umbrella term for distinct orders or sects that maintain doctrinal and ritual differences while affirming I's centrality. The three primary mansions—Nyabinghi Order, , and —emerged progressively from the mid-20th century, reflecting adaptations to social and repatriation imperatives. Smaller groups, such as the Church of the First, exist but lack the prominence of these core branches. The Order, the most traditional , traces roots to the late 1940s Youth Black Faith and formalized in the early 1960s, prioritizing theocratic rituals like extended nyabinghi groundings involving chanting, sacramental use, and fire ceremonies for African liberation advocacy. It operates ecumenically with elders and warrior priests enforcing Old Testament-inspired disciplines, including head coverings, and supports repatriation to Ethiopia's since 1996. Bobo Ashanti, established in 1958 by Prince Emmanuel Charles Edwards at Bobo Hill in , embodies a priestly, ascetic with strict Sabbath observance, tabernacle worship, and ranked membership from brethren to prophets. Members, known as Bobo Dreads, uphold black royalist ideals, permit , and pursue to , distinguishing themselves through inverted Ethiopian flag symbolism and separation from broader society. The , founded in 1968 by Vernon Carrington (Prophet Gad) in , adopts a more structured yet inclusive approach, assigning members to biblical tribes by birth month and welcoming diverse participants regardless of prior affiliation. It promotes as cultural expression, maintains global headquarters in with extensions worldwide, and emphasizes repatriation to , fostering broader organizational coordination without overriding local autonomy.

Gender Roles and Family Dynamics

In Rastafari, gender roles are structured hierarchically, with men positioned as spiritual and familial heads, referred to as "king-men," while women, termed "queens," "sistren," or "daughters of Zion," occupy supportive positions subordinate to male authority. This patriarchal framework derives from interpretations of biblical patriarchy and African traditionalism, emphasizing male leadership in reasoning sessions, rituals, and decision-making, where women are expected to defer and provide domestic support. Women are prohibited from leading congregations or assuming priestly roles, and infidelity by women is strictly condemned, whereas men may engage in polygamous arrangements justified as reclaiming pre-colonial African practices. Family dynamics prioritize extended networks and communal child-rearing within "yards" or households, but reinforce male dominance, with husbands as providers and disciplinarians. lacks formal civil or requirements, functioning as a spiritual bond through and mutual commitment, often without legal recognition, which aligns with Rastafari rejection of "Babylonian" state institutions. Common-law unions are the norm, with emphasis on , procreation, and raising children in livity—natural living free from Western vices—though women bear primary responsibility for childcare and household maintenance. , though not universally practiced, occurs among some men as a means to expand lineage and fulfill perceived biblical precedents like those of King Solomon, sometimes covertly to avoid discord among wives, reflecting tensions between ideological expansion and practical harmony. Critiques from within the movement, particularly by Rastafari women scholars, highlight persistent inequities, such as restrictions on women's in —no contraception or —and domestic , which contradict the movement's of liberation from oppression. In diaspora communities, such as Rastafari settlements in , , these dynamics reproduce colonial-era hierarchies, where women perform unpaid labor supporting male-led efforts despite shared ideological goals. Despite such challenges, family units serve as microcosms of resistance, fostering resilience through shared rituals and natural health practices, though empirical accounts reveal higher instances of male authority leading to relational strains compared to egalitarian models.

Historical Development

Precursors and Early Formation (Pre-1930 to 1949)

