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Taoiseach
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| Taoiseach | |
|---|---|
since 23 January 2025 | |
| Style | Irish: A Thaoisigh |
| Type | Head of government[a] |
| Member of | |
| Reports to | Oireachtas |
| Residence | None[b] |
| Seat | Government Buildings, Merrion Street, Dublin, Ireland |
| Nominator | Dáil Éireann |
| Appointer | President of Ireland |
| Term length | While commanding the confidence of the majority of Dáil Éireann. No term limits are imposed on the office. |
| Constituting instrument | Article 13, Constitution of Ireland |
| Precursor | President of the Executive Council |
| Formation | 29 December 1937[c][1] |
| First holder | Éamon de Valera[c] |
| Deputy | Tánaiste |
| Salary | €248,773 annually (2025)[2] (including €115,953 TD salary) |
| Website | Department of the Taoiseach |
The Taoiseach[d] is the head of government, or prime minister, of Ireland.[a] The office is appointed by the president of Ireland upon nomination by Dáil Éireann (the lower house of the Oireachtas, Ireland's national legislature) and the office-holder must retain the support of a majority in the Dáil to remain in office.
The Irish word taoiseach means "chief" or "leader", and was adopted in the 1937 Constitution of Ireland as the title of the "head of the Government or Prime Minister".[a] It is the official title of the head of government in both English and Irish, and is not used for the prime ministers of other countries, who are instead referred to in Irish by the generic term príomh-aire.[e] The phrase an Taoiseach is sometimes used in an otherwise English-language context, and means the same as "the Taoiseach".[4]
The incumbent Taoiseach is Micheál Martin, TD, leader of Fianna Fáil, who took office on 23 January 2025, following the 2024 general election and an agreement between Fianna Fáil, Fine Gael and independent TDs.[5]
Overview
[edit]This section needs additional citations for verification. (March 2024) |
Under the Constitution of Ireland, the Taoiseach is nominated by a simple majority of the voting members of Dáil Éireann.[6] The Taoiseach is then formally appointed to office by the President,[7][8] who is required to appoint whomever the Dáil designates, without the option of declining to make the appointment.[9] For this reason, the Taoiseach may informally be said to have been "elected" by Dáil Éireann.
If the Taoiseach loses the support of a majority in Dáil Éireann, they are not automatically removed from office. Instead, they are compelled either to resign or to persuade the President to dissolve the Dáil and call new elections. If the President "in his absolute discretion" refuses to grant a dissolution, this effectively forces the Taoiseach to resign. To date, no President has ever refused a dissolution, although the option to exercise this prerogative arose in 1944 and 1994, and twice in 1982. The Taoiseach may lose the support of Dáil Éireann by the passage of a vote of no confidence, or implicitly, through the failure of a vote of confidence. Alternatively, the Dáil may refuse supply.[f] In the event of the Taoiseach's resignation, they continue to exercise the duties and functions of office until the appointment of a successor.
The Taoiseach nominates the remaining members of the Government, who are then, with the consent of the Dáil, appointed by the President. The Taoiseach may advise the President to dismiss cabinet ministers from office; the President does not have discretion on accepting such advice. The Taoiseach is also responsible for appointing eleven members of the sixty members of the upper house of parliament, the Seanad.
The Department of the Taoiseach is the government department which supports and advises the Taoiseach in carrying out his or her various duties. The Taoiseach is assisted by one or more Ministers of State at the Department of the Taoiseach, one of whom is the Government Chief Whip.
Salary
[edit]The Taoiseach's salary is €248,773, as of 1 March 2025.[11]
The Taoiseach's salary was cut from €214,187 to €200,000 when Enda Kenny took office in 2011 before being cut further to €185,350 under the Haddington Road Agreement in 2013.
A proposed increase of €38,000 in 2007 was deferred when Brian Cowen became Taoiseach[12] and in October 2008, the government announced a 10% salary cut for all ministers, including the Taoiseach.[13] However this was a voluntary cut and the salaries remained nominally the same with both ministers and Taoiseach essentially refusing 10% of their salary. This caused controversy in December 2009 when a salary cut of 20% was based on the higher figure before the refused amount was deducted.[14] The Taoiseach is also allowed an additional €118,981 in annual expenses.
Residence
[edit]There is no official residence of the Taoiseach. In 2008 it was reported speculatively that the former Steward's Lodge at Farmleigh adjoining the Phoenix Park would become the official residence of the Taoiseach. However, no official statements were made nor any action taken.[15] The house, which forms part of the Farmleigh estate acquired by the State in 1999 for €29.2 million, was renovated at a cost of nearly €600,000 in 2005 by the Office of Public Works. Former Taoiseach Bertie Ahern did not use it as a residence, but his successor Brian Cowen used it occasionally,[16] as did later Taoisigh Enda Kenny and Leo Varadkar, who each paid €50 per night for the use of the house to avoid benefit-in-kind tax being levied on them for use of the house as a grace and favour mansion.[17]
Salute
[edit]"Mór Chluana" ("More of Cloyne") is a traditional air collected by Patrick Weston Joyce in 1873.[18][19] "Amhrán Dóchais" ("Song of Hope") is a poem written by Osborn Bergin in 1913.[19][20] John A. Costello chose the air as his musical salute.[20] The salute is played by army bands on the arrival of the Taoiseach at state ceremonies. Though the salute is often called "Amhrán Dóchais", Brian Ó Cuív argued "Mór Chluana" is the correct title.[20][21]
History
[edit]Origins and etymology
[edit]The words Taoiseach and Tánaiste (deputy prime minister) are both from the Irish language and of ancient origin. The Taoiseach is described in the Constitution of Ireland as "the head of the Government or Prime Minister",[a] its literal translation is 'chieftain' or 'leader'.[23] Although Éamon de Valera, who introduced the title in 1937, was a democratic politician who had in the past associated with paramilitaries, some have remarked that the meaning 'leader' in 1937 made the title similar to the titles of fascist dictators of the time, such as Führer (for Adolf Hitler), Duce (for Benito Mussolini) and Caudillo (for Francisco Franco).[24][25][26] Tánaiste, in turn, refers to the system of tanistry, the Gaelic system of succession whereby a leader would appoint an heir apparent while still living.
In Scottish Gaelic, tòiseach translates as 'clan chief' and both words originally had similar meanings in the Gaelic languages of Scotland and Ireland.[g][27][28][h] The related Welsh language word tywysog (current meaning: 'prince') has a similar origin and meaning.[i] It is hypothesised that both derive ultimately from the proto-Celtic *towissākos 'chieftain, leader'.[29][30]
The plural of taoiseach is taoisigh (Northern and Western Irish: [ˈt̪ˠiːʃiː], Southern: [ˈt̪ˠiːʃɪɟ]).[23]
Although the Irish form An Taoiseach is sometimes used in English instead of 'the Taoiseach',[31] the English version of the Constitution states that they "shall be called … the Taoiseach".[a]
Debate on the title
[edit]In 1937 when the draft Constitution of Ireland was being debated in the Dáil, Frank MacDermot, an opposition politician, moved an amendment to substitute "Prime Minister" for the proposed "Taoiseach" title in the English text of the Constitution. It was proposed to keep the "Taoiseach" title in the Irish language text. The proponent remarked:[32]
It seems to me to be mere make-believe to try to incorporate a word like "Taoiseach" in the English language. It would be pronounced wrongly by 99 percent of the people. I have already ascertained it is a very difficult word to pronounce correctly. That being so, even for the sake of the dignity of the Irish language, it would be more sensible that when speaking English we should be allowed to refer to the gentleman in question as the Prime Minister... It is just one more example of the sort of things that are being done here as if for the purpose of putting off the people in the North. No useful purpose of any kind can be served by compelling us, when speaking English, to refer to An Taoiseach rather than to the Prime Minister.
