The Democratic Union for Revival (Georgian: დემოკრატიული აღორძინების კავშირი, romanized: demok'rat'iuli aghordzinebis k'avshiri), also colloquially known as the Union for Revival or Revival, was a political party in Georgia. The party acquired its current name in 1998, having operated since 1992 under the chairmanship of Aslan Abashidze and the name "Adjaran Union for the Rebirth of Georgia" ("საქართველოს აღორძინების აჭარის კავშირი").

It was the governing party in the Autonomous Republic of Adjara from 1992 to 2004, and was represented in the Parliament of Georgia from 1995 to 2003. The party ceased to exist following the 2004 Adjarian Revolution.

Following the victory of Zviad Gamsakhurdia's Round Table—Free Georgia coalition in the 1990 Georgian Supreme Soviet election, Gamsakhurdia, in order to co-opt a leader from a respected and influential local family in Georgia's Autonomous Republic of Adjara, persuaded the Adjara's Supreme Soviet to appoint Aslan Abashidze as its chairman. Being number 1 of the Round Table's electoral list, Abashidze led the coalition to the victory in the Adjarian Supreme Soviet election in June 1991. However, Abashidze later took advantage of the civil war in the country and turned Adjara into the personal fiefdom, although it remained relatively prosperous enclave in an otherwise rather chaotic country. During the 1991–1992 Georgian coup d'état which ousted Gamsakhurdia from power, Abashidze declared a state of emergency in Adjara, closing its borders and shutting down the Adjarian Supreme Soviet. Abashidze also established his own party, the Union for the Revival. In response to pressure from the Adjarian opposition led by Republican Party of Georgia, Georgia's new leader Eduard Shevardnadze met Aslan Abashidze in the Adjarian capital of Batumi and persuaded him to resume the Supreme Soviet sessions in May 1992. However, the opposition failed to oust Abashidze. While Shevardnadze could easily sway certain members of Adjarian Supreme Soviet against Abashidze, he did not do so. Being brought to power through the coup launched by the militia leaders Jaba Ioseliani and Tengiz Kitovani, Shevardnadze saw Abashidze as an useful counterweight against these warlords.

Abashidze further consolidated his power in August 1992 during the War in Abkhazia, when he appointed a seven-member Presidium of the Adjarian Supreme Soviet, made up of his supporters, and began to rule by decree through this body. The Supreme Soviet, on the other hand, ceased functioning. Abashidze increasingly restricted opposition, but he managed to prevent various paramilitary groups from entering Adjara's territory, and preserved peace through authoritarianism, which brought him considerable popularity.

After the end of Georgia's civil war, Abashidze reached agreement with the Georgian president Eduard Shevardnadze to stay in power. Shevardnadze, who had yet to cement his power in Georgia, ignored Abashidze's authoritarian rule and even appreciated that it brought stability to the region. The central government in Tbilisi had very little say in what went on in Adjara. Abashidze instituted the border control with the rest of Georgia and created armed paramilitaries. Elections in Adjara were not free and fair and Abashidze controlled the media. The Adjarian government became fully dominated by the Abashidze's family clan. Abashidze monopolized control over the port of Batumi and the Sarpi checkpoint, a main passage at the Georgia–Turkey border. He henceforth refused to transfer the tax revenues to the state budget of Georgia. Abashidze used customs revenue for his personal enrichment. This, along with contraband of cigarettes and allegedly also weapons and narcotics, as well as oil refinery in Batumi, brought Abashidze's regime a considerable power and resources.

Despite making Adjara de facto independent from Georgia, Abashidze never asserted separatist ambitions and even presented himself as the guardian of Georgian unity. Adjara is the only autonomous region in the Southern Caucasus which has not been involved in the secessionist conflict with the central government since the dissolution of the Soviet Union. While Adjarians, a subgroup of ethnic Georgians, adopted Islam during the centuries of Ottoman imperial rule over Adjara, which differentiated them from the rest of Georgian subethnicities who adhere to Orthodox Christianity, Adjarians at the same time retained many cultural similarities with Christian Georgians and never developed a separate "Adjarian identity", remaining accepted within the definition of Georgian nation. This provided insufficient base for a strong nationalist or excessively regionalist movement in Adjara. Moreover, a considerable power and resources allowed Abashidze to politically and financially establish a national political role throughout whole Georgia, and the Union for the Revival took part in the nationwide Georgian elections.

Even though Shevardnadze often complained about Abashidze's aggressive autonomous strategy, they had good relationships and supported each other when they needed public support. Following the 1995 Georgian parliamentary election, Abashidze's Union of Democratic Revival formed the parliamentary majority with the Shevardnadze's Union of Citizens of Georgia in the Georgian Parliament. The Revival members became chairs of two parliamentary committees. In September 1996, the Revival and UCG formed a joint electoral bloc for the 1996 Adjarian Supreme Council elections and won 76 seats out of 80 available.

The relations deteriorated in the summer of 1997, initially over the new law on self-government and the appointment of heads of the municipalities in Adjara. Ultimately, the draft law was amended so that the President Shevardnadze would appoint all heads of the municipalities in Georgia except those of Adjara, where Abashidze would appoint his candidates in consultation with the President. Later, in July 1997, several MPs in Georgian parliament defected from the Revival to the new "Mamuli" faction and established close ties with the CUG, which invoked suspicions in Abashidze. He especially mistrusted the CUG's 'reformist faction'. After Eduard Surmanidze, a deputy chairman of parliament from the Revival party defected to the 'reformist wing', Abashidze called for his resignation but was resisted by the UCG. Ultimately, after an exchange of some hostile statements between the parties, the Revival began to boycott the Georgian parliament in April 1998. At this time, Abashidze began to build an opposition coalition around him. In June 1998, a three-day congress of the Revival party with the participation of some opposition parties was held in Batumi, where Abashidze called for broader autonomy for Adjara, including independent control of borders, and spoke against the "autocratic" Georgian government. Using his financial resources, Abashidze attracted various actors disillusioned with Shevardnadze and the CUG into his camp, including the Socialist Party, Georgian Labour Party, the Popular Party, and the Union of Georgian Traditionalists. He also attracted some prominent individuals, such as former head of the Georgian National Bank Nodar Javakhishvili, former deputy Prosecutor Vakhtang Gvaramia, legal expert Valeri Gelbakhiani, the journalist Giorgi Targamadze and the theatre director Giga Lortkipanidze. For the 1999 Georgian parliamentary election, the Revival united with the Union of Georgian traditionalists, the Socialist Party, and some Zviadists to form a powerful anti-UCG bloc and garnered 25% of the votes.