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First Nations in Alberta
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First Nations in Alberta are a group of people who live in the Canadian province of Alberta. The First Nations are peoples (or nations) recognized as Indigenous peoples in Canada, excluding the Inuit and the Métis. According to the 2011 Census, a population of 116,670 Albertans self-identified as First Nations. Specifically there were 96,730 First Nations people with registered Indian Status[1] and 19,945 First Nations people without registered Indian Status.[2] Alberta has the third largest First Nations population among the provinces and territories (after Ontario and British Columbia).[2] From this total population, 47.3% of the population lives on an Indian reserve and the other 52.7% live in urban centres.[2] According to the 2011 Census, the First Nations population in Edmonton (the provincial capital) totalled at 31,780, which is the second highest for any city in Canada (after Winnipeg).[3] The First Nations population in Calgary, in reference to the 2011 Census, totalled at 17,040.[3] There are 45 First Nations or "bands"[4] in Alberta (in the sense of governments made up of a council and a chief), belonging to nine different ethnic groups or "tribes" based on their ancestral languages.[5]
Classifications
[edit]There are a variety of ways of classifying the various First Nations groups in Alberta. In anthropological terms there are two broad cultural groupings in Alberta based on different climatic/ecological regions and the ways of life adapted to those regions. In the northern part of the province the Subarctic peoples relied on boreal species such as moose, woodland caribou, etc. as their main prey animals,[6] extensively practised ice fishing, and utilized canoes, snowshoes, and toboggans for transportation. The Plains Indians of the south lived primarily in a prairie grasslands environment (but with access as well to the nearby Rocky Mountains) and relied on the plains bison (or "buffalo") as their major food source and used the travois for transportation. Peoples in the central, aspen parkland belt of Alberta practiced hybrid cultures with features of both the aforementioned groups.
At the time of contact with Euro-Canadian observers, all of the indigenous peoples in Alberta belonged to several overlapping groups: lodges, bands, tribes, and confederacies. The smallest unit was the lodge, which is what observers called an extended family or any other group living in the same dwelling such as a teepee or wigwam. Several lodges living together formed a band. Bands were highly mobile small groups consisting of a respected (male) leader sometimes called a chief, possibly his extended family, and other unrelated families. The band was a fundamental unit of organization, as a band was large enough to defend itself and engage in communal hunts, yet small enough to be mobile and to make decisions by consensus (leaders had only charismatic authority and no coercive power). Lodges and individuals were free to leave bands, and bands regularly split in two or merged with another, yet no one would want to be without the protection of living in a band for very long. Bands among the Peigan people in southern Alberta ranged in size from 10 to 30 lodges, or about 80 to 240 persons.[7] One band, the Peeaysees, disappeared after 1911 when they were dismissed from Treaty 6 for their involvement in the Northwest Rebellion.
By contrast, a tribe is an ethnic affiliation. A tribe is a group of people who recognize each other as compatriots due to shared language and culture. Bands from the same tribe, speaking the same language, usually relied on each other as allies against outsiders, but in Alberta tribes were not institutionalized, and decision making consisted of leaders from various bands meeting together in council to reach consensus. There are approximately nine indigenous ethnic or tribal groups in Alberta in the twenty-first century, depending on how they are counted. They are the Beaver / Daneẕaa, Blackfoot / Niitsítapi, Chipewyan / Denésoliné, Plains Cree / Paskwāwiyiniwak, Sarcee / Tsuu T'ina, Saulteaux (Plains Ojibwa) / Nakawē, Slavey / Dene Tha', Stoney / Nakoda, and the Woodland Cree / Sakāwithiniwak. Within these boundaries there is much fluidity, however, as intermarriages and bilingual bands were once very common. Scholar Neal McLeod points out that bands were loose, temporary groupings which were often polyethnic and multilingual, so that most mentions of "the Cree" by historians of previous decades actually refer to mixed Cree-Assiniboine-Saulteax groups. As well the smallpox outbreak of 1780–1781 and the whooping cough outbreak of 1819–1820 decimated many bands, forcing them to merge with neighbours.[8]
Anthropologists and others often group peoples together based on which language family their ancestral language is from, as peoples with related languages often also have cultural similarities. All of the groups presently represented in Alberta belong to one of three large language families, and are related to other languages across the continent. These are the Algonquian (Blackfoot, Cree, and Saulteaux), the Athabaskan or Dene (Beaver, Chipewyan, Slavey, and Sarcee), and the Siouan (Stoney) families.[9] The list of tribal groups in Alberta is not fixed and is based on differing interpretations of what constitutes a "tribe". The Blackfoot people consist of three dialect groups who were close allies, the Siksika, Piikani, and the Kainai; they are sometimes considered separate tribes or nations in their own right. The largest First Nations cultural group by population in Alberta is the Cree, if the Woodlands Cree and Plains Cree are counted together. Thirty-two First Nations bands in Alberta are affiliated with Cree culture and are related to other Cree peoples across Canada as far east as Labrador. The Woodland Cree practised a Subarctic culture, and the Plains Cree a Plains culture and they spoke different but related dialects of the Cree language. Several peoples in Alberta fall under the term Dene, which is a name used by many related peoples in the Northwest Territories. In Alberta this includes the Beaver, Chipewyan, Slavey, and Sarcee. All Dene peoples share similar spiritual beliefs and social organization, but the Sarcee people are a Plains people, while the others are Subarctic. The Stoney people are related to the Assiniboine and Sioux and may be considered a branch of either of those groups. The Stoney themselves are divided into Woodlands (Paul and Alexis bands) and Plains sections (Bearspaw, Chiniki, and Welsey bands). The Saulteaux people are represented by only one band in Alberta, the O'Chiese First Nation. There many other Saulteaux bands in Saskatchewan and Manitoba, however, and the Saulteaux themselves a branch of the larger Ojibwe and Anishinaabe groups. Besides all of these groups, there are also non-Status Indians of mixed Cree-Iroquois origin living in Hinton-Grande Cache region of the Rocky Mountains and foothills. They are represented by the Aseniwuche Winewak Nation of Canada, which is a non-for-profit society and not a band under the Indian Act.[9]