The President of the Executive Council, Éamon de Valera, gave the term's meaning as "chieftain" or "Captain". He said he was "not disposed" to support the proposed amendment and felt the word "Taoiseach" did not need to be changed. The proposed amendment was defeated on a vote and "Taoiseach" was included as the title ultimately adopted by plebiscite of the people.[33]
Modern office
[edit]
The modern position of Taoiseach was established by the 1937 Constitution of Ireland and is the most powerful role in Irish politics. The office replaced the position of President of the Executive Council of the 1922–1937 Irish Free State.
The positions of Taoiseach and President of the Executive Council differed in certain fundamental respects. Under the Constitution of the Irish Free State, the latter was vested with considerably less power and was largely just the chairman of the cabinet, the Executive Council. For example, the President of the Executive Council could not dismiss a fellow minister on his own authority. Instead, the Executive Council had to be disbanded and reformed entirely to remove a member. The President of the Executive Council also did not have the right to advise the Governor-General to dissolve Dáil Éireann on his own authority, that power belonging collectively to the Executive Council.
In contrast, the office of Taoiseach as created in 1937 possesses a much more powerful role. The holder of the position can both advise the President to dismiss ministers and dissolve Parliament on his own authority—advice that the President is almost always required to follow by convention.[j]
The Taoiseach's role is significantly enhanced on paper compared to its counterparts in other parliamentary systems because it is vested with both de jure and de facto executive authority. In other parliamentary systems, the head of state is at least nominal chief executive, but is either bound by convention to act on the advice of the cabinet, or must have their acts countersigned by a minister. In Ireland, the Constitution explicitly vests executive authority in the Government, of which the Taoiseach is the leader.
Generally, where there have been multi-party or coalition governments, the Taoiseach has been the leader of the largest party in the coalition. One exception to this was John A. Costello, who was not the leader of his party, but an agreed choice to head the government, because the other parties refused to accept then Fine Gael leader Richard Mulcahy as Taoiseach. In 2011 Taoiseach Brian Cowen, resigned as party leader and was succeeded by Micheál Martin, but continued as Taoiseach until the formation of a new government following a general election.
Following the 2020 election, Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael entered coalition together for the first time. The two agreed to rotate the role of Taoiseach, with Micheál Martin going first before becoming Tánaiste under Leo Varadkar, and later Simon Harris, of the smaller Fine Gael party.[34] The two parties opted to continue this rotation after the 2024 election.[35]
List of office holders
[edit]Before the enactment of the 1937 Constitution, the head of government was the President of the Executive Council. This office was held by W. T. Cosgrave of Cumann na nGaedheal from 1922 to 1932, and by Éamon de Valera of Fianna Fáil from 1932 to 1937. By convention, Taoisigh are numbered to include Cosgrave;[36][37][38][39] therefore, Micheál Martin is considered the 15th Taoiseach, not the 14th.
President of the Executive Council[edit] | ||||||||||
| No. | Portrait | Name (Birth–Death) Constituency |
Term of office | Party | Exec. Council Composition |
Vice President | Dáil (elected) | |||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 1 | W. T. Cosgrave (1880–1965) TD for Carlow–Kilkenny until 1927 TD for Cork Borough from 1927 |
6 December 1922[k] |
9 March 1932 |
Sinn Féin (Pro-Treaty) |
1st | SF (PT) (minority) | Kevin O'Higgins | 3 (1922) | ||
| Cumann na nGaedheal | 2nd | CnG (minority) | 4 (1923) | |||||||
| 3rd | Ernest Blythe | 5 (Jun.1927) | ||||||||
| 4th | 6 (Sep.1927) | |||||||||
| 5th | ||||||||||
| 2 | Éamon de Valera (1882–1975) TD for Clare |
9 March 1932[l] |
29 December 1937 |
Fianna Fáil | 6th | FF (minority) | Seán T. O'Kelly | 7 (1932) | ||
| 7th | 8 (1933) | |||||||||
| 8th | 9 (1937) | |||||||||
Taoiseach[edit] | ||||||||||
| No. | Portrait | Name (Birth–Death) Constituency |
Term of office | Party | Government Composition |
Tánaiste | Dáil (elected) | |||
| (2) | Éamon de Valera (1882–1975) TD for Clare |
29 December 1937 |
18 February 1948 |
Fianna Fáil | 1st | FF (minority) | Seán T. O'Kelly | 9 ( ···· ) | ||
| 2nd | FF | 10 (1938) | ||||||||
| 3rd | FF (minority) | 11 (1943) | ||||||||
| 4th | FF | Seán Lemass | 12 (1944) | |||||||
| 3 | John A. Costello (1891–1976) TD for Dublin South-East |
18 February 1948 |
13 June 1951 |
Fine Gael | 5th | FG–Lab–CnP–CnT–NL–Ind | William Norton | 13 (1948) | ||
| (2) | Éamon de Valera (1882–1975) TD for Clare |
13 June 1951 |
2 June 1954 |
Fianna Fáil | 6th | FF (minority) | Seán Lemass | 14 (1951) | ||
| (3) | John A. Costello (1891–1976) TD for Dublin South-East |
2 June 1954 |
20 March 1957 |
Fine Gael | 7th | FG–Lab–CnT | William Norton | 15 (1954) | ||
| (2) | Éamon de Valera (1882–1975) TD for Clare |
20 March 1957 |
23 June 1959 |
Fianna Fáil | 8th | FF | Seán Lemass | 16 (1957) | ||
| 4 | Seán Lemass (1899–1971) TD for Dublin South-Central |
23 June 1959 |
10 November 1966 |
Fianna Fáil | 9th | FF | Seán MacEntee | |||
| 10th | FF (minority) | 17 (1961) | ||||||||
| 11th | FF | Frank Aiken | 18 (1965) | |||||||
| 5 | Jack Lynch (1917–1999) TD for Cork Borough until 1969 TD for Cork City North-West from 1969 |
10 November 1966 |
14 March 1973 |
Fianna Fáil | 12th | FF | ||||
| 13th | FF | Erskine H. Childers | 19 (1969) | |||||||
| 6 | Liam Cosgrave (1920–2017) TD for Dún Laoghaire and Rathdown |
14 March 1973 |
5 July 1977 |
Fine Gael | 14th | FG–Lab | Brendan Corish | 20 (1973) | ||
| (5) | Jack Lynch (1917–1999) TD for Cork City |
5 July 1977 |
11 December 1979 |
Fianna Fáil | 15th | FF | George Colley | 21 (1977) | ||
| 7 | Charles Haughey (1925–2006) TD for Dublin Artane |
11 December 1979 |
30 June 1981 |
Fianna Fáil | 16th | FF | ||||
| 8 | Garret FitzGerald (1926–2011) TD for Dublin South-East |
30 June 1981 |
9 March 1982 |
Fine Gael | 17th | FG–Lab (minority) | Michael O'Leary | 22 (1981) | ||
| (7) | Charles Haughey (1925–2006) TD for Dublin North-Central |
9 March 1982 |
14 December 1982 |
