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Languages of Canada
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Languages of Canada
OfficialEnglish and French
Semi-officialNorthwest Territories: Cree, Dënësųłıné, Dene Yatıé/Zhatıé, Gwich’in, Inuinnaqtun, Inuktitut, Inuvialuktun, Sahtúgot’įné Yatı̨́ / Shíhgot’įne Yatı̨́ / K’ashógot’įne Goxedǝ́, Tłįchǫ Yatıì
Nova Scotia: Mi'kmawi'simk[nb 1]
Nunavut: Inuktut (Inuinnaqtun, Inuktitut)
Indigenous(by language family) Algic (22), Inuit (13), Iroquoian (7) Na-Dene (24), Plains Sign (2), Plateau Sign (2), Salishan (17), Siouan (3), Tsimshian (4), Wakashan (6), Isolates (3: Haida, Inuit Sign Language, Ktunaxa)
Regional
VernacularCanadian English, Canadian French, Bungi, Chinook Jargon
Minority
SignedSigned English, Signed French;
Keyboard layout
QWERTY
US English

Canadian French

Canadian Multilingual Standard (rare)

Inuktitut Naqittaut

A multitude of languages have always been spoken in Canada. Prior to Confederation, the territories that would become Canada were home to over 70 distinct languages across 12 or so language families. Today, a majority of those indigenous languages are still spoken; however, most are endangered and only about 0.6% of the Canadian population report an indigenous language as their mother tongue.[nb 2] Since the establishment of the Canadian state, English and French have been the co-official languages and are, by far, the most-spoken languages in the country.

According to the 2021 census, English and French are the mother tongues of 56.6% and 20.2% of Canadians respectively.[4] According to the 2016 census, a total of 86.2% of Canadians could conduct a conversation in English, while 29.8% could conduct a conversation in French.[5] Under the Official Languages Act of 1969, both English and French have official status throughout Canada in respect of federal government services and most courts. All federal legislation is enacted bilingually. Provincially, only in New Brunswick are both English and French official to the same extent. French is Quebec's official language,[6] although legislation is enacted in both French and English and court proceedings may be conducted in either language. English is the official language of Ontario, Manitoba and Alberta, but government services are available in French in many regions of each, particularly in regions and cities where Francophones form the majority. Legislation is enacted in both languages and courts conduct cases in both. In 2022, Nova Scotia recognized Mi'kmawi'simk as the first language of the province,[1][2] and maintains two provincial language secretariats: the Office of Acadian Affairs and Francophonie (French language) and the Office of Gaelic Affairs (Canadian Gaelic). The remaining provinces (British Columbia, Saskatchewan, Prince Edward Island, and Newfoundland and Labrador) do not have an official provincial language per se but government is primarily English-speaking. Territorially, both the Northwest Territories and Nunavut have official indigenous languages alongside French and English: Inuktut (Inuktitut and Inuinnaqtun) in Nunavut[7] and, in the NWT, nine others (Cree, Dënësųłıné, Dene Yatıé/Zhatıé,[nb 3] Gwich’in, Inuinnaqtun, Inuktitut, Inuvialuktun, Sahtúgot’įné Yatı̨́ / Shíhgot’įne Yatı̨́ / K’ashógot’įne Goxedǝ́,[nb 3] and Tłįchǫ Yatıì).[9]

Canada's official languages commissioner (the federal government official charged with monitoring the two languages) said in 2009, "[I]n the same way that race is at the core of what it means to be American and at the core of an American experience and class is at the core of British experience, I think that language is at the core of Canadian experience."[10] To assist in more accurately monitoring the two official languages, Canada's census collects a number of demolinguistic descriptors not enumerated in the censuses of most other countries, including home language, mother tongue, first official language, and language of work.

Canada's linguistic diversity extends beyond English, French and numerous indigenous languages. "In Canada, 4.7 million people (14.2% of the population) reported speaking a language other than English or French most often at home and 1.9 million people (5.8%) reported speaking such a language on a regular basis as a second language (in addition to their main home language, English or French). In all, 20.0% of Canada's population reported speaking a language other than English or French at home. For roughly 6.4 million people, the other language was an immigrant language, spoken most often or on a regular basis at home, alone or together with English or French whereas for more than 213,000 people, the other language was an indigenous language. Finally, the number of people reporting sign languages as the languages spoken at home was nearly 25,000 people (15,000 most often and 9,800 on a regular basis)."[nb 4]

The two official languages

[edit]

Home language: rates of language use 1971–2011

[edit]
Languages – Statistics Canada[12]

The percentage of the population speaking English, French or both languages most often at home has declined since 1986; the decline has been greatest for French. The proportion of the population who speak neither English nor French in the home has increased. Geographically, this trend remains constant, as usage of English and French have declined in both English and French speaking regions of the country, but French has declined more rapidly both inside and outside Quebec. The table below shows the percentage of the total Canadian population who speak Canada's official languages most often at home from 1971 to 2006.[13] Note that there are nuances between "language most spoken at home", "mother-language" and "first official language": data is collected for all three, which together provide a more detailed and complete picture of language-use in Canada.