Other tribes are known to have inhabited Alberta in the past. The Cluny Earthlodge Village at Blackfoot Crossing is a unique-in-Canada example of a permanent fortified village of earthlodges probably built around 1740 CE by Hidatsa or Mandan peoples.[10][11] The Assiniboine people lived in Alberta at the time of European contact, and it is thought that the Stoney people who still live in the province began as a branch of the Assiniboine.[12] Early accounts by European explorers suggest that the Eastern Shoshone are thought to have lived in Alberta before being displaced by in Blackfoot by 1787.[13] The Gros Ventres were reported living in two north-south tribal groups; one, the so-called Fall Indians (Canadian or northern group) of 260 lodges (≈2,500 population) traded with the North West Company on the Saskatchewan River and roamed between the Missouri and Bow Rivers. They were active in southern Alberta through the late 1800s, but were based near present-day Fort Belknap, Montana by 1862 when Jesuit missionaries arrived there. The U.S. and Canadian governments sought to keep nomadic peoples from crossing the border, and the Americans opened an Indian agency to supply the Gros Ventre with aid at Fort Belknap first from 1871-1876, and permanently in 1878, with a reservation there being established in 1881. The Kutenai migrated westwards out of Alberta, possibly in the early eighteenth century, but still occasionally ventured into the Bow River region to hunt bison by the time of European contact.[14] As well, people from other ethnic groups, such the Métis and Iroquois occasionally intermarried with local peoples and were adopted into existing bands or created their own new bands of mixed heritage. An example is the Michel Band from the Calahoo area, many of whom are descended from William Callihoo, an Iroquois or Métis fur trader from the east who married one or more local Cree women and founded the band.[15]
Plains peoples were able to congregate into larger communities often when following large buffalo herds and had more complex political structures than Subarctic peoples who had to remain dispersed to find enough food (even centuries later there are more First Nations band governments in the north, but the fewer southern communities are much more populous).[6] A group of bands united into a semi-permanent alliance for common defence was called a confederacy by non-Native observers. Such confederacies were often multi-ethnic in that they included bands from a number of tribes. The two key confederacies in what later became central and southern Alberta during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries were the Blackfoot Confederacy (consisting of bands from the Piegan, Kainai, Sikisika nations, later joined by the Tsuu T'ina and, for a time, Gros Ventre) and the Iron Confederacy (bands of Plains Cree, Assiniboine, and Saulteaux, and Stoney). Initially on friendly terms, these two grouping eventually become long-term enemies (the Battle River was named for conflict between the two groups that happened near it approximately 1810, around the beginning of their hostilities[16]) until the Battle of the Belly River on October 25, 1870 near present-day Lethbridge.[17]
When Canada acquired a claim in what is now Alberta in 1870, a process of treaty-making began. The federal government negotiated with various chiefs and councils made up of groups of allied bands. But each band was free to sign or not sign a treaty. There are three main treaties affecting Alberta. Treaty 6 is between Canada and the Plains Cree and allied bands, with the main signings occurring from 1876 to 1879 with many later additions, and covers the area of central Alberta. Treaty 7 involves the member tribes of Blackfoot Confederacy as well as the Stoney and was signed in 1877 and covers southern Alberta. Treaty 8 involves the Woods Cree, Beaver, and Chipweyan, was signed in 1899 and covers northern Alberta. Under the terms of these treaties, more southerly bands accepted the presence of Canadian settlers on their lands in exchange for emergency and ongoing aid to deal with the starvation being experienced by the plains people due to the disappearance of the bison herds. Northern bands did not face agricultural settlement (to the same extent), but instead mining and lumber companies wanted access to their lands. In both cases Indian reserves were to be created where First Nations were expected to settle (meaning to end the nomadic hunting lifestyle) perhaps to begin farming, but certainly to be accessible to the authorities such as the Indian agents, North-West Mounted Police, and Christian missionaries. Not all bands were equally reconciled to the ideas of the treaties, however. Piapot's band signed into a treaty but refused to choose a site for a reserve, preferring to remain nomadic. The "Battle River Crees" under the leadership of Big Bear and Little Pine refused to sign altogether.[18] Under the reserve system, each band is attached to one or more reserves. The band has a list of members, part of the nationwide Indian Register, and these members are eligible to live on reserve and receive treaty benefits. The band is now considered the fundamental unit of governance under the Indian Act, first passed in 1876 and still in force with modifications. Modern band governments are the legal successors to the bands that signed the treaties. In the case of the Blackfoot Confederacy, each dialect group is considered a "band" (government) though they historically comprised many hunting bands, while in other cases band governments are direct successors to much smaller historic hunting bands, many of less than 100 people.
As of 2013[update] there were 48 band governments with their own councils and chiefs. For the purposes of the Indian Act, however, the federal government lists 45 separate band governments: the Saddle Lake First Nation and the Whitefish Lake (Goodfish) Nation are administered separately but considered one band,[19] likewise the Chiniki, Wesley, and Bearspaw First Nations have separate administrations but for the purposes of the Indian Act are one band government called the Stoney Nakoda Nation.[20][21] The above count also does not include bands headquartered in other provinces with reserves that are partially in Alberta, such as the Onion Lake Cree Nation of Saskatchewan. Band names and sizes, and well as reserve sizes are not static and have continued to change since the signing of the treaties. The newest First Nation band in Alberta is the Peerless Trout First Nation, which was created in 2010 as a separation from the Bigstone Cree Nation as part of a land claims agreement with the federal government.[22]
Tribal and regional organizations
[edit]Bands can pool their resources by creating regional councils (often called "Tribal Councils" though they may not represent a tribe in the usual sense) and treaty councils related to one of the three treaties dealing with Alberta. Alberta bands are members of the Athabasca Tribal Council, Confederacy of Treaty 6 First Nations, Four Nations Administration, Kee Tas Kee Now Tribal Council, Lesser Slave Lake Indian Regional Council, North Peace Tribal Council, Treaty 8 First Nations of Alberta, Treaty 7 Management Corporation, Western Cree Tribal Council, and Yellowhead Tribal Council.[9][23]
Demographics
[edit]Knowledge of language
[edit]
Indigenous organizations and services
[edit]Agencies are grouped by sectors, including arts and culture, business and economic development, communications and media, education, employment services, family services, friendship centres, health, healing and social services, housing services, legal services, urban organizations, women’s organizations, and youth organizations.[23]
First Nations in Alberta (2019)
[edit]See also
[edit]References
[edit]Footnotes
[edit]- ^ "Registered or Treaty Indian status - National Household Survey (NHS) Dictionary". www12.statcan.gc.ca. Retrieved 2018-10-31.