Fianna Fáil | 18th | FF (minority) | Ray MacSharry | 23 (Feb.1982) | ||
| (8) | Garret FitzGerald (1926–2011) TD for Dublin South-East |
14 December 1982 |
10 March 1987 |
Fine Gael | 19th | FG–Lab FG (minority) from Jan 1987 |
Dick Spring | 24 (Nov.1982) | ||
| Peter Barry | ||||||||||
| (7) | Charles Haughey (1925–2006) TD for Dublin North-Central |
10 March 1987 |
11 February 1992 |
Fianna Fáil | 20th | FF (minority) | Brian Lenihan | 25 (1987) | ||
| 21st | FF–PD | 26 (1989) | ||||||||
| John Wilson | ||||||||||
| 9 | Albert Reynolds (1932–2014) TD for Longford–Roscommon |
11 February 1992 |
15 December 1994 |
Fianna Fáil | 22nd | FF–PD FF (minority) from Nov 1992 | ||||
| 23rd | FF–Lab FF (minority) from Nov 1994 |
Dick Spring | 27 (1992) | |||||||
| Bertie Ahern | ||||||||||
| 10 | John Bruton (1947–2024) TD for Meath |
15 December 1994 |
26 June 1997 |
Fine Gael | 24th | FG–Lab–DL | Dick Spring | |||
| 11 | Bertie Ahern (b. 1951) TD for Dublin Central |
26 June 1997 |
7 May 2008 |
Fianna Fáil | 25th | FF–PD (minority) | Mary Harney | 28 (1997) | ||
| 26th | FF–PD | 29 (2002) | ||||||||
| Michael McDowell | ||||||||||
| 27th | FF–Green–PD | Brian Cowen | 30 (2007) | |||||||
| 12 | Brian Cowen (b. 1960) TD for Laois–Offaly |
7 May 2008 |
9 March 2011 |
Fianna Fáil | 28th | FF–Green–PD FF–Green–Ind from Nov 2009 FF (minority) from Jan 2011 |
Mary Coughlan | |||
| 13 | Enda Kenny (b. 1951) TD for Mayo |
9 March 2011 |
14 June 2017[40] |
Fine Gael | 29th | FG–Lab | Eamon Gilmore | 31 (2011) | ||
| Joan Burton | ||||||||||
| 30th | FG–Ind (minority) | Frances Fitzgerald | 32 (2016) | |||||||
| 14 | Leo Varadkar (b. 1979) TD for Dublin West |
14 June 2017[41] |
27 June 2020 |
Fine Gael | 31st | FG–Ind (minority) | ||||
| Simon Coveney | ||||||||||
| 15 | Micheál Martin (b. 1960) TD for Cork South-Central |
27 June 2020 |
17 December 2022 |
Fianna Fáil | 32nd | FF–FG–Green | Leo Varadkar | 33 (2020) | ||
| (14) | Leo Varadkar (b. 1979) TD for Dublin West |
17 December 2022 |
9 April 2024 |
Fine Gael | 33rd | FG–FF–Green | Micheál Martin | |||
| 16 | Simon Harris (b. 1986) TD for Wicklow |
9 April 2024 |
23 January 2025 |
Fine Gael | 34th | FG–FF–Green | ||||
| (15) | Micheál Martin (b. 1960) TD for Cork South-Central |
23 January 2025 |
Incumbent | Fianna Fáil | 35th | FF–FG–Ind | Simon Harris | 34 (2024) | ||
Timeline
[edit]
Further reading
[edit]- Farrell, Brian (1971). Chairman or Chief?: The Role of the Taoiseach in Irish Government. Gill & Macmillan.
- O'Malley, Eoin (2012). "The Apex of Government: Cabinet and Taoiseach in operation". In O'Malley, Eoin; MacCarthaigh, Muiris (eds.). Governing Ireland: From cabinet government to delegated governance. Dublin: IPA..
- Gwynn Morgan, David (8 March 2016). "What exactly is a caretaker taoiseach?". The Irish Times.
Biographies
[edit]Biographies are also available of de Valera, Lemass, Lynch, Cosgrave, FitzGerald, Haughey, Reynolds and Ahern. FitzGerald wrote an autobiography, while an authorised biography was produced of de Valera.
Some biographies and memoirs of former Taoisigh and presidents of the Executive Council:
- Tim Pat Coogan, Éamon de Valera
- John Horgan, Seán Lemass
- Brian Farrell, Seán Lemass
- T. P. O'Mahony, Jack Lynch: A Biography
- T. Ryle Dwyer, Nice Fellow: A Biography of Jack Lynch
- Stephen Collins, The Cosgrave Legacy
- Garret FitzGerald, All in a Life
- Garret FitzGerald, Just Garret: Tales from the Political Frontline
- Raymond Smith, Garret: The Enigma
- T. Ryle Dwyer, Short Fellow: A Biography of Charles Haughey
- Martin Mansergh, Spirit of the Nation: The Collected Speeches of Haughey
- Joe Joyce & Peter Murtagh The Boss: Charles Haughey in Government
- Tim Ryan, Albert Reynolds: The Longford Leader
- Albert Reynolds, My Autobiography
- Bertie Ahern, My Autobiography
See also
[edit]Notes
[edit]- ^ a b c d e Article 13.1.1° and Article 28.5.1° of the Constitution of Ireland. The latter provision reads: "The head of the Government, or Prime Minister, shall be called, and is in this Constitution referred to as, the Taoiseach."[22]
- ^ The Taoiseach has no official residence, with each taoiseach residing in their own home. They may use the State Guest House at Steward's Lodge in Phoenix Park for official state functions
- ^ a b Before the enactment of the 1937 Constitution of Ireland, the head of government was referred to as the President of the Executive Council. This office was first held by W. T. Cosgrave from 1922 to 1932, and then by Éamon de Valera from 1932 to 1937.
- ^ Pronounced /ˈtiːʃəx/ ⓘ TEE-shəkh,[3] Irish: [ˈt̪ˠiːʃəx]. The plural Taoisigh is pronounced /ˈtiːʃi/ TEE-shee, Irish: [ˈt̪ˠiːʃiː].
- ^ Pronounced /priːˈvɛərə/ pree-VAIR-ə, Irish: [ˌpʲɾʲiːw ˈaɾʲə].
- ^ The Dáil refused supply in January 1982, when the then Fine Gael–Labour Party coalition government of Garret FitzGerald lost a vote on the budget.[10]
- ^ John Frederick Vaughan Campbell Cawdor (1742). Cosmo, Innes (ed.). The book of the thanes of Cawdor: a series of papers selected from the charter room at Cawdor. 1236–1742, Volume 1236, Issue 1742. Spalding Club. p. xiii. Retrieved 23 June 2013.
As we cannot name the first Celtic chieftain who consented to change his style of Toshach and his patriarchal sway for the title and stability of King's Thane of Cawdor, so it is impossible to fix the precise time when their ancient property and offices were acquired.
- ^ "Tartan Details – Toshach". Scottish Register of Tartans. Archived from the original on 2 December 2013. Retrieved 27 June 2013.
Toshach is an early Celtic title given to minor territorial chiefs in Scotland (note Eire Prime Minister's official title is this).
- ^ John Thomas Koch (2006), Celtic Culture: a Historical Encyclopedia, ABC-CLIO, p. 1062, ISBN 1851094407,
An early word meaning 'leader' appears on a 5th- or 6th-century inscribed stone as both ogam Irish and British genitive TOVISACI: tywysog now means 'prince' in Welsh, the regular descriptive title used for Prince Charles, for example; while in Ireland, the corresponding Taoiseach is now the correct title, in both Irish and English, for the Prime Minister of the Irish Republic (Éire).
- ^ Notable ministerial dismissals include those of Charles Haughey and Neil Blaney during the Arms Crisis in 1970, Brian Lenihan in 1990, Albert Reynolds, Pádraig Flynn and Máire Geoghegan-Quinn in 1991, and Barry Cowen in 2020.
- ^ Cosgrave was Chairman of the Provisional Government of the Irish Free State from 22 August 1922, during the transitional period before the state became officially independent on 6 December 1922 (See List of Irish heads of government).