The precursors to Rastafari drew heavily from Ethiopianism, a late 18th-century philosophy among literate black communities in the Americas that interpreted biblical references to Ethiopia—such as Psalm 68:31 ("Ethiopia shall soon stretch out her hands unto God")—as signaling African redemption and independence from European domination. This idea gained traction in Jamaica through Pan-Africanist sentiments and the legacy of the Atlantic slave trade, fostering aspirations for black self-reliance and repatriation to Africa. Marcus Garvey, born in 1887 in St. Ann's Bay, Jamaica, amplified these themes via the Universal Negro Improvement Association (UNIA), founded in 1914, which established chapters across Jamaica and promoted black economic empowerment and a return to Africa. Garvey's 1920 prophecy, "Look to Africa, when a black king shall be crowned, for the day of deliverance is at hand," encapsulated this vision and later served as a foundational scriptural element for Rastafari adherents, despite Garvey's own Protestant background and later disavowal of the movement as fanatical. The pivotal event occurred on November 2, 1930, when Ras Tafari Makonnen was crowned Emperor I of , fulfilling Garvey's in the eyes of Jamaican interpreters who viewed Selassie as the returning prophesied in Revelation 5:5-6, linking him to the biblical through 's claims. This coronation, amid 's status as the only uncolonized African nation after defeating at in 1896, resonated with Jamaica's poor black underclass, blending Garveyite with millenarian readings influenced by Pentecostal revivals. Early formation crystallized in through itinerant preachers like (born June 16, 1898), who returned to in 1932 after missionary work abroad and proclaimed Selassie as the living God, attracting followers in Kingston's slums with sermons rejecting colonial authority and British monarchy worship. Contemporaries including Joseph Hibbert, Archibald Dunkley, and Robert Hinds formed study groups emphasizing similar revelations, with Howell establishing the first Rastafarian commune at Pinnacle in Sligoville, St. Catherine, by the mid-1930s as a self-sustaining community practicing communal living and ideals. Howell's 1933-1934 preaching led to his arrest for and , as authorities viewed the deification of Selassie and calls for African allegiance as subversive, resulting in a two-year sentence that only amplified the movement's martyr narrative. By the 1940s, Rastafari coalesced into loose networks of "mansions" or fellowships in rural , with Pinnacle growing to over 1,600 residents by 1947 under Howell's leadership post-release, incorporating early practices like use for —termed "holy herb" from biblical references—and as Nazarite vows, though these solidified later. Garvey's death in 1940 prompted some Rastas to hail him as , despite his 1937 criticism of Selassie worship as idolatrous, highlighting tensions between Garvey's secular and Rastafari's theocratic . These years marked the shift from prophetic anticipation to organized resistance against and colonialism, laying groundwork for doctrinal emphasis on as .

Growth and Internationalization (1950-1969)

During the 1950s, Rastafari in experienced internal organization through the emergence of distinct "mansions," with the Bobo Ashanti order founded in 1958 by Emmanuel Charles Edwards, emphasizing strict communal discipline, priestly roles, and separation from broader society. This period also saw heightened militancy among adherents, fostering a distinct identity amid ongoing socioeconomic marginalization in urban slums like those in Kingston. Growth accelerated in the , drawing youth disillusioned with post-independence politics, though precise membership figures remain elusive due to the movement's decentralized nature and lack of formal censuses. Tensions with authorities peaked in the Coral Gardens incident of April 11–13, 1963, when a minor dispute escalated into a police-led ordered by to "bring in all Rastas, dead or alive," resulting in at least eight deaths, hundreds arrested, widespread including of , and property destruction targeting Rastafarian camps near . The event, occurring shortly after Jamaica's independence, underscored state repression but inadvertently amplified Rastafari visibility, prompting internal calls for non-violent resistance and dialogue with government. A turning point came with Haile Selassie's to on April 21–23, 1966, where tens of thousands of Rastafarians gathered in chaotic fervor at Palisadoes Airport and International, viewing the event as prophetic fulfillment despite logistical disarray and rain. Selassie, while denying publicly, refrained from rebuking adherents and urged them to study Ethiopian Orthodox Christianity, which bolstered the movement's legitimacy and spurred efforts without alienating core beliefs. This "" catalyzed domestic expansion and symbolic unity. Internationalization began modestly through Jamaican labor migration, with Rastafarian ideas reaching the and via post-war émigrés in the 1950s and 1960s, establishing small enclaves in cities like and New York amid shared experiences of racial exclusion. These pockets adapted local practices, such as drumming, while facing parallel hostilities, laying groundwork for broader before reggae's global rise. By 1969, the movement retained a primarily Jamaican core but evidenced embryonic transnational networks tied to pan-Africanist aspirations.

Crisis and Adaptation Post-Selassie (1970-1999)