- ^ a b c "Table 3 Distribution of First Nations people, First Nations people with and without registered Indian status, and First Nations people with registered Indian status living on or off reserve, Canada, provinces and territories, 2011". www12.statcan.gc.ca. Retrieved 2018-10-31.
- ^ a b "Figure 1 Ten census metropolitan areas and census agglomerations with the largest Métis populations, 2011". www12.statcan.gc.ca. Retrieved 2018-10-31.
- ^ "First Nations in Alberta". sac-isc.gc.ca. Retrieved 2024-07-30.
- ^ Aboriginal Peoples of Alberta 2013, p. 14.
- ^ a b Aboriginal Peoples of Alberta 2013, p. 12.
- ^ "Blackfoot History". Head Smashed In Buffalo Jump. Alberta Culture. May 22, 2012. Archived from the original on September 3, 2012. Retrieved December 11, 2012.
The basic social unit of the Blackfoot, above the family, was the band. Bands among the Peigan varied from about 10 to 30 lodges, or about 80 to 240 persons. Such bands were large enough to defend themselves against attack and to undertake small communal hunts. The band was a residential group rather than a kin group; it consisted of a respected leader, possibly his brothers and parents, and others who need not be related. A person could leave a band and freely join another. Thus, disputes could be settled easily by simply moving to another band. As well, should a band fall upon hard times due to the loss of its leader or a failure in hunting, its members could split–up and join other bands. The system maximized flexibility and was an ideal organization for a hunting people on the Northwestern Plains. Leadership of a band was based on consensus; that is, the leader was chosen because all people recognized his qualities. Such a leader lacked coercive authority over his followers; he led only so long as his followers were willing to be led by him. A leader needed to be a good warrior, but, most importantly, he had to be generous. Upon the death of a leader, if there was no one to replace him, the band might break up. Bands were constantly forming and breaking–up.
- ^ McLead, Neal. (2000), "Plains Cree Identity: Borderlands, Ambiguous Genealogies and Narrative Irony" (PDF), The Canadian Journal of Native Studies, vol. XX, no. 2, archived from the original (PDF) on 2014-10-14, retrieved 2013-04-18
- ^ a b c Aboriginal Peoples of Alberta 2013, pp. 18–26.
- ^ "Blackfoot Crossing National Historic Site of Canada". Parks Canada. Archived from the original on June 5, 2011. Retrieved October 6, 2010.
- ^ "Earth Lodge Village". Blackfoot Crossing Historical Park. Blackfoot Crossing. Archived from the original on July 22, 2014. Retrieved April 7, 2014.
- ^ The History of the Assiniboine and Sioux Tribes of the Fort Peck Indian Reservation Joseph R. McGeshick, Dennis Smith, James Shanley, Montana Historical Society., pg 14-19
- ^ "Beyond Borderlands: Discussion: Aftermath". Segonku.unl.edu. Archived from the original on 2013-11-01. Retrieved 2013-12-16.
- ^ Armtsrong, Christopher; Evenden, Matthew; Nelles, H. V. (2009). The River Returns: An Environmental History of the Bow. Montreal: McGill UP. pp. 26–27.
- ^ "Michel Band: Metis Who Left Treaty".
Father Lacombe wrote of the Iroquois at the Michel reserve saying their language was almost extinct, replaced by Cree or French
- ^ The Beaver Hills Country: A History of Land and Life, Graham A. MacDonald, 2009, Athabasca University Press, p 17.
- ^ "Suffering (1870s)". The Story of Treaty Six. Living Sky School Division No. 202. Archived from the original on 2014-03-06.
The Blackfoot and the Cree were fighting to gain control of the Cypress Hills boundaries and in the fall of 1870 there was a battle between them called the "Battle of Belly River." Big Bear and Little Pine led the Cree's and attacked a Blood First Nations camp. The next day, well armed Peigans entered the battle and defeated the Cree, approximately 200-400 Crees died in the battle. Eventually the Cree and Blackfoot negotiated peace and access to the Cypress hills." (Dodson 14)
- ^ Michel Hogue, "Disputing the Medicine Line: The Plains Crees and the Canadian-American Border, 1876–1885" Archived 2014-02-23 at the Wayback Machine, Montana The Magazine of Western History, 52 (Winter 2002), Montana Historical Society, pp 2–17.
- ^ "First Nations in Alberta". Aadnc-aandc.gc.ca. 2010-09-15. Retrieved 2014-02-26.
[Note 1] The Saddle Lake First Nation and Whitefish Lake (Goodfish) First Nation are administered separately but are consider one band under the Indian Act
- ^ "First Nations in Alberta". Aadnc-aandc.gc.ca. 2010-09-15. Retrieved 2014-02-26.
- ^ "Harper Government Continues to Invest in First Nation Education". Aadnc-aandc.gc.ca. 2013-03-23. Archived from the original on 2014-04-07. Retrieved 2014-04-01.
The Stoney Tribe, located approximately 60 kilometres west of Calgary, consists of three First Nations: Bearspaw, Chiniki and Wesley.
- ^ "A New Beginning for Bigstone Cree & Peerless Trout First Nations". Aadnc-aandc.gc.ca. 2012-07-09. Retrieved 2014-02-26.
- ^ a b Guide to Aboriginal organizations and services in Alberta. First Nations and Metis Relations. Edmonton, Alberta. 2015. p. 66. ISBN 978-0-7785-9868-8.