- ^ De Valera was President of Dáil Éireann in the pre-independence revolutionary Irish Government from 1 April 1919 to 9 January 1922 (See List of Irish heads of government).
References
[edit]- ^ "Former Taoisigh". www.gov.ie. Government of Ireland. 1 November 2018. Archived from the original on 4 March 2020. Retrieved 14 February 2024.
- ^ "PoliticalSalaries.com - World leaders". Retrieved 23 March 2025.
- ^ "Taoiseach". Lexico UK English Dictionary. Oxford University Press. Archived from the original on 22 March 2020.
- ^ O'Leary, Brendan (April 1991). "An Taoiseach: The Irish prime minister". West European Politics. 14 (2): 133–162. doi:10.1080/01402389108424849. Retrieved 9 August 2024.
- ^ "Martin becomes Taoiseach after receiving seal of office". RTÉ News. 23 January 2025.
- ^ Constitution of Ireland, Article 13.1.2°.
- ^ Leahy, Pat. "How to be taoiseach: A guide to Ireland's most powerful job". The Irish Times. Retrieved 7 May 2025.
They will both sign the warrant of appointment, and Varadkar will accept the taoiseach's seal of office. At that moment he will become taoiseach. Not when he wins the Dáil vote: the Dáil nominates, but the President appoints.
- ^ Ireland, Office of the President of. "The President Constitutional Role". president.ie. Retrieved 7 May 2025.
The President's powers include: [... ] Appointment of the Taoiseach, members of the Government, judges and other officials
- ^ O'Mahony, Conor. "Just what can the President of Ireland actually say and do?". RTE.ie. Retrieved 7 May 2025.
Many of the President's functions are automatic in nature. For example, the President appoints the Taoiseach, Government Ministers, and judges to office. But the Constitution compels the President to simply rubber-stamp the nominee put forward.
- ^ "RTE Election 2007". RTÉ. Archived from the original on 10 May 2007. Retrieved 2 June 2008.
- ^ "PoliticalSalaries.com - World leaders". Retrieved 23 March 2025.
- ^ "Taoiseach to receive €38k pay rise". RTÉ News. 25 October 2007. Archived from the original on 27 October 2007. Retrieved 25 October 2007.
- ^ "Sharp exchanges in Dáil over Budget". RTÉ News. 15 October 2008. Archived from the original on 14 February 2009. Retrieved 29 January 2009.
- ^ Kelly, Fiach (10 December 2009). "Opposition says Lenihan's salary cuts do not add up". Irish Independent. Archived from the original on 23 December 2009. Retrieved 29 December 2009.
- ^ Quinlan, Ronald (18 May 2008). "Opulent Phoenix Park lodge is set to become 'Fortress Cowen'". Irish Independent. Archived from the original on 21 May 2008. Retrieved 18 May 2008.
- ^ O'Regan, Michael (29 January 2009). "Cowen questioned on use of Farmleigh". The Irish Times. Archived from the original on 18 November 2010. Retrieved 29 January 2009.
- ^ Coyle, Colin (3 September 2023). "Over €87,000 spent upgrading underused Steward's Lodge in Dublin's Phoenix Park". The Irish Times. Archived from the original on 18 January 2024. Retrieved 19 September 2023.
- ^ "P. W. Joyce: Ancient Irish Music » 47 – Mór Chluana". Na Píobairí Uilleann. Archived from the original on 21 February 2014. Retrieved 3 February 2014.
- ^ a b "Joyce, Patrick Weston (1827–1914)". Ainm.ie (in Irish). Cló Iar-Chonnacht. Archived from the original on 20 February 2014. Retrieved 3 February 2014.
- ^ a b c Ó Cuív, Brian (1 April 2010). "Irish language and literature, 1845–1921". In W. E. Vaughan (ed.). Ireland Under the Union, 1870–1921. A New History of Ireland. Vol. VI. Oxford University Press. p. 425. ISBN 9780199583744. Archived from the original on 27 June 2014. Retrieved 3 February 2014.
- ^ "Amhrán Dóchais". Contemporary Music Centre. Archived from the original on 20 October 2017. Retrieved 3 February 2014.
- ^ "Constitution of Ireland". Irish Statute Book.
- ^ a b "Youth Zone School Pack" (PDF). Department of the Taoiseach. Archived (PDF) from the original on 2 December 2007. Retrieved 23 June 2010.
- ^ McCarthy, John-Paul (10 January 2010). "WT became the most ruthless of them all". Irish Independent. Archived from the original on 22 November 2016. Retrieved 22 November 2016.
While Taoiseach itself carried with it some initially unpleasant assonances with Caudillo, Fuhrer and Duce, all but one of the 12 men who wielded the prime ministerial sceptre have managed to keep their megalomaniacal tendencies in check.
- ^ Quigley, Martin (1944). Great Gaels: Ireland at Peace in a World at War. p. 18. Archived from the original on 12 September 2021. Retrieved 22 November 2016.
Eamon de Valera is An Taoiseach or "boss Gael." That title goes considerably beyond the English "prime minister" or the American "president." It is the Gaelic equivalent of the German "Fuehrer," the Italian "Duce" and the Spanish "Caudillo."
Published in New York, 1944 (publisher not identified); Original from University of Minnesota; Digitised 6 May 2016 - ^ Administration – Volume 18. IPA. 1970. p. 153. Archived from the original on 12 September 2021. Retrieved 22 November 2016.
... and let alone the names of the Prime Minister (the Taoiseach, a word that is related to Duce, Fuhrer, and Caudillo) (translated from the original Irish: ... agus fiú amháin ainmeacha [sic] an Phríomh-Aire (An Taoiseach, focal go bhfuil gaol aige le Duce, Fuhrer, agus Caudillo)
Original from the University of California; Digitised 6 December 2006 - ^ Robertson, E. William (2004). Scotland Under Her Early Kings: A History of the Kingdom to the Close of the Thirteenth Century Part One. Kessinger Publishing. p. 32. ISBN 9781417946075. Archived from the original on 12 September 2021. Retrieved 28 June 2013.
- ^ "DSL – SND1 TOISEACH". Archived from the original on 2 December 2013. Retrieved 27 June 2013.
- ^ Sims-Williams, Patrick (Summer 1992). "The Additional Letters of the Ogam Alphabet". Cambridge Medieval Celtic Studies. 23: 48. Archived from the original on 12 September 2021. Retrieved 11 December 2022.
- ^ Bolling, George Melville; Bloch, Bernard (27 June 1968). "Language". Linguistic Society of America. Archived from the original on 12 September 2021. Retrieved 3 October 2020 – via Google Books.
- ^ "Statement by An Taoiseach on the death of Cardinal Desmond Connell". Department of the Taoiseach. 9 February 2017. Archived from the original on 6 April 2017. Retrieved 5 March 2017.
The Taoiseach has learnt with regret …
- ^ Frank Mr. MacDermot of the National Centre Party – Bunreacht na hÉireann (Dréacht)—Coiste (Ath-thógaint) – Wednesday, 26 May 1937; Dáil Éireann Debate Vol. 67 No. 9 Archived 22 November 2018 at the Wayback Machine.
- ^ "Bunreacht na hEireann (Dréacht)—Coiste (Ath-thógaint) – Dáil Éireann (8th Dáil) – Vol. 67 No. 9". Oireachtas Debates. 26 May 1937.
- ^ "A Rotating Taoiseach and the future of Irish politics - Brexit Institute". 20 December 2022.
- ^ "Harris confirms rotating Taoiseach arrangement will be part of next government". 7 January 2025.