![Bob-Marley-in-Concert_Zurich_05-30-80.jpg][float-right] 's deposition by the on September 12, 1974, and his death on August 27, 1975, under suspicious circumstances, precipitated an within the Rastafari movement, as adherents viewed him as the immortal incarnation of . Many Rastafarians initially rejected reports of his death as fabrications propagated by "," the oppressive global system, leading to widespread denial and theological reevaluation. This period tested core beliefs in Selassie's , with some interpreting his physical demise as a transition to spiritual eternity, preserving his messianic role without contradicting earlier prophecies of invincibility. The Ethiopian Revolution's Marxist policies under the exacerbated challenges for Rastafarian repatriates in , where land grants from Selassie's era were revoked through 1975 land reforms, forcing many into economic hardship and limiting settlement. Integration with local proved difficult amid cultural differences and the regime's (1977–1978), which claimed up to 500,000 lives, alongside the 1983–1985 famine that devastated the region and strained the community's self-sufficiency. A wave of organized migration in the faced these upheavals, prompting some to depart , while others adapted by emphasizing communal resilience and living despite state hostility toward religious nonconformity. Adaptation accelerated through reggae music's global dissemination, with Bob Marley's conversion to Rastafari in the late 1960s and his 1970s albums like (1973) and (1976) embedding movement principles—such as , resistance to , and Selassie's enduring significance—into international consciousness. Marley's performances and lyrics, reaching millions, fostered conversions in , , and , transforming Rastafari from a marginal Jamaican faith into a cultural force by the late 1970s. His death from cancer on May 11, 1981, mirrored Selassie's in prompting introspection, yet successors like and cultural exports sustained momentum, with reggae's recognition as intangible heritage in 2018 tracing roots to this era's innovations. Within Jamaica, Rastafari mansions evolved to provide doctrinal stability: the Nyahbinghi order intensified grounding sessions for communal reasoning on crises, while the , emphasizing biblical tribal affiliation, grew by accommodating diverse adherents and reasserting Selassie as returned amid skepticism. , formalized in the but expanding post-1970, reinforced priestly hierarchies and strict observances, offering refuge from societal marginalization. By the , these structures facilitated adaptation, with declining enthusiasm after key losses offset by institutionalization and communities in the UK and , where legal battles over and cultural festivals preserved practices despite persecution. Overall, the era marked a shift from prophetic expectation to pragmatic endurance, prioritizing livity and cultural propagation over literal .

Contemporary Evolution (2000-Present)

In the early 2000s, the Rastafari movement adapted to by emphasizing cultural and spiritual reconnection over large-scale physical repatriation, with communities forming in urban centers like New York and through reggae's influence and Jamaican migration. This expansion introduced tensions, including the commercialization of and pan-African colors as fashion trends, which some adherents viewed as diluting sacred symbolism, and ongoing legal prohibitions on use despite its centrality as a . Concurrently, Shanti mansion gained traction among younger Rastafari seeking orthodox discipline amid perceived mainstream erosion, reinforced by artists like and who promoted themes of African heritage and resistance via conscious and . Jamaica's 2015 Dangerous Drugs Act amendment decriminalized possession of up to 2 ounces of , allowed limited home cultivation, and explicitly recognized Rastafari's religious use, alleviating prior arrests that disproportionately targeted adherents for ganja sacraments. Yet, Rastafari expressed skepticism toward the policy's implementation, citing exclusion from the market where corporate licensing favored non-traditional growers over communal farmers and small-scale sacramental producers. Public smoking remained restricted, prompting continued advocacy for full sacramental exemptions. Repatriation to , —the 500-acre land grant from —stalled, with the Rastafari population declining from about 2,000 in the late to roughly 200-300 by the , driven by economic pressures, land disputes with locals, and Ethiopian government reclamation efforts for development. Within this community, women adapted by pursuing waged labor such as food vending and transnational migration for remittances, supplementing male incomes while preserving roles in childcare and ital preparation, though patriarchal norms undervalued their contributions as extensions of domesticity rather than independent agency. Institutional unification advanced with the establishment of the Rastafari Mansions & Organizations (RMO) in around the 2010s, seeking to consolidate resources across mansions like Nyahbinghi and Twelve Tribes for collective advocacy on issues including rights and cultural preservation. These efforts reflected a broader shift toward pragmatic engagement with state systems, including legal challenges and educational initiatives, while maintaining livity principles amid secular influences.