{{cite book}}:|work=ignored (help)CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link) - ^ "First Nation Profiles". Indigenous and Northern Affairs Canada. 14 November 2008. Retrieved September 10, 2019.
Sources
[edit]- Metis Settlements and First Nations in Alberta Community Profiles (PDF). Alberta Aboriginal Relations. December 2012. ISBN 978-1-4601-0330-2. Archived from the original (PDF) on March 25, 2013. Retrieved January 2, 2013.
- Aboriginal Peoples of Alberta: Yesterday, Today, and Tomorrow (PDF). Alberta Aboriginal Relations. November 2013. ISBN 978-1-4601-13073. Archived from the original (PDF) on April 3, 2014. Retrieved April 7, 2014.
- "First Nations in Alberta". Aboriginal Affairs and Northern Development Canada. 2010-09-15. Retrieved 2014-02-26.
First Nations in Alberta
View on GrokipediaFirst Nations in Alberta encompass 48 distinct bands of indigenous peoples primarily affiliated with the Cree, Blackfoot Confederacy (including Siksika, Piikani, and Kainai), Dene, Stoney-Nakoda, Tsuut'ina, and other linguistic and cultural groups, who historically occupied the territory prior to European contact and signed Treaties 6, 7, and 8 with the British Crown between 1876 and 1899, thereby ceding large areas of land in exchange for designated reserves, annual payments, farming assistance, and retained rights to hunt, fish, and trap on unoccupied Crown lands. [1] [2] [3] These treaties form the legal foundation for ongoing relations with federal and provincial governments, though interpretations differ, leading to disputes over resource rights and obligations. [4] The reserves associated with these First Nations cover specific land bases allocated under the treaties and managed through band councils operating under the federal Indian Act, with populations residing both on-reserve and off-reserve across Alberta, contributing to the province's total Indigenous population of 284,465 as recorded in the 2021 census, representing 6.8% of Alberta's overall residents. [1] [5] Economically, many communities rely on a combination of treaty annuities, federal transfers, and participation in resource extraction industries such as oil sands development, which has generated revenues for some bands but also sparked controversies over environmental degradation of traditional territories and inadequate consultation processes. [6] Defining characteristics include persistent socio-economic challenges, including elevated rates of poverty, substance abuse, and suicide compared to non-Indigenous Albertans, attributable in part to remote geographies, historical disruptions from residential schools, and governance structures that limit property ownership and economic incentives, as evidenced by empirical data from health and census reports. [7] Notable achievements encompass cultural revitalization efforts, such as language preservation programs for Blackfoot, Cree, and Dene dialects, alongside entrepreneurial ventures where certain bands have leveraged treaty land entitlements for business partnerships in energy and construction, fostering partial self-sufficiency amid broader dependencies on public funding. [1] Ongoing legal actions and negotiations seek clarifications on treaty promises, including education and health equivalency to provincial standards, highlighting tensions between self-determination aspirations and fiscal realities constrained by federal jurisdiction. [4]
Historical Overview
Pre-Contact Societies
Archaeological evidence indicates human occupation in Alberta dating back at least 11,000 years, with Paleo-Indian groups migrating into the region following the retreat of glacial ice around 10,000 BCE, adapting to post-glacial environments through big-game hunting of megafauna such as mammoth and bison.[8][9] By the late prehistoric period, populations remained sparse in the boreal forests, with radiocarbon-dated sites from 135 locations showing sporadic occupations rather than dense settlements, reflecting hunter-gatherer mobility tied to resource availability.[10] These early societies diversified into distinct cultural groups, including Plains-oriented peoples in the south and subarctic woodland groups in the north, each exploiting specific ecological niches without evidence of hierarchical states or large-scale agriculture.[9] The Blackfoot Confederacy, comprising the Siksika, Kainai, and Piikani, dominated the southern Plains, maintaining a nomadic economy centered on communal bison hunts using techniques like drives over cliffs, as evidenced by sites such as Head-Smashed-In Buffalo Jump, occupied for over 5,500 years.[11] Bison provided primary sustenance, hides for tipis and clothing, and bones for tools, with seasonal migrations following herds across vast territories divided into hunting grounds.[12] In contrast, Cree groups occupied transitional woodland-plains areas, with woodland variants relying on moose, beaver, and fish in semi-permanent lodges, while plains subgroups incorporated bison hunting, supported by gathering wild plants and inter-group exchanges.[13] Northern Dene peoples, including Chipewyan subgroups, adapted to subarctic conditions through caribou and moose hunting, fishing in summer lakes, and trapping, using conical lodges and snowshoes for mobility in forested taiga.[14] These economies emphasized sustainable resource management, with no reliance on domestication beyond dog traction for transport.[15] Extensive trade networks linked these societies, as demonstrated by obsidian artifacts sourced from distant volcanic regions like the Obsidian Cliff in Wyoming or local Alberta outcrops, found in Alberta sites and indicating long-distance exchanges of tools and materials predating European contact by millennia.[16] Social organization revolved around kinship-based bands of extended families, typically 20-50 members, governed by consensus in councils rather than chiefs with coercive authority, allowing flexible alliances for hunts or defense while preserving autonomy.[17] Oral traditions and archaeological patterns confirm resilience to environmental shifts, such as the Medieval Warm Period around 1000 CE, through adaptive strategies like diversified foraging.[9]European Contact and Fur Trade Era