- ^ "Former Taoisigh". Government of Ireland. November 2018. Archived from the original on 4 March 2020. Retrieved 19 January 2020.
- ^ "Coughlan new Tánaiste in Cowen Cabinet". The Irish Times. 17 May 2008. Archived from the original on 12 September 2021. Retrieved 17 May 2008.
- ^ "Taoiseach reveals new front bench". RTÉ News. 7 May 2008. Archived from the original on 10 May 2008. Retrieved 17 May 2008.
- ^ "Cowen confirmed as Taoiseach". BreakingNews.ie. 7 May 2008. Archived from the original on 10 May 2008. Retrieved 17 May 2008.
- ^ "Kenny's farewell: 'This has never been about me'". RTÉ News. 13 June 2017. Archived from the original on 13 June 2017. Retrieved 14 June 2017.
- ^ Lord, Miriam (8 June 2017). "Taoiseach-in-waiting meets man waiting to be taoiseach". The Irish Times. Archived from the original on 8 June 2017. Retrieved 10 June 2017.
External links
[edit]Taoiseach
View on GrokipediaEtymology and Terminology
Linguistic Origins
The word Taoiseach derives from Old Irish toísech, meaning "chief," "leader," or "first."[7][8] This term, rooted in the Goidelic branch of Celtic languages, historically denoted heads of tuatha (tribal kingdoms) or clan leaders in medieval Gaelic society, reflecting a hierarchical structure where authority stemmed from kinship and territorial control.[8] Linguistically, toísech traces to Primitive Irish tovisaci (attested in Ogham inscriptions as a genitive form) and further to Proto-Celtic *towissākos, an adjective implying "primary" or "leading," cognate with Welsh tywysog ("prince" or "guide").[9] The modern Irish form emerged through Middle Irish developments, with the spelling taoiseach (plural taoisi) standardized in the revived literary Irish of the early 20th century, emphasizing native terminology over anglicized equivalents like "prime minister."[10]Adoption and Debate on the Title
The title Taoiseach was formally adopted through Article 28 of the Constitution of Ireland, enacted on 14 June 1937 and effective from 29 December 1937, supplanting the prior office of President of the Executive Council established under the 1922 Constitution of the Irish Free State.[11] This change aligned with Éamon de Valera's broader effort to Gaelicize state nomenclature and assert sovereignty via indigenous terminology, as the draft constitution specified: "The President shall, on the nomination of Dáil Éireann, appoint the Taoiseach, that is, the head of the Government or Prime Minister."[11] De Valera, as Fianna Fáil leader and principal drafter, became the inaugural Taoiseach upon the constitution's commencement, holding the position until 1948.[11] During committee-stage debates in Dáil Éireann on 26 May 1937, opposition deputy Frank MacDermot tabled Amendment No. 32, seeking to replace "Taoiseach" with "Prime Minister" in the English text of Article 28 while preserving the Irish term in the bilingual document.[11] MacDermot contended that retaining "Taoiseach" in English would invite mispronunciation abroad, complicate diplomatic recognition, and exacerbate partition by distancing Northern Irish unionists accustomed to Westminster-style titles. De Valera countered that the term evoked Ireland's pre-Norman chieftain tradition, rejecting anglicization as a concession to external influences and insisting on linguistic revival for national cohesion; he noted its equivalence to "Prime Minister" was already clarified in the clause, rendering substitution redundant.[11] The amendment drew limited support, primarily from independents and Fine Gael skeptics wary of de Valera's cultural nationalism, but Fianna Fáil's majority ensured its defeat on division.[11] No alternative Irish terms, such as Príomh-Aire (direct translation of "Prime Minister"), gained traction in debate, underscoring de Valera's preference for archaic, evocative Gaelic roots over modern literalism. Post-adoption, the title's persistence reflected constitutional entrenchment via popular plebiscite (56.5% approval on 1 July 1937) and avoidance of further amendments, despite occasional foreign media reverting to "Prime Minister" for accessibility.[11]Historical Establishment
Irish Free State Period (1922–1937)
The Irish Free State Constitution, enacted by the Third Dáil sitting as a constituent assembly on 25 October 1922 and effective from 6 December 1922, established the Executive Council as the body exercising executive authority, headed by a President elected by Dáil Éireann.[12] The President served as head of government, proposing the composition of the Executive Council to the Governor-General for formal appointment, while the Council collectively advised the Governor-General on executive matters.[13] This structure mirrored dominion models like Canada, positioning the Free State as a self-governing entity within the British Commonwealth, with the British monarch represented by the Governor-General.[13] William T. Cosgrave, leader of the pro-Treaty Cumann na nGaedheal party, was nominated and elected as the first President of the Executive Council on 6 December 1922, following his prior role in the Provisional Government since August 1922.[14] Cosgrave held the position continuously until 9 March 1932, overseeing state consolidation amid the Irish Civil War (1922–1923), economic stabilization, and institutional development, including the suppression of irregular Republican forces and establishment of the Garda Síochána.[15] His tenure emphasized fiscal prudence and international recognition, with the Free State joining the League of Nations in 1923.[15] Following Fianna Fáil's victory in the February 1932 general election, Éamon de Valera was elected President on 9 March 1932, retaining the office until the 1937 Constitution's enactment.[16] De Valera's administration pursued incremental sovereignty gains, including the abolition of the Oath of Allegiance to the British Crown via the Constitution (Amendment No. 2) Act 1933 and appeals to the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council via the Constitution (Amendment No. 22) Act 1933.[17] These measures reduced formal ties to the United Kingdom without immediate constitutional rupture, reflecting de Valera's legalistic strategy to assert republican aspirations within the dominion framework.[13] The President could be removed by a Dáil vote of no confidence, ensuring parliamentary accountability akin to later Taoiseach tenure.[13] This office functioned as the direct precursor to the Taoiseach, with the 1937 Bunreacht na hÉireann renaming and constitutionally entrenching it upon replacing the Free State framework on 29 December 1937.[18]Constitutional Formalization (1937 Onward)
The Constitution of Ireland (Bunreacht na hÉireann), enacted on 1 July 1937 following a referendum, formally established the office of Taoiseach as the head of government, replacing the prior title of President of the Executive Council used under the 1922 Irish Free State Constitution.[19] Article 28.5.1° explicitly states: "The head of the Government, or Prime Minister, shall be called, and is in this Constitution referred to as, the Taoiseach."[19] This provision integrated the Irish-language term into the constitutional framework, reflecting Éamon de Valera's influence as the drafter, who served as President of the Executive Council at the time and became the first Taoiseach upon the Constitution's entry into force on 29 December 1937.[17][20] Under Article 28.1, the President appoints the Taoiseach on the nomination of Dáil Éireann, vesting executive authority in the Government headed by the Taoiseach, who must maintain the confidence of the Dáil to remain in office.[19] The Taoiseach nominates other members of the Government and the Tánaiste (deputy prime minister), as outlined in Article 28.6, and is responsible for keeping the President informed on domestic and international policy per Article 28.5.2°.[19] De Valera's Fianna Fáil government, holding a Dáil majority after the 1937 election, ensured seamless transition, with de Valera assuming the role without interruption from his previous position.[17] Since 1937, the constitutional definition of the Taoiseach has endured with minimal alteration, despite over 40 amendments to the Constitution overall; none have fundamentally redefined the office's establishment or core appointment mechanism.[21] The 1937 framework emphasized parliamentary sovereignty through Dáil nomination while granting the Taoiseach directive powers over Government policy under Article 28.4.1°, solidifying a Westminster-influenced system adapted to Irish republican structures.[19] This formalization marked Ireland's shift toward full sovereignty, culminating in the 1949 Republic of Ireland Act, which further distanced the state from Commonwealth ties but preserved the Taoiseach's domestic primacy.Appointment and Tenure
Nomination and Election by Dáil Éireann