Use of English

[edit]

In 2011, just under 21.5 million Canadians, representing 65% of the population, spoke English most of the time at home, while 58% declared it their mother language.[14] English is the major language everywhere in Canada except Quebec and Nunavut, and most Canadians (85%) can speak English.[15] While English is not the preferred language in Quebec, 36.1% of Québécois can speak English.[16] Nationally, Francophones are five times more likely to speak English than Anglophones are to speak French – 44% and 9% respectively.[17] Only 3.2% of Canada's English-speaking population resides in Quebec—mostly in Montreal.[nb 5]

In 2011, 28.4 million Canadians had knowledge of English while only 21.6 million Canadians spoke it most often at home.[18][19]

Use of French

[edit]

In 2011, just over 7.1 million Canadians spoke French most often at home, this was a rise of 4.2%, although the proportion of people in Canada who spoke French "most often" at home fell slightly from 21.7% to 21.5% . Of these, about 6.1 million or 85% resided in Quebec.[20] Outside Quebec, the largest French-speaking populations are found in New Brunswick (which is home to 3.1% of Canada's Francophones) and Ontario (4.2%, residing primarily in the eastern and northeastern parts of the province and in Toronto and Ottawa). Overall, 22% of people in Canada declare French to be their mother language, while one in three Canadians speak French and 70% are unilingual Anglophones.[nb 6] Smaller indigenous French-speaking communities exist in some other provinces.[21] For example, a vestigial community exists on Newfoundland's Port au Port Peninsula, a remnant of the "French Shore" along the island's west coast.

The percentage of the population who speak French both by mother tongue and home language has decreased over the past three decades. Whereas the number of those who speak English at home is higher than the number of people whose mother tongue is English, the opposite is true for Francophones. There are fewer people who speak French at home, than learned French after birth.[22]

Ethnic diversity is growing in French Canada but still lags behind the English-speaking parts of the country. In 2006, 91.5% of Quebecers considered themselves to be of either "French" or "Canadian" origin. As a result of the growth in immigration, since the 1970s, from countries in which French is a widely used language, 3.4% of Quebecers indicated that they were of Haitian, Belgian, Swiss, Lebanese or Moroccan origin.[23] Other groups of non-francophone immigrants (Irish Catholics, Italian, Portuguese, etc.) have also assimilated into French over the generations. The Irish, who started arriving in large numbers in Quebec in the 1830s, were the first such group, which explains why it has been possible for Quebec to have had five premiers of Irish ethnic origin: John Jones Ross (1884–87), Edmund James Flynn (1896–97), Daniel Johnson Sr. (1966–68), Pierre-Marc Johnson (1985), and Daniel Johnson Jr. (1994).

In 1991, due to linguistic assimilation of Francophones outside Quebec, over one million Canadians who claimed English as their mother tongue were of French ethnic origin (1991 Census).

Bilingualism and multilingualism versus English–French bilingualism

[edit]

According to the 2011 census, 98.2% of Canadian residents have knowledge of one or both of the country's two official languages,[15] Between 2006 and 2011, the number of persons who reported being able to conduct a conversation in both of Canada's official languages increased by nearly 350,000 to 5.8 million. The bilingualism rate of the Canadian population edged up from 17.4% in 2006 to 17.5% in 2011.[11] This growth of English-French bilingualism in Canada was mainly due to the increased number of Quebecers who reported being able to conduct a conversation in English and French.[11]

Bilingualism with regard to nonofficial languages also increased, most individuals speaking English plus an immigrant language such as Punjabi or Mandarin.[26]

Geographic distribution of English–French bilingualism

[edit]

According to the 2011 census, 94.3% of Quebecers have knowledge of French, and 47.2% have knowledge of English.[15] Bilingualism (of the two official languages) is largely limited to Quebec itself, and to a strip of territory sometimes referred to as the "bilingual belt", that stretches east from Quebec into northern New Brunswick and west into parts of Ottawa and northeastern Ontario. 85% of bilingual Canadians live within Quebec, Ontario and New Brunswick.[15] A majority of all bilingual Canadians, (57.4%) are themselves Quebecers,[15] and a high percentage of the bilingual population in the rest of Canada resides in close proximity to the Quebec border.

Similarly, the rate of bilingualism in Quebec has risen higher, and more quickly than in the rest of Canada. In Quebec, the rate of bilingualism has increased from 26% of the population being able to speak English and French in 1951 to 42.5% in 2011.[15] As of 2011, in the rest of Canada (excluding Quebec) the rate of bilingualism was 7.5%.[15]

English–French bilingualism rates

[edit]

English–French bilingualism is highest among members of local linguistic minorities. It is very uncommon for Canadians to be capable of speaking only the minority official language of their region (French outside Quebec or English in Quebec). Only 1.5% of Canadians are able to speak only the minority official language, and of these most (90%) live in the bilingual belt.[52]

As the table below shows, rates of bilingualism are much higher among individuals who belong to the linguistic minority group for their region of Canada, than among members of the local linguistic majority. For example, within Quebec around 37% of bilingual Canadians are Francophones, whereas Francophones only represent 4.5% of the population outside Quebec.[53]

Rates of French-English bilingualism among linguistic groups.[54]
Anglophones Francophones Allophones
Quebec 66.1% 36.6% 50.4%
Rest of Canada 7.1% 85.1% 5.7%

Official language minority communities

[edit]

French-speaking Canadians from outside Quebec and English-speaking Quebecers are, together, the official language minority communities. These communities are:

French outside Quebec

[edit]

The language continuity index represents the relationship between the number of people who speak French most often at home and the number for whom French is their mother tongue. A continuity index of less than one indicates that French has more losses than gains – that more people with French as a mother tongue speak another language at home. Outside Quebec, New Brunswick has the highest French language continuity ratio. British Columbia and Saskatchewan have the lowest French language continuity ratio and thus the lowest retention of French. From 1971 to 2011, the overall ratio for French language continuity outside Quebec declined from 0.73 to 0.45. Declines were the greatest for Manitoba, Saskatchewan, and Newfoundland.