The fur trade initiated sustained European contact with First Nations in the Alberta region during the early 1700s, as eastern Indigenous intermediaries like the Cree exchanged furs from western groups for European goods, integrating Alberta-sourced pelts into broader North American networks by the early eighteenth century.[18] Direct European presence intensified in the late 1700s amid rivalry between the Hudson's Bay Company (HBC) and North West Company (NWC), which established fortified posts to secure pelt supplies from local bands.[19] The HBC founded Fort Edmonton in 1795 on the North Saskatchewan River as a key outpost, initially competing with the adjacent NWC's Fort Augustus, both relying on Indigenous trappers for beaver and other furs essential to European hat production.[20] First Nations groups rapidly adopted trade items such as firearms, metal axes, and kettles, enhancing hunting efficiency and craftsmanship while reducing reliance on traditional stone and bone tools, though alcohol's introduction near posts contributed to interpersonal violence and impaired bargaining.[21] [22] A smallpox outbreak originating from eastern trade routes struck in 1781–1782, propagating westward via Cree networks and causing high mortality among unexposed populations in the Saskatchewan River region, with fur traders' journals recording near-total village depopulation in some Cree bands, though overall regional estimates vary below 50% due to incomplete records and survivor migrations.[23] Trade dynamics shifted Indigenous economies from subsistence bison hunting toward specialized trapping, fostering partial dependency as pelt volumes—such as thousands of made beaver equivalents annually from the Saskatchewan district—sustained HBC exports, supplemented by Indigenous labor in fort provisioning and transport.[24] Competition for prime fur territories and gunpowder supplies escalated inter-tribal warfare, notably between the Cree, who allied with eastern traders, and the Blackfoot Confederacy, which leveraged acquired horses and rifles to dominate southern Alberta plains by the early 1800s, reversing earlier Cree expansions.[25] This arms race, fueled by HBC and NWC incentives, intensified raids over buffalo ranges but also enabled Blackfoot control of direct trade routes, yielding mutual gains in goods access alongside demographic pressures from conflict and disease.[22]Treaty Negotiations and Implementation (1876–1899)
Treaty 6 was negotiated and signed on August 23, 1876, at Fort Carlton and on September 9, 1876, at Fort Pitt, between representatives of the Canadian Crown and leaders of the Plains Cree, Woods Cree, Saulteaux, and other bands in the central prairies, including portions of present-day Alberta.[26] The treaty's written text promised reserves of one square mile per family of five, annual annuities of $5 per person (with $25 for chiefs and $15 for headmen), agricultural implements, livestock, ammunition, and a "medicine chest" at agency buildings.[27] A distinctive famine and pestilence clause was added at Indigenous insistence, committing the Crown to provide aid in times of general starvation, reflecting oral discussions where Cree leaders emphasized ongoing support amid the accelerating bison decline that threatened traditional economies.[26] Government commissioners, motivated by the need to secure land for the Canadian Pacific Railway and westward settlement following Confederation, viewed the treaty as a means to facilitate agricultural transition and resource access, though Indigenous oral accounts indicate expectations of perpetual sustenance and shared land use rather than full cession.[4] Treaty 7 followed on September 22, 1877, at Blackfoot Crossing on the Bow River, involving the Blackfoot Confederacy (Siksika, Kainai, and Piikani), Tsuu T'ina, and Stoney Nakoda nations in southern Alberta.[28] The agreement mirrored Treaty 6 in reserving one square mile per family of five, providing annuities of 25 for chiefs, $15 for councillors), farming assistance, and hunting rights "as long as the game may be found," but omitted the famine clause despite Blackfoot leaders raising concerns over bison scarcity during talks.[29] Negotiations proceeded after initial resistance, with chiefs signing following assurances of economic aid to offset declining buffalo herds, which had numbered in the tens of millions pre-contact but plummeted to near extinction by the late 1870s due to overhunting and settlement pressures; the Crown sought unimpeded railway construction and ranching expansion in the region.[28] Treaty 8, signed on June 21, 1899, at Lesser Slave Lake and later adhesions through 1913, encompassed approximately 841,000 square kilometers across northern Alberta, involving Dene, Cree, and other groups, with reserves allotted at one square mile per family of five—or roughly 128 acres per person.[30] Provisions included $5 annuities per person, agricultural tools, schools upon request, and continued hunting, fishing, and trapping rights "so far as they may be required," driven by government imperatives for mineral exploration and railway extension into resource-rich territories amid lingering bison absence.[31] Oral testimonies from Dene leaders highlighted expectations of Crown assistance for livelihoods disrupted by environmental changes, contrasting the written emphasis on reserve-based farming.[31] Implementation began promptly, with annuity payments distributed annually starting in 1877 for Treaties 6 and 7, totaling $5 per individual and scaling for leaders, though logistical delays occurred due to nomadic bands.[26] Reserve surveys commenced in the early 1880s under the Dominion Lands Survey system, allocating lands in Alberta such as the 1.5 million acres initially surveyed for Treaty 6 bands by 1883, prioritizing sites near water and timber while adhering to the family-of-five formula.[32] Agricultural transitions involved issuing seed, plows, and cattle as stipulated, though yields were limited by inexperience and poor soils; school provisions under Treaties 6 and 8 funded day schools from the 1890s, with teachers provided "as the Indians are found to require," marking early shifts toward sedentary life amid unfulfilled oral hopes for broader aid.[31] Discrepancies arose between written texts—stressing self-sufficiency—and oral understandings of mutual obligation, as evidenced in commissioners' notes on Cree demands for famine relief, yet initial records show consent via signatures after deliberation.[26]20th-Century Policies and Transitions
The Indian Act of 1876, as enforced throughout the 20th century, imposed assimilationist measures on First Nations in Alberta, including mandatory attendance at residential schools and the informal pass system that curtailed off-reserve travel. Residential schools, operated primarily from the 1880s to the 1960s with peak enrollment in the 1920s to 1950s, separated over 150,000 Indigenous children nationwide from their families, with significant numbers from Alberta's Treaty 6, 7, and 8 territories attending institutions like the Blue Quills and Old Sun schools.[33] [34] These schools enforced cultural suppression through bans on Indigenous languages, ceremonies, and traditional practices, leading to intergenerational language loss and disrupted family structures among Alberta's Cree, Blackfoot, and other groups.[35] The pass system, implemented administratively after the 1885 North-West Rebellion and persisting into the 1930s or later in Prairie regions including Alberta, required First Nations individuals to obtain permission from Indian agents to leave reserves, ostensibly to maintain order but effectively limiting economic autonomy and social interactions.[36] This restriction compounded the effects of the near-extinction of bison herds by the 1880s, which had previously sustained Plains First Nations economies; the loss shifted communities toward reliance on government rations and welfare, fostering dependency and undermining traditional governance as reserves became isolated enclaves of poverty.