The Taoiseach is nominated by Dáil Éireann, the lower house of the Oireachtas, which consists of 160 Teachtaí Dála (TDs) elected by proportional representation. Under Article 13.1.1° of the Constitution of Ireland, the President appoints the Taoiseach solely on the basis of this nomination, with no discretionary power to refuse a validly nominated candidate.[2] The eligible nominee must be a sitting member of Dáil Éireann at the time of nomination.[5] Following a general election or the resignation of a government, the President summons Dáil Éireann to meet within 30 days of the return of the writs of election, as stipulated in Article 16.4 of the Constitution.[22] At the first sitting, the Dáil elects its Ceann Comhairle (chairperson) from among its members, after which the primary business is the nomination of the Taoiseach.[23] Any TD may propose a motion stating: "That Dáil Éireann nominates [name of TD] for appointment by the President to be Taoiseach." This motion is typically moved by a party leader or coalition representative and is subject to debate before being put to a vote.[24] The motion passes if supported by a majority of the members voting, typically requiring at least 81 affirmative votes in a full Dáil to reflect effective control of the house.[5] Voting occurs via recorded division or electronic means under Dáil Standing Orders, ensuring transparency. If the motion succeeds, the resolution is formally communicated to the President, who issues a warrant of appointment, often on the same day, marking the formal transition.[25] In cases where no candidate secures a majority—such as during prolonged coalition negotiations—the incumbent Taoiseach continues in a caretaker capacity until a new nomination or a dissolution of the Dáil, which the President may grant on the advice of the outgoing Taoiseach after consultations.[3] This process underscores the Dáil's primacy in executive formation, with the nomination serving as a vote of confidence in the prospective government leader. Historical instances of delayed nominations, such as after the 2016 election, have extended up to 55 days due to coalition talks, but the constitutional framework prioritizes swift assembly to avoid governance vacuums.[5]Term Length, Resignation, and Removal
The Taoiseach's term of office is not subject to a fixed duration or personal term limits but is contingent on retaining the support of a majority in Dáil Éireann.[19] The underlying Dáil Éireann has a maximum lifespan of five years from the date of its first meeting after a general election, after which it must be dissolved by the President, typically on the Taoiseach's advice.[19] This structure ensures the Taoiseach's tenure aligns with parliamentary confidence rather than a predetermined calendar, allowing for early dissolution if the Taoiseach requests it or if support is lost. Resignation by the Taoiseach occurs voluntarily through a formal procedure outlined in the Constitution: the Taoiseach places their resignation in the hands of the President at any time.[19] [26] Upon acceptance, the President appoints a new Taoiseach from the Dáil as soon as practicable, often after intra-party or coalition negotiations. Historical instances, such as Leo Varadkar's resignation on 20 March 2024 as Fine Gael leader and subsequent formal resignation as Taoiseach on 9 April 2024, followed this process, enabling a successor like Simon Harris to assume office without triggering an immediate election. Removal from office is constitutionally mandated if the Taoiseach ceases to retain the support of a majority in Dáil Éireann, requiring resignation unless the President dissolves the Dáil on the Taoiseach's advice for a general election.[19] [27] A motion of no confidence in the Taoiseach, tabled in the Dáil, serves as a direct test of this support; its passage explicitly demonstrates loss of majority confidence and compels resignation under Article 28.10. No such motion has successfully removed a Taoiseach to date, though confidence motions have been used to affirm or challenge government stability, as in the 16 October 2025 Dáil vote supporting Simon Harris (94-65).[28] In practice, loss of support often leads to resignation or election calls rather than prolonged deadlock, preserving governmental continuity.Powers and Responsibilities
Executive and Administrative Authority
The executive authority of the Irish Government, vested collectively in the Taoiseach and the ministers pursuant to Article 28.2 of the Constitution, is directed by the Taoiseach as head of Government. The Taoiseach sets the broad policy framework for the Government and assumes responsibility for the overall disposition of its business, as outlined in Article 28.4.1. This includes nominating ministers to specific departments and the Attorney General for appointment by the President, as well as advising the President on the resignation or dismissal of ministers under Articles 28.6 and 28.9.1, respectively.[29][3] In Cabinet proceedings, the Taoiseach presides over meetings where collective decisions are formulated, ensuring adherence to the principle of collective responsibility under Article 28.4.2, whereby the Government acts as a unified body accountable to Dáil Éireann. The Taoiseach also nominates eleven members to Seanad Éireann, further extending influence over legislative composition. Administratively, the Taoiseach answers parliamentary questions on Departmental matters and may sponsor legislation pertaining to Government coordination.[29][3] The Department of the Taoiseach serves as the administrative backbone, charged under the Taoiseach's oversight akin to ministerial responsibilities in the Ministers and Secretaries Act 1924 (as amended). It functions as the central coordinator of ministers and departments, guiding them on collective authority and facilitating policy implementation through the Cabinet committee structure. This includes tracking legislative progress and supporting cross-departmental initiatives, thereby enabling the Taoiseach to maintain oversight of executive operations.[29][30]Role in Legislation and Policy
The Taoiseach, as head of the Government, directs the overall policy framework of the State, exercising supervision over departments and ensuring collective Cabinet responsibility for major decisions. Article 28 of the Bunreacht na hÉireann (Constitution of Ireland) vests executive power in the Government, which the Taoiseach leads, enabling the formulation of policies on economic management, social welfare, foreign relations, and national security.[3] The Taoiseach chairs Cabinet meetings where policy proposals are debated and finalized, serving as the primary spokesperson for Government positions on key issues.[5] In legislation, the Government under the Taoiseach's leadership holds primary initiative, introducing the bulk of bills to the Oireachtas for debate and passage. While Article 20 allows bills to originate in either the Dáil or Seanad, money bills—concerning taxation and expenditure—must commence in the Dáil and are exclusively Government-controlled, reflecting the Taoiseach's influence over fiscal policy implementation.[31] Private members' bills, proposed by individual TDs or Senators, constitute a minority of enacted laws and often require Government backing to advance, as the executive allocates parliamentary time and resources.[32] This structure ensures the Taoiseach's Government shapes the legislative agenda, with bills typically vetted through departmental policy units before presentation.[33] The Taoiseach's role extends to policy oversight via the Department of the Taoiseach, which coordinates cross-governmental initiatives and responds to emerging issues, such as during the COVID-19 pandemic when emergency legislation was rapidly introduced under Taoiseach Micheál Martin's administration in 2020–2022.[1] Accountability arises through Dáil questions and no-confidence motions, compelling the Taoiseach to justify policy and legislative choices to the elected assembly.[3]Emergency and Crisis Management Powers