Non-official languages used in Canada

[edit]

Indigenous languages

[edit]
Indigenous language speakers in Canada-3

Canada is home to a rich variety of indigenous languages, most of which are spoken nowhere else. There are 14 indigenous language groups in Canada with about 100 distinct languages and dialects, including many sign languages.[63] Almost all indigenous languages in Canada are considered endangered, with the exception of Inuktitut, Inuinnaqtun, and the Cree varieties Naskapi, Atikamekw, East Cree, and Plains Cree.[64] Prior to colonization, multilingualism was common across indigenous nations, many of whom often seasonally migrated. However, the reserve system created more permanent stationary bands, which have generally selected only one of their various ancestral languages to try to preserve in the face of increasing Anglicization, Francization,[65] or Amslanization (the process by which American Sign Language replaces local sign languages).[66] In addition, the residential school system attempted to institutionally exterminate languages and cultures from coast to coast to coast. The cruel methods (such as physical and sexual abuse, as well as death rates as high as one in twenty children[67]) resulted in a sharp declines in language use across all nations,[68] including amongst deaf and signing communities.[69]

Robert Falcon Ouellette, a Cree Member of Parliament, played a pivotal role in promoting indigenous languages within the Canadian Parliament and Canadian House of Commons. He was instrumental in obtaining unanimous consent from all political parties to change the standing orders to allow indigenous languages to be spoken in the House of Commons, with full translation services provided. This historic change enabled Ouellette to deliver a speech in Cree, marking the first use of an indigenous language in the House on Jan 28, 2019.[70][71][72]

Furthermore, Bill C-91, the Indigenous Languages Act passed in 2019, was enacted to support and revitalize indigenous languages across Canada. This legislation, aims to reclaim, revitalize, and maintain indigenous languages through sustainable funding and the establishment of the Office of the Commissioner of Indigenous Languages. Ouellette was the chair of the indigenous caucus in the House of Commons and helped ensure it passage before the election of 2019.[73][74][75][76]

Two of Canada's territories give official status to native languages. In Nunavut, Inuktitut and Inuinnaqtun, known collectively as Inuktut, are official languages alongside the national languages of English and French, and Inuktitut is a common vehicular language in territorial government.[77][78] In the Northwest Territories, the Official Languages Act declares that there are eleven different languages: Cree, Dënësųłıné, Dene Yatıé / Dene Zhatıé,[nb 3] English, French, Gwich’in, Inuinnaqtun, Inuktitut, Inuvialuktun, Sahtúgot’įné Yatı̨́ / K’ashógot’įne Goxedǝ́ / Shíhgot’įne Yatı̨́,[nb 3] and Tłįchǫ.[9] Besides English and French, these languages are not vehicular in government; official status entitles citizens to receive services in them on request and to deal with the government in them.[79]

Awaiting royal assent in October 2022 on Treaty Day, Nova Scotia has affirmed Mi'kmawi'simk as the "First Language" of the province through a bill titled the "Mi'kmaw Language Act" (No. 148). The Act establishes a language committee co-developed and co-run by Miꞌkmaw Kinaꞌmatnewey as well as ensuring "government support for the preservation, revitalization, promotion and protection of the Mi’kmaw language for generations to come," collaboratively developing strategy between the Mi'kmaq of Nova Scotia and the Government of Nova Scotia.[2]

According to the 2016 census, less than one per cent of Canadians (213,225) reported an indigenous language as their mother tongue, and less than one per cent of Canadians (137,515) reported an indigenous language as the language spoken most often at home.[80] Whilst most Canadian indigenous languages are endangered and their current speaker numbers are frequently low, the number of speakers has grown and even outpaced the number with an indigenous mother tongue, indicating that many people continue to learn the languages even if not initially raised with them.[81]

Given the destruction of indigenous state structures, academics usually classify indigenous peoples of Canada by region into "culture areas", or by their language family.[82]

Indigenous languages No. of speakers Mother tongue Home language
Cree (n.o.s.)[nb 7][a] 99,950 78,855 47,190
Inuktitut 35,690 32,010 25,290
Ojibwemowin 32,460 11,115 11,115
InnuNaskapi 11,815 10,970 9,720
Denesuline 11,130 9,750 7,490
Oji-Cree (Anishininimowin) 12,605 8,480 8,480
Mi'kmawi'simk 8,750 7,365 3,985
Siouan languages (Dakota/Nakota) 6,495 5,585 3,780
Atikamekw 5,645 5,245 4,745
Blackfoot 4,915 3,085 3,085
Tłįchǫ 2,645 2,015 1,110
Algonquin (Omàmìwininìmowin) 2,685 1,920 385
Dakelh 2,495 1,560 605
Gitxsanimaax 1,575 1,175 320
Tsilhqot'in 1,400 1,070 435
Sahtúgot’įné Yatı̨́ / K’ashógot’įne Goxedǝ́ /
Shíhgot’įne Yatı̨́
[nb 3]
1,235 650 650
Dené Dháh / Dene Yatıé / Dene Zhatıé[nb 3] 2,315 600 600
Wəlastəkey latowewakən 790 535 140
Inuinnaqtun 580 370 70
Gwich’in 570 355 25
Kanienʼkéha 615 290 20
Secwepemctsín 1,650 250 250
Nisg̱a'a 1,090 250 250
Tlingit 175 0 0
Atgangmuurngniq 47[84] Unknown Unknown
Onʌyota'a:ká Sign Language[b] Unknown Unknown Unknown
Plains Sign Talk[b] Unknown Unknown Unknown
Secwepemcékst[b] Unknown Unknown Unknown
Source: Statistics Canada, 2006 Census Profile of Federal Electoral Districts (2003 Representation Order): Language, Mobility and Migration and Immigration and Citizenship Ottawa, 2007, pp. 2, 6, 10.[63]
a There exist numerous Cree languages, such as Plains Cree (nêhiyawêwin ᓀᐦᐃᔭᐍᐏᐣ), Woods Cree (nīhithawīwin ᓃᐦᐃᖬᐑᐏᐣ), Swampy Cree (E: nêhinawêwin ᓀᐦᐃᓇᐌᐎᐣ, W: ininîmowin ᐃᓂᓃᒧᐎᓐ), Moose Cree (ililîmowin ᐃᓕᓖᒧᐎᓐ), and East Cree (N: Iyiniu-Ayamiwin ᐄᓅ ᐊᔨᒨᓐ S: Iyiyiu-Ayamiwin ᐄᔨᔫ ᐊᔨᒨᓐ).
b Although small in number,[83] these languages have been included without data to show the disparity in information between oral and sign languages. The Canadian Association of the Deaf state that, in their opinion, "no fully credible census of Deaf, deafened, and hard of hearing people has ever been conducted in Canada." By extension, there exists no credible data on sign languages, especially of indigenous sign languages.[85]