[37] Empirical studies link this ecological and policy disruption to persistent income gaps, with bison-dependent nations in the Plains experiencing 25% lower per capita incomes compared to other First Nations into the late 20th century.[38] During and after the Second World War, approximately 3,090 status Indians enlisted in Canadian forces, including many from Alberta, contributing to victories in Europe despite exemptions from conscription under the Indian Act.[39] However, returning veterans faced enfranchisement pressures—mandatory or coerced loss of Indian status to access full citizenship rights, voting, or veterans' benefits—exacerbating autonomy erosion as the Act tied status to treaty rights.[40] This period marked a transitional tension between assimilation and recognition, culminating in the 1969 White Paper under Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau, which proposed abolishing the Indian Act, dissolving reserves, and integrating First Nations as ordinary citizens without special status—a policy rooted in egalitarian rhetoric but criticized for ignoring treaty obligations.[41] Indigenous leaders, including Alberta's Treaty 6 chiefs and the national Indian Association, rejected the proposal through organized opposition, leading to its withdrawal in 1970 and galvanizing self-determination movements.[42] The late 20th century saw a policy pivot toward rights affirmation, with the 1982 Constitution Act entrenching Section 35, which recognizes and affirms existing Aboriginal and treaty rights for First Nations, Inuit, and Métis, providing constitutional protection against unilateral federal assimilation.[43] For Alberta's First Nations, this shifted focus from enforced integration to negotiations over self-government and land claims, though implementation faced delays due to ongoing disputes over treaty interpretations and resource rights.[44] These transitions disrupted traditional authority structures—evident in elevated social issues like substance abuse and family breakdown linked to residential school trauma—but also laid groundwork for legal recourse, as courts began interpreting Section 35 to uphold hunting, fishing, and governance rights integral to Alberta treaties.[45]Demographics and Diversity
Population Statistics and Trends
According to the 2021 Census, Alberta was home to approximately 116,675 people identifying as First Nations, comprising about 3% of the province's total population of 4,262,635.[46] This figure includes both registered and non-registered individuals, reflecting a 6.8% increase from 2016.[46] Population concentrations are highest in urban centers like Edmonton, which hosts a significant off-reserve community, and in rural northern regions proximate to reserves.[5] Roughly 60% of First Nations individuals in Alberta reside off-reserve, with the remainder on-reserve, indicating substantial urban migration and integration patterns.[47] This distribution aligns with national trends where off-reserve living has increased due to economic opportunities and family ties.[48] Higher fertility rates among First Nations, historically approximately double those of non-Indigenous populations, contribute to a pronounced youth bulge, with a median age lower than the provincial average.[49] [50] Projections indicate continued growth for First Nations in Alberta through 2040, outpacing the aging non-Indigenous demographic and potentially elevating their share of the provincial population.[51] This trajectory is supported by sustained higher birth rates and net migration, though fertility convergence toward replacement levels may moderate long-term expansion.[52]Major Linguistic and Cultural Groups
The primary linguistic and cultural groups among First Nations in Alberta are classified into three main language families: Algonquian, Siouan, and Athabaskan. Algonquian languages are the most prevalent, spoken by groups such as the Cree and Blackfoot in southern and central Alberta. The Blackfoot (Niitsitapi), part of the Siksika, Kainai, and Piikani bands, speak a distinct Plains Algonquian dialect historically tied to buffalo-hunting economies and tipis.[53] Cree speakers, divided into Plains Cree (Y-dialect) in the parklands and Woods Cree (TH-dialect) in boreal forests, include bands like the Enoch Cree Nation and Samson Cree Nation, with cultural practices centered on communal hunts and seasonal migrations.[53] [1] Siouan-language groups, such as the Stoney Nakoda (also known as Nakoda or Assiniboin), inhabit the eastern slopes of the Rocky Mountains, with bands like the Bearspaw, Chiniki, and Wesley in the Morley area; their dialect reflects influences from Plains sign language and rock art traditions.[1] Athabaskan (Dene) languages dominate in northern Alberta, encompassing subgroups like the Chipewyan (Dene Suline), Beaver (Dane-zaa), and Slavey, as well as the southern Tsuu T'ina (Sarcee) near Calgary; these groups maintain cultural distinctions in trapping, fish weirs, and matrilineal kinship patterns adapted to subarctic environments.[53] [1] Dene Tha' and Sahtu dialects further diversify northern communities.[53] These groups comprise 48 First Nations bands managing 138 reserves across the province, each preserving unique ethnographic identities through oral histories and ceremonies like the Blackfoot Sun Dance or Dene hand games.[1] [54] Linguistic vitality varies, with Algonquian tongues like Cree and Blackfoot showing higher speaker numbers per the 2021 Census—over 10,000 combined—but declining intergenerational transmission, as fewer than 20% of youth under 25 report fluency in home languages according to vitality assessments.[5] [55] Revitalization efforts focus on dialect preservation amid English dominance.[53]Legal Framework
Numbered Treaties 6, 7, and 8
Treaty 6 was signed on August 23, 1876, at Fort Carlton, and on September 9, 1876, at Fort Pitt, by commissioners representing the Crown and chiefs of Cree and other Plains nations.[27] The treaty encompassed territories in central Alberta and Saskatchewan, with initial signatories including approximately 12 chiefs at Fort Carlton and additional leaders at Fort Pitt, later adhered to by further bands.[27] A distinctive provision, the "medicine chest" clause, required that "a medicine chest shall be kept at the house of each Indian Agent for the use and benefit of the Indians at the direction of such agent," alongside a famine and pestilence clause promising aid in times of need.[27] Treaty 7, executed on September 22, 1877, at Blackfoot Crossing on the Bow River, involved five principal bands of the Blackfoot Confederacy (Blackfoot, Blood, Peigan), along with Sarcee and Tsuu T'ina (Stoney) representatives.[29] Covering southern Alberta, it followed the standard numbered treaty format without incorporating Treaty 6's medicine chest or explicit famine relief commitments.[56] Treaty 8, concluded on June 21, 1899, at Lesser Slave Lake with adhesions through 1900, bound Cree, Beaver (Dane-zaa), Chipewyan, and other northern groups across northern Alberta, British Columbia, and the Northwest Territories; in Alberta alone, it pertains to 16 First Nations communities.