The Taoiseach, as head of the Government under Article 28 of the Constitution of Ireland, holds primary responsibility for initiating and directing emergency responses, including the declaration of a state of emergency in cases of war, armed rebellion, or national emergency.[34] Such a declaration by the Government—typically led by the Taoiseach in Cabinet—must be laid before both Houses of the Oireachtas, where Dáil Éireann can approve or revoke it by resolution within four days if in session, or eleven days otherwise, ensuring legislative oversight.[34] During a declared emergency, the Oireachtas may enact extraordinary laws, including those derogating from certain constitutional rights, to secure public safety and preserve the State, though these powers are constrained by principles of necessity and proportionality as interpreted by the courts.[4] In practice, the Taoiseach coordinates the Government's crisis management through executive authority, chairing relevant Cabinet committees and directing departments such as the Department of Defence and An Garda Síochána. For instance, under the Emergency Powers Act 1939, enacted following the Government's declaration of a state of emergency on 3 September 1939 amid the outbreak of World War II, Taoiseach Éamon de Valera's administration implemented sweeping measures including censorship, internment, economic controls, and supply rationing, which were renewed annually until 1946.[35] Similarly, on 25 July 1976, Taoiseach Liam Cosgrave's Government declared a state of emergency in response to escalating sectarian violence in Northern Ireland, including the Birmingham pub bombings, enabling temporary enhancements to security powers under the Offences Against the State Act; this lapsed after six months without renewal.[36] More recent crises, such as the COVID-19 pandemic, have relied on statutory frameworks rather than constitutional emergencies. Taoiseach Micheál Martin's Government invoked powers under the Health Act 1947 to declare public health emergencies, authorizing regulations for lockdowns, travel restrictions, and vaccine mandates from March 2020 onward, with extensions approved by Oireachtas resolution; no full Article 28.3 declaration was made, reflecting a preference for targeted legislation to avoid broader derogations.[37] These powers underscore the Taoiseach's role in balancing rapid executive action with democratic accountability, though critics have noted risks of overreach, as in the 1939–1945 period where emergency orders facilitated significant state intervention in civil liberties.[38]Institutional Relationships
With the President of Ireland
The constitutional relationship between the Taoiseach and the President of Ireland emphasizes the President's ceremonial role in formalizing decisions made by the head of government, with the Taoiseach exercising substantive authority. Under Article 13.1.1° of the Constitution, the President appoints the Taoiseach solely upon nomination by Dáil Éireann, typically following a vote of confidence, ensuring the appointee commands majority support in the lower house.[19] This process underscores the Taoiseach's dependence on parliamentary backing rather than direct presidential discretion.[39] Once appointed, the Taoiseach nominates the Tánaiste and other ministers to form the Government, with the President formally appointing them under Article 28.4.1°.[1] The Taoiseach assigns departmental responsibilities and may, on their own initiative, recommend ministerial dismissals to the President, who acts on this advice without independent veto power in routine cases.[19] This nomination-appointment dynamic positions the Taoiseach as the effective architect of the executive, while the President's involvement maintains constitutional continuity and symbolism.[40] The Taoiseach advises the President on key parliamentary actions, including the summoning and dissolution of Dáil Éireann under Article 13.2.1°, which the President executes as a matter of course if the Taoiseach retains majority support.[40] An exception arises if the Taoiseach loses such support: the President may then refuse dissolution, convene the Dáil within 30 days, or explore appointing an alternative Taoiseach capable of commanding confidence, though this reserve power has never overridden a Taoiseach's request when parliamentary majority exists.[39] In broader executive functions, the President relies on the Taoiseach's counsel for decisions like convening the Council of State or addressing extraordinary matters, reinforcing the Taoiseach's advisory primacy.[40]With the Oireachtas (Dáil and Seanad)
The Taoiseach, as head of the Government, maintains primary accountability to Dáil Éireann, the lower house of the Oireachtas, which holds the power to nominate the Taoiseach for appointment by the President and to withdraw support through a vote of no confidence.[19] Article 28.4.1° of the Irish Constitution explicitly states that the Government is responsible to Dáil Éireann, requiring the Taoiseach to secure and retain the confidence of a majority of its members to remain in office.[4] Failure to command such support empowers the President, on the Taoiseach's advice or after consultation, to dissolve Dáil Éireann, triggering a general election.[40] In practice, the Taoiseach announces the Government's legislative program and Order of Business in the Dáil, directs ministers in proposing bills, and responds to parliamentary questions, ensuring executive actions align with legislative oversight.[1] The Taoiseach's relationship with Seanad Éireann, the upper house, is more circumscribed, lacking the formal responsibility that binds the Government to the Dáil.[41] Constitutionally, the Taoiseach nominates 11 of the Seanad's 60 members following a Dáil election, influencing its composition to support government priorities, though these nominees require approval from a designated parliamentary committee.[42] The Seanad reviews and amends bills initiated by the Government but cannot veto them; the Dáil may override Seanad objections, and money bills—central to fiscal policy under the Taoiseach's leadership—bypass the upper house after limited review.[4] Ministers, appointed by the Taoiseach, attend Seanad sessions to defend legislation, but the house's advisory role limits its direct influence over the executive.[41] In coalition contexts, the Taoiseach navigates Oireachtas dynamics by allocating portfolios to secure Dáil support, often incorporating Seanad nominees from allied parties to facilitate smoother bill passage.[43] This arrangement underscores the Taoiseach's strategic position in balancing executive initiative with parliamentary consent, where Dáil primacy ensures governmental stability while the Seanad provides secondary scrutiny without equivalent veto power.[42]Dynamics in Coalition Governments
In Ireland's proportional representation electoral system, single-party majorities are rare, making coalition governments the norm since the state's foundation, with the Taoiseach typically emerging as the leader of the largest party within the coalition agreement. Coalition formation involves post-election negotiations among parties to draft a programme for government, allocating cabinet positions and designating the Taoiseach nominee, who must then secure a Dáil Éireann vote of confidence. This process emphasizes compromise on policy priorities, such as economic recovery or housing, while balancing party interests to achieve the 80-seat majority threshold in the 160-seat Dáil.[5][44] The Taoiseach's leadership in coalitions requires navigating internal dynamics, including power-sharing arrangements like the Tánaiste (deputy prime minister) role often assigned to a junior partner's leader, and mechanisms for dispute resolution through party whips or joint committees. In the 2020 coalition between Fianna Fáil, Fine Gael, and the Green Party—formed after four months of talks following the February election—Micheál Martin of Fianna Fáil was nominated Taoiseach, with Leo Varadkar of Fine Gael as Tánaiste, under a rotating arrangement where Varadkar assumed the role on 17 December 2022. Such rotations, uncommon but used to equalize influence between near-equal partners, demand disciplined party cohesion to prevent policy gridlock.[45][46][47] Coalitions exhibit high stability due to Ireland's clientelist political culture and strong party discipline, with most enduring full terms despite external pressures like economic downturns; for instance, the 2016–2020 Fine Gael-led minority government, supported externally by independents, navigated Brexit and COVID-19 without collapse. Challenges arise from ideological divergences—e.g., fiscal conservatism versus social spending—or junior partner leverage, as seen in Green Party concessions on climate policy in 2020, potentially leading to early exits if confidence votes fail. Recent formations, such as the January 2025 Fianna Fáil-Fine Gael-Independent coalition electing Martin as Taoiseach for the initial three years before Simon Harris's succession, highlight continuity in centrist alliances amid fragmentation from smaller parties.[48][44][49][50]Official and Symbolic Elements
Official Residence and Security