Glottolog 4.3 (2020) counted 13 independent indigenous language families and/or isolates in Canada.[86] A potential fourteenth family, that of the sign languages of the Plateau, possibly hosting languages like Secwepemcékst and Ktunaxa Sign Language, remains unlisted by Glottolog. It remains unknown to academia the extent which sign languages are spoken and how they relate to and across linguistic families.[85]

Pidgins, mixed languages, & trade languages

[edit]

In Canada, as elsewhere in the world of European colonization, the frontier of European exploration and settlement tended to be a linguistically diverse and fluid place, as cultures using different languages met and interacted. The need for a common means of communication between the indigenous inhabitants and new arrivals for the purposes of trade and (in some cases) intermarriage led to the development of hybrid languages. These languages tended to be highly localized, were often spoken by only a small number of individuals who were frequently capable of speaking another language, and often persisted only briefly, before being wiped out by the arrival of a large population of permanent settlers, speaking either English or French.

Belle Isle Pidgin

[edit]

Spoken until about 1760, this pidgin was spoken between Breton and Basque fishermen and NunatuKavummiut of NunatuKavut (Labrador).

Bungee

[edit]

Named from the Ojibwe word bangii meaning "a little bit,"[87][88] the meagrely documented Bungi Creole (also known as Bungee, Bungy, Bungie, Bungay, and as the Red River Dialect) is a mixed language predominantly anchored in English that evolved within the Prairie Métis community, specifically the Countryborn or Anglo-Métis. Due to the multicultural nature of the Red River Settlement, Bungi was influenced by Scottish English, Nehiyawewin, Nakawemowin, the Orcadian dialect of Scots, Norn, Scottish Gaelic, and Canadian French.[89][90][91] The vocabulary and word order were primarily English, but the speech was lilting like that of Gaelic speakers, with pronunciation and structural shifts coming from the Cree languages, such as: shawl becoming sawl, she becoming see, and the popular greeting I’m well, you but?.[92] Bungi reached its peak in the nineteenth century, with about 5,000 Countryborn native speakers of the dialect in 1870. However, over the next century, standard Canadian English gradually replaced it; and by the late 1980s, only a handful of elderly speakers remained. It is generally considered to be asleep today.[92]

Chiac

[edit]

Spoken in the Maritime provinces (mostly in New Brunswick), Chiac is a creole language with a linguistic base in Acadian French and Maritime English with significant contributions from Mi'kmawi'simk and the Maliseet language.[93] Notable for its code-switching between English and French, it is often popularly considered a variant of Franglais, with examples such as: Espère-moi su'l'corner, j'traverse le ch'min pi j'viens right back (Wait for me at the corner, I'm crossing the road and I'll be right back) and On va amarrer ça d'même pour faire sûr que ça tchenne[94] (We will tie it like this to make sure it stays).[94] However, Chiac is not simply a Franglais/Frenglish mix of French and English, as it differs distinctly from other French-English mixed-use cases such as those found amongst Fransaskois or Ontarois.[95][96]

Chinook Jargon

[edit]

In British Columbia, Yukon and throughout the Pacific Northwest, a pidgin language known as the Chinook Jargon (also rendered "Chinook Wawa") emerged in the early 19th century that was a combination of Chinookan, Nootka, Chehalis, French and English, with a smattering of words from other languages including Hawaiian and Spanish.[97] Later in that century, it had creolized in the Pacific Northwest. Certain words and expressions remain current in local use, such as skookum, tyee, and saltchuck, while a few have become part of worldwide English ("high mucketymuck" or "high muckamuck" for a high-ranking and perhaps self-important official).

Franglais

[edit]

A portmanteau language which is said to combine English and French syntax, grammar and lexicons to form a unique interlanguage, is sometimes ascribed to mandatory basic French education in the Canadian anglophone school systems. Many unilingual anglophone Canadians, for instance, will borrow French words into their sentences. Simple words and phrases like "C'est quoi ça?" (what is that?) or words like "arrête" (stop) can alternate with their English counterparts. This phenomenon is more common in the eastern half of the country where there is a greater density of Francophone populations. Franglais can also refer to the supposed degradation of the French language thanks to the overwhelming impact Canadian English has on the country's Francophone inhabitants, though many linguists would argue that while English vocabulary can be freely borrowed as a stylistic device, the grammar of French has been resistant to influences from English[98] and the same conservatism holds true in Canadian English grammar,[99] even in Quebec City.