[57] Its text reserved "the right to pursue their usual avocations of hunting, trapping and fishing upon the tract of land surrendered... saving and reserving unto the Indians the rights sufficient to allow the Indians to pursue such avocations of hunting and fishing upon the lands surrendered to them... on any other unoccupied Crown lands."[57] Across Treaties 6, 7, and 8, First Nations ceded title to approximately 550,000 square kilometers in Alberta in perpetuity, receiving in return one square mile of reserve land per family of five, an annual annuity of five dollars per person, initial supplies of farming tools, seed, and livestock, and commitments to provide teachers for schools on reserves.[4] These annuities—initially distributed in specie or scrip—have been paid annually without default since 1876, escalating nominally to fifteen dollars for some Treaty 8 adherents by adhesion terms but remaining fixed at five dollars for original signatories.[58] The original documents impose no obligations on the Crown for revenue-sharing from minerals, timber, or other resources developed on surrendered lands.[57]Reserves, Land Base, and Claims
There are 138 First Nations reserves in Alberta, administered by 48 bands and covering a total of approximately 656,660 hectares (6,567 square kilometers or 1,623,000 acres).[54][59] These reserves represent about 1% of Alberta's total land area of 661,190 square kilometers and are situated primarily within the territories defined by Treaties 6, 7, and 8.[60] The land base consists of parcels set aside under the numbered treaties and held in trust by the Crown for the use and benefit of the respective bands, with boundaries often mapped by federal surveys following treaty adherence.[54] The largest reserve by area is Blood No. 148, home to the Kainai Nation (Blood Tribe) in southern Alberta near the Canada–United States border, encompassing over 1,400 square kilometers.[61] Other notable reserves include those of the Siksika Nation east of Calgary and the Enoch Cree Nation No. 135 near Edmonton, though sizes vary significantly, with many smaller reserves under 100 square kilometers.[54] Reserve geography is influenced by historical treaty selections, often favoring river valleys and grasslands suitable for traditional economies like farming and ranching promised under treaty terms. Canada's specific claims policy addresses historical grievances where the Crown failed to fulfill legal obligations under treaties or other instruments, including inadequate reserve allocations or additions. In Alberta, First Nations have advanced claims primarily for reserve expansions or additions to meet growing populations and unfulfilled treaty land quotas, with negotiations ongoing for dozens of such matters as of 2024.[62] Examples include claims related to treaty agricultural benefits, such as unprovided livestock and equipment, which have seen recent settlements but leave residual issues unresolved.[63] Comprehensive claims, which seek recognition of aboriginal title in untreated areas, are rare in Alberta due to the province's near-complete coverage by the numbered treaties. Under the Indian Act, bands may surrender reserve lands or subsurface rights by majority vote for leasing to non-members, enabling revenue from resources like oil and gas while retaining underlying title.[64] In Alberta, several bands have designated portions of reserves for such leases, particularly in resource-rich areas under Treaties 6 and 8, generating funds through royalties aligned with provincial regimes.[65] For instance, the Fort McKay First Nation has pursued oilsands development leases on designated lands as part of treaty land entitlement settlements.[66] These arrangements have prompted community discussions on balancing economic gains with traditional land use.[67]Evolving Rights and Court Rulings
In R. v. Badger (1996), the Supreme Court of Canada upheld the treaty right to hunt for food under Treaty 8, applicable to Alberta First Nations, but affirmed that such rights are subject to reasonable provincial regulations for conservation and public safety, rejecting claims of absolute exemption from licensing.[68] The decision clarified that geographical limitations on hunting apply only where land use is visibly incompatible, such as private farms or settlements, rather than all alienated lands, thereby balancing treaty protections with modern land management needs.[69] The R. v. Marshall ruling (1999), though arising from Atlantic Mi'kmaq treaties, influenced interpretations of numbered treaties in Alberta by recognizing a communal right to pursue a moderate livelihood through fishing or trading, but emphasized that this does not preclude regulatory limits to prevent overexploitation or ensure sustainability.[70] Courts subsequent to Marshall have applied similar principles to Treaty 6, 7, and 8 rights, holding that commercial activities tied to traditional pursuits remain regulable where evidence shows risks to resource stocks or broader public interests.[71] In Mikisew Cree First Nation v. Canada (2005), the Court established a duty to consult Alberta's Mikisew Cree (Treaty 8) before approving developments, such as a winter road through reserve lands, that could adversely affect harvesting rights to hunt, trap, and fish, interpreting treaties as living instruments requiring the honour of the Crown to avoid unjust infringement.[72] This duty arises from knowledge of potential impacts but does not grant veto power, allowing projects to proceed if consultation is meaningful and infringement justified by compelling objectives like economic development. The Tsilhqot'in Nation v. British Columbia decision (2014) set stringent criteria for proving Aboriginal title—requiring sufficient, continuous, and exclusive pre-sovereignty occupation—but explicitly distinguished treaty areas like those in Alberta, where numbered treaties presumptively extinguish such title claims in favor of reserved rights, limiting expansive land ownership assertions.[73] Even where title is recognized outside treaties, the ruling permits justified infringements for provincial priorities, underscoring empirical evidence over speculative historical narratives. Section 35 of the Constitution Act, 1982, constitutionally entrenches pre-existing treaty rights without expanding or creating new ones, subjecting interpretations to the honour of the Crown while imposing fiscal and practical restraints against readings implying unlimited obligations on public resources. Subsequent cases have rejected absolutist claims, prioritizing verifiable treaty terms and state capacity to regulate for societal needs, as expansive fiscal demands lack textual or historical support in Alberta's treaties.[44]Governance and Organizations
Band and Tribal Structures