Demographics and Global Presence

Population Estimates and Conversion Patterns

Estimates of the global Rastafari population range from 700,000 to 1 million adherents, reflecting the movement's diffuse structure without centralized registration or baptismal records, which complicates precise enumeration. These figures have remained relatively stable since the late , with most sources citing communities rather than mass institutional affiliation. In , where Rastafari originated, the 2011 census identified 29,000 self-declared adherents, equating to approximately 1% of the national population of about 2.7 million at the time. This contrasts with earlier informal estimates of 5% adherence in the , suggesting either underreporting in official data due to stigma or a decline in open identification amid socioeconomic shifts. Outside , smaller pockets exist in countries like (noted for proportional distribution) and the , where the 2021 census recorded 6,000 followers. Conversion to Rastafari lacks formal rituals, instead occurring through gradual immersion in communal "reasoning" discussions, exposure to reggae music's lyrical advocacy for African repatriation and resistance to Babylon (Western oppression), and personal awakening to teachings derived from the Bible, Marcus Garvey's back-to-Africa ethos, and Haile Selassie's imperial symbolism. This process often entails a profound shift in racial and cultural self-conception, elevating Black African heritage from marginalized to central identity, particularly among descendants of enslaved populations in the Americas. While predominantly attracting those of African descent via familial or community ties in Jamaica and its diaspora, the faith has drawn converts from non-Black backgrounds, including whites in Europe and North America, through cultural globalization rather than proselytization. Growth patterns peaked in the –1970s via transnational migration and reggae's international appeal, fostering conversions in urban disenfranchised groups, but have since shown signs of stagnation, with debates over whether cultural dilutes doctrinal commitment or sustains peripheral interest. Adherents rarely proselytize aggressively, prioritizing livity (righteous living) over numerical expansion, which aligns with the movement's emphasis on qualitative spiritual awakening over institutional metrics.

Regional Concentrations and Diaspora

The primary regional concentration of Rastafari remains in , where the movement originated in the 1930s; the 2011 census recorded approximately 29,000 adherents, representing about 1% of the national of roughly 2.7 million at the time. Earlier estimates from the early suggested a higher proportion, around 5% or up to 100,000 individuals, reflecting fluctuating self-identification amid cultural integration and secularization trends. Jamaican communities often cluster in urban areas like Kingston and rural parishes such as St. Ann, with organized groups including the maintaining headquarters and gatherings. A symbolically significant outpost exists in , , approximately 250 kilometers south of , where Emperor granted 500 hectares of land in 1948 to people of African descent in the West as restitution for their contributions during Ethiopia's resistance to Italian occupation in the 1930s and 1940s. Rastafari to this site began in earnest in the late 1960s, peaking with influxes through the mid-1970s and a secondary wave in the early 1990s, driven by the movement's ideology envisioning as the ; however, the community has dwindled since, with current residents numbering in the low hundreds amid challenges like land disputes, economic hardship, and pressures from local Ethiopians. The Rastafari emerged primarily through post-World War II Jamaican labor migration and the global dissemination of music from the onward, establishing communities in countries with substantial immigrant populations. In the , where Jamaican arrivals via the 1948 Empire Windrush ship laid early foundations, the 2021 census identified 5,948 adherents, concentrated in urban centers like and Birmingham, where Rastafari influenced black British identity and resistance movements in the 1970s and 1980s. In the United States, settlements formed from the through Jamaican immigration and cultural exports, with notable pockets in New York, Washington D.C., and West Coast cities like those in , often blending with broader African American spiritual traditions but lacking centralized counts due to informal practice. Canadian cities such as and host similar groups via ties. Smaller diasporic enclaves appear in other nations like and Trinidad, where communities remain culturally active but limited in scale, and in African countries beyond , including , reflecting aspirations and 's appeal. Further afield, isolated groups exist in , , and , underscoring the movement's decentralized, non-proselytizing spread. Overall, populations contribute to a worldwide total estimated at 700,000 to 1 million, though precise figures remain elusive given Rastafari's resistance to formal institutionalization and reliance on self-identification.