Haida Jargon

[edit]

A pidgin trade language based on Haida, known as Haida Jargon, was used in the 1830s in and around Haida Gwaii. It was used by speakers of English, Haida, Coast Tsimshian, Heiltsuk, and other languages.

Loucheux Jargon

[edit]

As a result of cultural contact between the Gwich'in (formerly called "Loucheaux") and Europeans (predominately French coureurs des bois and voyageurs), a pidgin language was historically used across Gwich'in Nành, Denendeh.[100] The language is often called in English "Jargon Loucheux" using the traditional French syntax.[101]

Michif

[edit]

Michif (also known as Mitchif, Mechif, Michif-Cree, Métif, Métchif, and French Cree) is a mixed language which evolved within the Prairie Métis community that was oriented towards Cree and Franco-Catholic culture. It is based on elements of Cree and French along with elements of Ojibwa and Assiniboine. Michif is today spoken by fewer than 1,000 individuals in Saskatchewan, Manitoba and North Dakota. At its peak, around 1900, Michif was understood by perhaps three times this number.

Nootka Jargon

[edit]

Based in the late 18th and early 19th centuries and likely one precursor to Chinook Wawa, Nootka Jargon was a trade language derived from Nuučaan̓uł, English, Spanish, and Russian, as well as other local languages.

Slavey Jargon

[edit]

Also known as "Broken Slavey," this language was spoken until the mid-1900s, abruptly diminishing due to the influx of English into Denendeh and Inuit Nunangat.[102] Documentation has also shown that the language was spoken by a range of fur traders, postmasters, and their wives, sisters, and daughters, who were often of Métis descent.[102] The native languages of speakers who used Slavey Jargon were Denesuline, French, Gwich'in, Inuktitut, and the languages collectively known as "Slavey" (North: Sahtúgot’įné Yatı̨́, K’ashógot’įne Goxedǝ́, and Shíhgot’įne Yatı̨́; South: Dene Yatıé or Dene Zhatıé and Dené Dháh). The Dene, Inuit, French, British, and Métis who spoke the language did so predominately for preaching the gospel, teasing and harassing clergymen, and for interpersonal relationships.[102] The use of Slavey Jargon can be characterized as an innovation employed by speakers in order to meet several linguistic goals, such as introductions, advice, and disputes.[102] Mishler specified, "For all these reasons, Slavey Jargon seems inaccurate to characterize it strictly as a trade jargon" (p. 277).[102]

Spoken predominately in the Liard and Dehcho Countries of Denendeh, the nouns of the language generally consisted of English, Dënësųłınë́ Yatıé, Sahtúgot’įné / Shíhgot’įne Yatı̨́ / K’ashógot’įne Goxedǝ́, and Dene Yatıé/Zhatıé, whereas the verbs and pronouns are derived from French. Adverbs are typically pulled from Dënësųłınë́ and Gwich’in. There is, however, a lot of variation in Slavey Jargon. Gwich’in verbs can be mixed with French nouns or phonemically modified French sentences exist.[102]

Souriquois

[edit]

Spoken alongside the Basque/Breton–Inuit Belle Isle pidgin was another pidgin language that developed in the 16th century amongst the Basque in coastal areas along the Gulf of Saint Lawrence and the Strait of Belle Isle as the result of contact between Basque whalers and local Algonquian peoples, notably the Mi'kmaq.[103] The name "Souriquois" has an obscure history and most likely refers to region around Souris and the Basque suffix koa, perhaps from zurikoa “that of the whites."[104]

Sign languages

[edit]
Sign languages of North America
Map of the various sign languages spoken across North America, excluding Francosign languages
Francosign languages of North America
Map of the North American Francosign languages

Alongside the numerous and varied oral languages, Canada also boasts several sign languages. Currently, Canada is home to some five or more sign languages (that number rising with the probability that Plains Sign Talk is actually a language family with several languages under its umbrella), belonging to four to six distinct language families, those being: the Francosign family, the BANZSL family, the Plains Sign family, the Inuit Sign isolate, perhaps the Coast Salish Sign isolate, and perhaps a Plateau Sign family composed of Secwepemcékst and Ktunaxa Sign Language.

As with all sign languages around the world that developed naturally, these are natural, human languages distinct from any oral language. As such, American Sign Language (unlike Signed English) is no more a derivation of English than Russian is,[105] all being distinct languages from one another. Some languages present here were trade pidgins which were used first as a system of communication across national and linguistic boundaries of First Nations, however, they have since developed into mature languages as children learned them as a first language.

The sign languages of Canada share extremely limited rights within the country in large due to the general population's misinformation on the subject. Ontario is the only province or territory to formally make legal any sign language, enabling the use of American Sign Language, Quebec Sign Language (LSQ) and "First Nation Sign Language" (which could refer to Plains Sign Talk, Oneida Sign Language, or any other language) in only the domains of education, legislation and judiciary proceedings.[106] The only other language afforded any other rights is Inuiuuk, which sees interpretation in the Legislative Assembly of Nunavut.[107] There have been efforts to make LSQ an official language of Quebec, but all efforts have failed.[108]

American Sign Language

[edit]

The most utilized sign language in Canada, American Sign Language or ASL, can be found across the country in mostly anglophone regions. The ties with anglophone Canada are not due to ASL and English's similarity, but to cultural similarities and linguistic history (as several ASL words are borrowed from English). As such, ASL can be found in areas where English is not the primary language, such as Montreal or Nunavut. ASL is part of the French Sign Language (Francosign) family, originating on the East Coast of the United States from a mix of Langue des signes françaises (LSF) and other local languages.