The Taoiseach has no designated official residence, with incumbents residing in their private homes or party-provided accommodations in Dublin.[51][52] In 1979, an international architectural competition sought designs for a combined Taoiseach's residence and state guesthouse on the Phoenix Park site, but the project was abandoned due to cost concerns and lack of political consensus.[53] The Steward's Lodge on the Farmleigh estate, renovated by the Office of Public Works in 2005 at a cost of approximately €5.4 million, has been made available for occasional use by Taoisigh, particularly for security or hosting purposes, though it is not formally designated as an official residence.[54] For instance, Leo Varadkar utilized it sporadically during his tenure amid heightened security needs during the COVID-19 pandemic, while Micheál Martin reported no overnight stays there during his time in office as of April 2025.[55] Security for the Taoiseach is provided by the Garda Síochána's Special Detective Unit, which deploys armed personnel and secure transport as assessed by threat levels.[56] Protection extends to official duties, residences, and travel, with enhanced measures implemented in response to evolving risks, such as increased specialist armed officers for the incumbent and key ministers as of late 2024.[56] Former Taoisigh may retain Garda protection post-tenure if threats persist, as evidenced by Leo Varadkar receiving armed detail seven months after resigning in 2024.[57] The arrangement prioritizes risk-based allocation, with the Garda Commissioner determining the scope based on intelligence from national security assessments.[56]Salary, Benefits, and Accountability
The Taoiseach's salary consists of the standard Teachta Dála (TD) basic pay of €117,113 annually, augmented by an officeholder's allowance of €134,148, yielding a total gross remuneration of €251,261 as of August 2025.[58] [59] This structure aligns with public sector pay adjustments, including periodic increases tied to inflation and fiscal policy, though subject to temporary cuts during crises such as the 2020 COVID-19 response.[60] Beyond salary, the Taoiseach receives operational benefits including priority access to government transport assets, such as the Learjet 45 for international travel and helicopters for domestic engagements, alongside armored state cars with dedicated drivers.[61] Security is provided by a specialized Garda Síochána unit, with full-time protection extending to family members during tenure.[62] Administrative perks encompass staffing via the Department of the Taoiseach, office space in Government Buildings (Merrion Street, Dublin), and reimbursable expenses for official duties. Unlike some counterparts, no dedicated official residence is assigned; incumbents maintain private homes secured by state resources. Post-tenure, former Taoisigh may retain limited privileges like state car access and VIP airport facilities, approved case-by-case and often capped to control costs.[63] Pension entitlements derive from TD service and ministerial tenure, accruing at enhanced rates under the Oireachtas scheme, with lump-sum and monthly payments upon qualifying age or completion of terms.[64] [65] Accountability mechanisms center on Dáil Éireann, to which the Taoiseach and Government are constitutionally responsible, requiring ongoing confidence to remain in office. A successful motion of no confidence in the Taoiseach compels resignation, prompting either a new government formation or Dáil dissolution for elections within 30 days. Routine oversight includes weekly Taoiseach's Questions, where the incumbent fields oral and written inquiries from TDs, and scrutiny by Oireachtas committees empowered to summon ministers and review policies. The Government must also secure Dáil approval for budgets, major legislation, and international treaties, with failure risking censure or defeat. These parliamentary checks, rooted in the 1937 Constitution, ensure executive actions align with legislative mandate, though coalition dynamics can complicate enforcement.[1] [66] [67]Protocol, Salutes, and Honors
The Protocol and Civic Policy Division within the Department of the Taoiseach oversees state protocol matters, including arrangements specific to the Taoiseach, such as the organization of official functions, commemorations, and diplomatic ceremonies.[68][69] In formal written English usage, the officeholder is referred to as "the Taoiseach" or simply "Taoiseach," while in Irish it is "An Taoiseach."[1][70] Correspondence addresses the individual as "An Taoiseach [Surname], TD," with salutations like "Dear Taoiseach."[70] The Taoiseach holds second position in the national order of precedence, immediately after the President, reflecting their role as head of government in constitutional and ceremonial contexts.[19] Members of the Irish Defence Forces render military salutes to the Taoiseach during official ceremonies, including a distinct full band salute performed by the Defence Forces School of Music, separate from those for colors, generals, or the President.[71] On state occasions, such as arrivals at Government Buildings or national events, the Taoiseach is entitled to a guard of honour from Defence Forces personnel, involving a salute and inspection.[72] The Taoiseach receives state honors equivalent to those of a high-ranking executive leader, including military participation in official processions and, posthumously, a state funeral with full Defence Forces honors, such as a guard of honour, gun salute, and coffin draped in the national tricolour.[72][73] These protocols underscore the Taoiseach's symbolic authority as head of government, distinct from the President's ceremonial head-of-state role, and are managed to align with Ireland's non-militaristic traditions while affirming governmental primacy in domestic and international representations.List of Incumbents
Presidents of the Executive Council (1922–1937)
The office of President of the Executive Council was created by the Constitution of the Irish Free State, enacted on 6 December 1922, serving as the head of the Executive Council equivalent to a prime minister under the Governor-General.[74] William Thomas Cosgrave (1880–1965), leader of the pro-Treaty Cumann na nGaedheal party, was appointed the first President on 6 December 1922 and held the position continuously through three Dáil terms until defeated in the 1932 general election.[74][75] His tenure focused on stabilizing the new state amid the Irish Civil War aftermath and establishing democratic institutions. Éamon de Valera (1882–1975) of Fianna Fáil was elected President by the Dáil on 9 March 1932 following his party's victory in the general election, forming a minority government initially supported by the Labour Party.[76][16] He retained the role through subsequent elections until the 1937 Constitution of Ireland took effect on 29 December 1937, at which point the office was succeeded by that of Taoiseach, with de Valera appointed to the new position.[20] During this period, de Valera pursued policies aimed at reducing British influence, including constitutional amendments and economic protectionism.[76]| No. | Name | Party | Term in office |
|---|---|---|---|
| 1 | William T. Cosgrave | Cumann na nGaedheal | 6 December 1922 – 9 March 1932 |
| 2 | Éamon de Valera | Fianna Fáil | 9 March 1932 – 29 December 1937 |
Taoisigh (1937–Present)
The position of Taoiseach was established by the Constitution of Ireland, which came into effect on 29 December 1937, with Éamon de Valera of Fianna Fáil nominated as the first holder of the office.[77][78] Since then, 16 individuals have served as Taoiseach, with Fianna Fáil leaders holding the office for a cumulative total of approximately 42 years and Fine Gael leaders for about 25 years as of October 2025.[77] The following table lists the Taoisigh from 1937 to the present, including their political party affiliation and exact terms in office:| No. | Name | Party | Time in office |
|---|---|---|---|
| 1 | Éamon de Valera | Fianna Fáil | 29 December 1937 – 18 February 1948 13 June 1951 – 2 June 1954 20 March 1957 – 23 June 1959[78][77] |
| 2 | John A. Costello | Fine Gael | 18 February 1948 – 13 June 1951 2 June 1954 – 20 March 1957[77] |
| 3 | Seán Lemass | Fianna Fáil | 23 June 1959 – 10 November 1966[77] |
| 4 | Jack Lynch | Fianna Fáil | 10 November 1966 – 14 March 1973 5 July 1977 – 30 June 1979[77] |
| 5 | Liam Cosgrave | Fine Gael | 14 March 1973 – 5 July 1977[77] |
| 6 | Charles Haughey | Fianna Fáil | 11 December 1979 – 30 June 1981 9 March 1982 – 1 December 1982 10 March 1987 – 26 June 1992[77] |
| 7 | Garret FitzGerald | Fine Gael | 30 June 1981 – 9 March 1982 14 December 1982 – 20 January 1987[77] |
| 8 | Albert Reynolds | Fianna Fáil | 11 February 1992 – 15 December 1994[77] |
| 9 | John Bruton | Fine Gael | 15 December 1994 – 26 June 1997[77] |
| 10 | Bertie Ahern | Fianna Fáil | 26 June 1997 – 7 May 2008[77] |
| 11 | Brian Cowen | Fianna Fáil | 7 May 2008 – 9 March 2011[77] |
| 12 | Enda Kenny | Fine Gael | 9 March 2011 – 14 June 2017[77] |
| 13 | Leo Varadkar | Fine Gael | 14 June 2017 – 27 June 2020 17 December 2022 – 9 April 2024[77] |
| 14 | Micheál Martin | Fianna Fáil | 27 June 2020 – 17 December 2022 23 January 2025 – Incumbent[77][79] |
| 15 | Simon Harris | Fine Gael | 10 April 2024 – 23 January 2025[80][79] |
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