Controversies and Critiques

Theological Challenges: Failed Prophecies and Selassie's Death

The deposition of Haile Selassie by Ethiopia's Derg military regime on September 12, 1974, followed by his reported death on August 27, 1975—initially attributed to natural causes but later evidenced as probable strangulation—presented profound theological difficulties for Rastafari adherents who regarded him as the incarnate Jah, the eternal God of the Bible prophesied in Revelation 5:5 as the "Lion of the Tribe of Judah." This event contradicted core doctrines established by early prophets like Leonard Howell, who from the 1930s preached Selassie's divinity and implied physical immortality for the elect, asserting that true Rastafari achieve an undying spiritual state beyond mortal decay. The failure of anticipated divine interventions, such as mass repatriation to Africa or Selassie's earthly triumph over "Babylon" (Western oppression), further strained beliefs rooted in unfulfilled eschatological expectations drawn from Marcus Garvey's back-to-Africa vision and biblical apocalypticism. Rastafari responses to the death varied across mansions (sects), revealing fractures in doctrinal unity. Some, particularly in orthodox groups, outright denied the reports, claiming Selassie was immortal and that propagated lies via a body double or staged events, as " cannot die" and no verifiable or public confirmed the claim. Groups like the rejected mortality outright, insisting Selassie's eternal reign persisted invisibly, while others reinterpreted the death as a spiritual ascension—his physical form discarded like Christ's incarnation, with the essence returning to ( or ). This led to schisms, with some adherents lapsing into or exiting the movement, exacerbating a that halved Jamaican Rastafari numbers by the late amid broader disillusionment. These challenges prompted theological adaptations, shifting emphasis from Selassie's corporeal presence to internalized livity (righteous living) and ganja-mediated , though critics within and outside Rastafari argue the unverified claims and delays exposed prophetic overreach akin to millenarian failures in other movements. Selassie's own pre-death denials of , expressed in Orthodox Christian terms during 1966 Jamaican visits, added external pressure but were dismissed by devotees as tests of ; post-1975, however, empirical disconfirmation forced many to prioritize symbolic over literalism, influencing modern Rastafari's eclectic, less rigid incarnational .

Patriarchal Structures and Gender Critiques

Rastafari theology and social organization traditionally emphasize patriarchal authority, positioning men as spiritual and communal leaders while requiring women to adopt submissive roles. In core Rastafari doctrine, women are viewed as complements to men, expected to prioritize domestic responsibilities, maintain , and defer to male guidance in decision-making, reflecting interpretations of biblical adapted to the movement's livity principles. This structure draws from early influences like Marcus Garvey's back-to-Africa ethos, which centered male redemption from colonial oppression, extending to gender dynamics where women's agency is subordinated to male rehabilitation narratives. Specific practices reinforce this hierarchy: Rastafari women, often termed "" or "dawtas," are prohibited from leadership positions in gatherings or mansions like the , must cover their hair with headwraps symbolizing modesty, and face taboos against wearing trousers or engaging in , with infidelity by women deemed a grave spiritual offense warranting communal censure. is frequently treated as ritually impure, barring women from certain sacred spaces or sessions, a practice rooted in Levitical interpretations but critiqued for amplifying exclusion. Opposition to and further entrenches women's reproductive roles, aligning with pronatalist ideals tied to repopulating , though empirical data on adherence varies across communities. Gender critiques within and outside Rastafari highlight systemic inequalities, with scholars and adherents arguing that patriarchal norms perpetuate colonial-era gender hierarchies inherited from Caribbean plantation societies, where male dominance compensated for economic disempowerment. Early Rastafari women from the 1930s onward resisted through subtle world-making, such as informal networks challenging male-centric narratives, though overt confrontation risked expulsion. Feminist-leaning Rastafari voices, like those developing "Rastafari womanism," decry the movement's male-focused redemption theology as maladaptive, advocating scriptural reinterpretations for equality while rejecting Western feminism's secular individualism. Contemporary evolutions show partial shifts, with women gaining visibility in urban diaspora communities—such as New York Rastafari circles—through advocacy, and co-leadership in reggae-infused outreach, though core mansions retain doctrinal resistance to female elders. In settlements like , , granted by in 1948, women's labor in farming and child-rearing reproduces gendered divisions, with limited upward mobility despite anti-colonial rhetoric. Critics, including ex-Rastafari accounts, document emotional and physical coercion under patriarchal enforcement, as in familial memoirs detailing abusive control masked as spiritual discipline. These tensions underscore causal links between Rastafari's origins in Jamaican masculinity crises and enduring gender asymmetries, with reform efforts often framed as internal purification rather than structural overhaul. Rastafarians regard , or , as a essential for , spiritual insight, and communion with , drawing from biblical references to herbs and its perceived healing properties. In , cannabis prohibition under the 1913 Ganja Law escalated into targeted enforcement against Rastafari from the 1940s, with police raids, arrests, and forcible hair-cutting of used to suppress the movement's growth and visibility. This led to thousands of incarcerations, framing Rastafari as criminal subversives amid broader colonial and post-independence efforts to maintain . The 2015 Dangerous Drugs Amendment Act decriminalized possession of up to two ounces and permitted limited sacramental use by recognized Rastafari organizations, marking a partial victory after decades of advocacy. However, implementation has faltered, with Rastafari growers often denied licenses in the emerging commercial market dominated by corporate entities and non-traditional actors, perpetuating economic marginalization. Police harassment persists, as evidenced by a June 2025 Westmoreland Parish Court ruling acquitting Rastafari members charged with cultivation and use, highlighting ongoing tensions despite legal reforms. Internationally, Rastafari cannabis claims have met mixed judicial outcomes. In the United States, federal courts, including a 2002 Ninth Circuit decision upholding conviction for importation, have rarely exempted sacramental use under the , prioritizing drug laws over accommodations. Contrastingly, and Barbuda's 2023 legislation explicitly authorized Rastafari to cultivate up to one acre for religious purposes, addressing historical persecution through targeted exemptions. These conflicts underscore causal tensions between state —rooted in international treaties and moral panics—and Rastafari's empirical reliance on for efficacy, with legal gains often undermined by enforcement biases. Repatriation to , envisioned as escape from "" to , formed a core tenet inspired by Marcus Garvey's Back-to- advocacy, with prioritized due to its uncolonized status and Haile Selassie's symbolic divinity. In 1948, Selassie granted approximately 500 hectares in to black settlers from the , enabling small-scale migrations starting in the . Yet, practical failures mounted: the 1974 and regime's land nationalizations invalidated many titles, reducing the grant to contested fragments amid socialist reforms. By the 1980s, repatriation enthusiasm waned due to Ethiopia's famines (1983–1985), civil wars, and Mengistu Haile Mariam's purges, which displaced settlers and highlighted Africa's instability over idealized . Shashamane's , peaking at around 1,000 Rastafari in the , shrank to fewer than 800 by the , plagued by land disputes with local Oromo farmers, residency denials, and lack of Ethiopian , forcing reliance on tourist visas or informal status. Internal fractures, poverty, and cultural clashes—exacerbated by Ethiopia's Orthodox Christian dominance—led to high repatriate dropout rates, with many returning to disillusioned. These shortfalls shifted Rastafari focus toward "repatriation of the mind," emphasizing spiritual and cultural reconnection over physical relocation, as evidenced by declining migrations post-1990s and alternative engagements like Pan-African activism. Empirical outcomes reveal causal barriers: geopolitical upheavals, host nation claims, and logistical hardships outweighed ideological drives, rendering mass return unfeasible despite symbolic persistence in .