Alberta hosts 48 First Nations bands, organized primarily under the frameworks of Treaties 6, 7, and 8, which serve as administrative umbrellas for collective representation and resource allocation.[74] These bands function as the primary governance units under the Indian Act, each comprising a chief elected by eligible band members and a council of councillors responsible for local decision-making on matters such as membership, land use, and community programs. Band structures emphasize localized authority, with chiefs and councils deriving powers from federal legislation while navigating treaty obligations. Tribal councils and associations supplement band-level administration by delivering shared services, including technical support, economic development coordination, and policy advocacy. For instance, the Treaty 7 Management Corporation assists bands in Treaty 7 territory with administrative efficiencies, capacity building, and joint initiatives in health and education.[75] Similar entities, such as the Athabasca Tribal Council, facilitate collaboration among multiple bands for regional service delivery and dispute resolution.[76] These voluntary groupings, often treaty-based, enable economies of scale without supplanting individual band sovereignty.[77] Band leadership elections occur under Indian Act provisions or custom codes, with default terms of two years for chiefs and councillors, though many Alberta bands have adopted four-year cycles through the First Nations Elections Act or band-specific bylaws to promote stability.[78] [79] Electoral processes involve community-wide voting by members aged 18 and older, managed by appointed officers, and focus on accountability through regular leadership renewal. Voter participation exhibits variability across bands, reflecting factors like community size and remoteness, though specific turnout metrics remain inconsistently reported at the provincial level.[80] Provincially, treaty-area organizations like the Treaty 7 First Nations Chiefs' Association coordinate advocacy on shared interests, interfacing with Alberta government bodies on policy and funding.[75] These structures foster inter-band cooperation while preserving the Indian Act's band-centric model as the foundational administrative layer.[81]Self-Government Initiatives and Challenges
First Nations in Alberta have pursued self-government primarily through federal negotiation processes aimed at devolving authority over internal affairs, such as citizenship, elections, and resource management, but comprehensive agreements remain rare. As of 2024, Canada has ratified 25 self-government agreements covering 43 Indigenous communities nationwide, yet none involve Alberta First Nations in a full, standalone capacity; most Alberta bands operate under the Indian Act's band council framework with limited customizations.[82][83] This contrasts with sector-specific arrangements, like education agreements affecting 35 First Nations communities, but these do not extend to broad governance autonomy.[82] Incremental initiatives include bands adopting custom bylaws and election codes under section 81 of the Indian Act, enabling localized rules on matters like taxation, zoning, and leadership selection. For example, custom election systems allow communities to extend council terms beyond the Indian Act's two-year limit and tailor eligibility criteria, with several Alberta First Nations, such as those in Treaty 6 territories, implementing such codes to address perceived flaws in federal standards.[84] However, adoption requires band member approval via referendum, and while successes exist—such as customized processes reducing electoral disputes—many proposals fail due to low turnout or internal divisions, with critics noting that custom codes can enable elite entrenchment through vague residency rules or short-notice voting.[85][86] Notable stalled efforts include the Tsuu T'ina Nation's negotiations for a self-government agreement, initiated under federal processes to assume control over lands and services beyond Treaty 7 obligations, but these have not advanced to ratification as of 2025, hampered by unresolved fiscal and jurisdictional disputes.[87] Across Alberta's 48 First Nations, fewer than 10% have progressed to advanced self-government models, reflecting broader patterns where only a fraction escape Indian Act dependency.[1] Key challenges stem from institutional capacity gaps, including insufficient trained administrators and financial expertise, often traced to decades of underinvestment in governance skills under federal trusteeship.[88] Federal funding, channeled through Indigenous Services Canada, is frequently conditioned on adherence to departmental compliance standards, creating disincentives for deviation and perpetuating oversight that vitiates devolution—band councils must seek ministerial approval for bylaws, limiting true sovereignty.[89][90] Evaluations of self-government impacts highlight renewed community pride in successful cases but underscore persistent barriers like intergovernmental jurisdictional conflicts and the high administrative burden of negotiating fiscal transfers, contributing to negotiation fatigue and low completion rates.[91]Economic Realities
Employment, Income, and Poverty Metrics
In Alberta, First Nations individuals face substantial disparities in employment metrics compared to the provincial average. Data from the 2021 Census indicate an unemployment rate for First Nations people living on reserve nationally at 23%, far exceeding the non-Indigenous rate of 6%; provincial patterns mirror this gap, with off-reserve First Nations unemployment reaching approximately 15% amid broader Indigenous labour force challenges.[92][93] Participation rates remain lower, particularly on reserves, where structural barriers limit market integration despite a youthful population driving demographic growth.[94] Median employment incomes underscore these gaps, with First Nations on reserve earning $30,600 annually, off-reserve Registered Indians $37,900, versus $47,200 for non-Indigenous Albertans aged 25-64.[48] Off-reserve residence correlates with modest improvements, yet persistent skill mismatches and youth underemployment hinder full convergence, as a higher dependency ratio—52.2 for Indigenous versus 49.5 non-Indigenous—amplifies pressures on working-age earners.[48][94] Poverty metrics reveal acute on-reserve vulnerabilities, with rates for registered First Nations children at 35.8%, over three times the provincial average; overall low-income prevalence among First Nations exceeds 20% nationally, with Alberta's reserve communities experiencing similar or heightened levels due to limited local opportunities.[95] Households on reserve show elevated reliance on income assistance, contributing to cycles of dependency, though exact provincial figures for Indigenous welfare caseloads remain underreported relative to non-Indigenous rates below 5%.[96] These indicators highlight the need for enhanced labour market attachment to bridge persistent economic divides.[97]| Metric | First Nations On-Reserve (Alberta/National Proxy) | Off-Reserve First Nations | Non-Indigenous Alberta |
|---|---|---|---|
| Unemployment Rate (2021) | ~23% | ~15% | ~7-9% |
| Median Employment Income (2021, ages 25-64) | $30,600 | $37,900 | $47,200 |
| Child Poverty Rate | 35.8% | Lower but elevated | Provincial avg. ~10% |