Black American Sign Language
[edit]

Amongst the Black communities of Canada, Black American Sign Language (BASL) is also spoken.[109]

Coast Salish Sign Language

[edit]

There is evidence that Coast Salish citizens speak a distinct sign language.[83]

Hand Talk

[edit]

Hand Talk was the primary written language and lingua franca of North America.[110] It was used for all international relations, trade, and diplomacy across much of the continent until colonization.[111] across the continent and the language stretched across the provinces down through Mexico.[112] Its name comes from the language itself ("HANDS" + "TO-TALK-TO") and is preferred by Indigenous communities over other terms like "Plains Sign Language" or "First Nations Sign Languages". In fact, Hand Talk is a complex of several languages, with variants in the Northeast Woodlands, Great Basin, Southwest, and the Great Plains.[110] It is unknown if Plateau Sign Language is related.

Oneida Sign Language
[edit]

Born out of the Oneida Nation, OSL is a mixed language, descended primarily from both Hand Talk and the Oneida oral language, with some additions from ASL.[113] Onʌyota'a:ká (or Oneida) Sign Language is a young and growing language, spreading especially amongst deaf Oneida citizens.[114][83]

Inuit Sign Language

[edit]

Inuit Sign Language, also known as Atgangmuurngniq or Uukturausingit, is a critically endangered language with some 50 speakers remaining. It is a language isolate and has only be found by researchers in Nunavut; however, there are theories it extends across the Arctic Circle.[84] Little is known about its history, but efforts are being made to document and revitalize the language.[115]

Maritime Sign Language

[edit]

Maritime Sign Language is a BANZSL language. It was used as the language of education for Deaf populations in Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, and Prince Edward Island before ASL became available in the mid-20th century. It is still remembered by some elderly people but is moribund. The language, living alongside ASL, has produced a unique dialect of ASL in the Maritimes due to mixing of the languages. The exact number of speakers is unknown.

Plateau Sign Language

[edit]

Another international language, Plateau Sign Language was/is spoken in the Columbia Plateau and surrounding regions of British Columbia, Washington, Oregon, and Idaho instead of Plains Sign Talk. There are few speakers left, mostly Elders.

Ktunaxa Sign Language
[edit]

Called ʾa·qanⱡiⱡⱡitnam in the Ktunaxa language,[116] Ktunaxa Sign Language has historically been spoken in Ktunaxa ɁamakaɁis (Ktunaxa Country).[117]

Secwépemc Sign Language
[edit]

Perhaps related to or descended from the old Plateau Sign Language, Secwepemcékst or Secwépemc Sign Language is spoken by a small number of Secwépemc citizens.[83]

Quebec Sign Language

[edit]

Alongside ASL, Quebec Sign Language or LSQ (Langue des signes québécoise) is the second most spoken sign language in the country. Centred mainly around and within Quebec, LSQ can also be found in Ontario, New Brunswick and various other parts of the country, generally around francophone communities due to historical ties to the French language. Although approximately 10% of the population of Quebec is deaf or hard-of-hearing, it is estimated that only 50,000 to 60,000 children use LSQ as their native language. LSQ is part of the Francosign family with ASL. As such, both languages are mutually intelligible.

Sawmill Sign Language

[edit]

Spoken by the sawmill workers of BC, this sign language was used by predominately hearing staff during work hours and in socializing with co-workers.[118]

Canadian dialects of European languages

[edit]

Acadian French

[edit]

Acadian French is a unique form of Canadian French which incorporates not only distinctly Canadian phrases but also nautical terms, English loanwords, linguistic features found only in older forms of French as well as ones found in the Maritimer English dialect.

Brayon French
[edit]

A sub-dialect of Acadian French, Brayon French is spoken by those in Madawaska County of New Brunswick. The language is a mix of Acadian and Quebec French with influence from the local Mi'kmaw and Maliseet languages, with only slight differentiation from the more standard Acadian French.[119][120][121]

Québec French

[edit]

As the most spoken variety of French in Canada, Québec French contains a significant number of dialects, generally grouped in two: the "old" dialects of the territories at the time of the British conquest and the "new" dialects that arose post-conquest.

Chaouin French
[edit]

Around 1615 as the coureurs des bois moved past the city of Quebec, those who settled in Ndakinna (Abenaki land) developed unique features still found today, especially in the Bois-Francs region South of the St. Lawrence.

Joual French
[edit]

Originally the dialect of the French-speaking working class in Montréal, the cultural renaissance connected to the Quiet Revolution have resulted in Joual being spoken by people across the educational and economic spectrum.

Màgoua French
[edit]

Possibly deriving from the Atikamekw word for "loon" (makwa; standard French: huard), the French spoken by the Magoua community is one of the most conservative French dialects in North America. This basilectal dialect is found in Nitaskinan as the Trois-Rivières region became the first stronghold of the coureurs des bois outside the city of Quebec in 1615. Magoua French preserves the sontaient ("étaient") characteristic of Métis French and Cajun French, has a creole-like past tense particle tà, and has old present-tense contraction of a former verb "to be" that behave in the same manner as subject clitics.