Broader Societal and Ideological Criticisms

Critics have argued that Rastafari's core ideology, centered on black consciousness and the demonization of "" as a of Western oppression, promotes racial and elements of black , inverting colonial hierarchies without fostering broader human unity. Early leader explicitly called for "" to elevate mortals of every shade according to their power, a stance interpreted by detractors as prioritizing racial power dynamics over universal equality. Certain sects, such as Shanti, have espoused beliefs in black superiority tied to ancient Israelite lineage, drawing accusations of ideological extremism that mirrors the supremacist structures Rastafari claims to oppose. The movement's theological framework has faced ideological scrutiny for its lack of systematic doctrine, hierarchical priesthood, or verifiable empirical basis, rendering it a fluid, emotionally driven response to colonial trauma rather than a coherent . Reliance on subjective "internal " and ganja-induced revelations for truth claims, alongside Afrocentric reinterpretations of (e.g., equating modern blacks with biblical ), is critiqued as pseudoscholarly and resistant to falsification, allowing inconsistencies like post-1975 denials of Haile Selassie's mortality despite prior deification. This unstructured ethos, varying across mansions like or Twelve Tribes, is seen as hindering intellectual accountability and perpetuating myth over causal analysis of social ills. On a societal level, Rastafari's rejection of mainstream institutions— ("poli-tricks"), , and formal —has been faulted for encouraging withdrawal and economic marginalization, with adherents often portrayed in Jamaican as prioritizing "livity" over productivity, contributing to stereotypes of idleness and reliance on informal economies or state support amid high . The push for to as has proven ideologically flawed in practice, yielding communal tensions in where Rastafari reverence for Selassie conflicts with local Ethiopian perceptions of him as an autocratic Amhara ruler linked to land dispossession, compounded by legal bans on sacramental leading to raids and failed integration. These dynamics underscore critiques that the movement's anti-systemic posture, while born of valid grievances against Jamaica's post-colonial inequities (e.g., minorities holding disproportionate ), exacerbates isolation and hinders adaptive with global realities.

References

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