Métis French

[edit]

Alongside Michif and Bungi, the Métis dialect of French is one of the traditional languages of the Métis people, and the French-dialect source of the Michif language.[122] Métis French is a variety of Canadian French with some added characters Ññ, Áá, Óó, and Ææ (from older French spellings), such as: il ñá ócun nævus sur ce garçon English: "there is no birthmark on this boy."[56] There are also significant amounts of words loaned from indigenous languages such as Ojibwemowin, Dane-zaa Ẕáágéʔ (Beaver), and several Cree languages.[57] Like Michif, Métis French is spoken predominantly in Manitoba as well as adjacent provinces and US states.[123] As a general rule, Métis individuals tend to speak one or the other, rarely both.[55]

Newfoundland French

[edit]

Tracing their origins to Continental French fishermen who settled in the late 1800s and early 1900s, rather than the Québécois, Newfoundland French (or français terre-neuvien) refers to the French spoken on the Port au Port Peninsula (part of the so-called “French Shore”) of Newfoundland. Some Acadians of the Maritimes also settled in the area. For this reason, Newfoundland French is most closely related to the Breton and Norman French of nearby St-Pierre-et-Miquelon. Today, heavy contact with Acadian French—and especially widespread bilingualism with Newfoundland English—have taken their toll, and the community is in decline. The degree to which lexical features of Newfoundland French constitute a distinct dialect is not presently known. It is uncertain how many speakers survive; the dialect could be moribund. There is a provincial advocacy organisation Fédération des Francophones de Terre-Neuve et du Labrador, representing both the Peninsular French and Acadian French communities.

Ontarois French

[edit]

Although quite similar to Quebec French, the dialect of the Ontarois or Franco-Ontarians maintains distinctive features. These include the progressive disappearance of the subjunctive, the transfer of rules from English to French, e.g., "J’ai vu un film sur/à la télévision" which comes from "I saw a film on television", and the loaning of English conjunctions such as "so" for ça fait que or alors.

Black English

[edit]

In what is also called Black Canadian, Afro-Canadian, or African Canadian English, there exist several varieties of English spoken by Black Canadians. The most well-established is the dialect spoken by Afro-Nova Scotians.[124] In places like Toronto where there is a large population of Afro-Caribbean descendants and newcomers, localized varieties of Black English take on elements of Caribbean English, as well as mixing with African-American Vernacular English (AAVE). Although AAVE is not nearly as widespread in Canada as it is across the United States, Black Canadians have various lines of connection to the dialect. Sometimes that connection is historical, such as with Black Nova Scotians; sometimes it is hegemonic, where Afro-Canadians adopt speech mannerisms from the larger United States; sometimes it is diasporic, where communities of African-American newcomers or African-American descendants coalesce, especially in larger cities.

Afro-Nova Scotian English
[edit]

African Nova Scotian English is spoken by descendants of Black Nova Scotians, black immigrants from the United States. Though most African American freedom seekers in Canada ended up in Ontario through the Underground Railroad, only the dialect of African Nova Scotians retains the influence of West African pidgin.[125] In the 19th century, African Nova Scotian English would have been indistinguishable from English spoken in Jamaica or Suriname.[126] However, it has been increasingly de-creolized since this time, due to interaction and influence from the white Nova Scotian population. Desegregation of the province's school boards in 1964 further accelerated the process of de-creolization. The language is a relative of the African-American Vernacular English, with significant variations unique to the group's history in the area.[127][128] There are noted differences in the dialects of those from Guysborough County (Black Loyalists), and those from North Preston (Black Refugees), the Guysborough group having been in the province three generations earlier.[128]

Howe and Walker use data from early recordings of African Nova Scotian English, Samaná English, and the recordings of former slaves to demonstrate that speech patterns were inherited from nonstandard colonial English.[129] The dialect was extensively studied in 1992 by Shana Poplack and Sali Tagliamonte from the University of Ottawa.[128]

A commonality between African Nova Scotian English and African-American Vernacular English is (r)-deletion. This rate of deletion is 57% among Black Nova Scotians, and 60% among African Americans in Philadelphia. Meanwhile, in the surrounding mostly white communities of Nova Scotia, (r)-deletion does not occur.[130]

Cascadian English

[edit]

The English language in British Columbia shares numerous features with the neighbouring states of Washington and Oregon, such as the /æɡ/ raising (found words such as bag, vague and bagel). Boreal Cascadian English speakers exhibit more vowel retraction of /æ/ before nasals than people from Toronto, and younger speakers in the Greater Vancouver area do not raise /aʊ/ as much, but keep the drop in intonation, causing "about" to sound slightly like "a baht." The "o" in such words as holy, goal, load, know, etc. is pronounced as a close-mid back rounded vowel, [o], but not as rounded as in the Prairies where there are strong Scandinavian, Slavic and German influences, which can lend to a more stereotypical "Canadian" accent.

Indigenous English

[edit]

The varieties of English spoken by indigenous people are phonologically influenced by their first or traditional languages. This has resulted in an identifiable dialect spectrum distinct from other Canadian English dialects. Due to the ongoing stigmatization of indigenous cultures, indigenous children could be wrongly diagnosed as having a speech impairment or a learning disability, when what is identified by medical professionals are simply the dialectal features.[131]

Some written works use indigenous English dialects. For example, Maria Campbell's book Stories of the Road Allowance People is a collection of Métis folktales. An excerpt from that work illustrates the type of speech used by Elders in rural Métis communities during her research, but some stories were collected in Cree or other languages and translated into dialectical English by Campbell:

Dere wasen very much he can steal from dah table anyways
'cept da knives and forks.
An Margareet he knowed he wouldn dare take dem
cause dat woman you know
hees gots a hell of a repetation for being a hardheaded woman
when he gets mad.
Dat man he have to be a damn fool to steal from hees table.

— Dah Teef[132]

Lunenburg English

[edit]

Spoken in Lunenburg and Lunenburg County, Nova Scotia, this moribund dialect is sometimes called "Lunenburg Dutch" due to its rooting in the large Kurpfalzisch and Württembergisch population who settled the town. Although the German language subsided significantly, the English of the town and county continue to be marked by its influence. Indeed, the pronunciation in Lunenburg county is the only Canadian community to be non-rhotic. The accent features Canadian raising and so flight [ˈflʌɪt] has a different vowel from fly [ˈflɑɪ], and the noun house [ˈhoʊs] has a different vowel from the verb house [ˈhɑʊz]. In Lunenburg, the phrase about a boat contains two identical stressed and two identical unstressed vowels: /əˌboʊt ə ˈboʊt/, rather than the Standard Canadian English /əˌbaʊt ə ˈboʊt/, with distinct stressed vowels. Due to German influence, there is a tendency to pronounce /w/ in witch the same as /v/ as in van. Another example is the lack of the dental fricatives /θ/ and /ð/, which are replaced by the alveolar stops /t/ and /d/ (rendering "thank" and "tank" homophonous as /ˈtæŋk/), and the "t" at the end of words is usually silent: "get" becomes "ge."

For example, here is a sample of a conversation between two people:

"De kids vere over der in da woods, gettin inda dis an dat."
"Dey never did?"
"Yeah, an now dey gone da get some of dem der apples you see."
"You don't say?"
"No foolin, dey over der now."
"Dey brung some of dem apples over heera da day before."
"Oh, dey vere some good eatin I bet."
"Now look, you make no nevermind, dose vere da best apples I ever did have, dey vas some good."
"Oh, here dey come now, dey bedda know da wash der feet off."

Maritime English

[edit]

Spoken across the provinces of Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, and PEI, this English dialect has been influenced by British and Irish English, Irish and Scottish Gaelic, and some Acadian French, as well as by Mi'kmawi'simk.

Newfoundland English

[edit]

The initial European settlers to Newfoundland were fishermen from the various coastal villages of the English West Country of Cornwall, Devon, Dorset, Somerset, Bristol, and Wiltshire beginning in the 1500s (previously they visited in summer and returned). This set the basic speech patterns for those settlers who fanned out into isolated coves and bays along the island's 9,700 km (6,000 mi) of coastline to take advantage of the scattered off-shore fishing areas. Labrador, today the greater part of "Newfoundland", was then sparsely settled. The West Country dialects continued to be spoken in isolated coves and fjords of the island thus preserving varied dialects of what is today referred to as Newfoundland English.

It was not until the 1700s that social disruptions in Ireland sent thousands of Irish from the southeastern counties of Waterford, Wexford, Kilkenny, and Cork and to the Avalon peninsula in the eastern part of Newfoundland where significant Irish influence on the Newfoundland dialects may still be heard.

Some of the Irish immigrants to Newfoundland were native speakers of Irish making Newfoundland the only place outside Europe to have its own Irish dialect. Newfoundland was also the only place outside Europe to have its own distinct name in Irish: Talamh an Éisc, which means 'land of the fish'. The Irish language is now extinct in Newfoundland.

After 400 years, much of the dialectal differences between the isolated settlements has levelled out beginning in the 20th century when faster boats (using gas engines instead of oars or sails), and improved road connections provided easier social contact. As well, influences from mainland North America began to affect the local dialects beginning during WWII when US and Canadian servicemen were stationed in Newfoundland and accelerating after Newfoundland became a Canadian province in 1949. Lack of an official orthography, publications in dialect, speaker attrition and official disinterest in promoting the language has been contributing factors towards a decline of speakers of the older, traditional Newfoundland English in the original settlements.

Ottawa Valley Twang

[edit]

Ottawa Valley Twang is the accent, sometimes referred to as a dialect of English, that is spoken in the Ottawa Valley, in Ontario.[133] The Ottawa Valley is considered to be a linguistic enclave within Ontario.[134]

Quebec English

[edit]

The language of English-speaking Quebecers generally aligns to Standard Canadian English, however established ethnic groups retain certain, distinctive lexical features, such as the dialects spoken by Mohawk, Cree, Inuit, Irish, Jewish, Italian, and Greek communities. Isolated fishing villages on the Basse-Côte-Nord speak Newfoundland English, and many Gaspesian English-speakers use Maritime English.

Toronto slang

[edit]

Spoken within the Greater Toronto Area, Toronto slang is the nuanced, multicultural English spoken in the city. This dialect is heavily influenced by the different communities present, most notably the Jamaican, Trinidadian, Guyanese, and other Caribbean communities and their ways of speaking. There is also influence from West African, East African, and South Asian communities.

Canadian Gaelic

[edit]

Canadian Gaelic was spoken by many immigrants who settled in Glengarry County (Ontario) and the Maritimes—predominantly in New Brunswick's Restigouche River valley, central and southeastern Prince Edward Island, and across the whole of northern Nova Scotia—particularly Cape Breton. While the Canadian Gaelic dialect has mostly disappeared, regional pockets persist. These are mostly centred on families deeply committed to their Celtic traditions. Nova Scotia currently has 500–1,000 fluent speakers, mostly in northwestern Cape Breton. There have been attempts in Nova Scotia to institute Gaelic immersion on the model of French immersion. As well, formal post-secondary studies in Gaelic language and culture are available through St. Francis Xavier University, Saint Mary's University, and Cape Breton University

In 1890, a private member's bill was tabled in the Canadian Senate, calling for Gaelic to be made Canada's third official language. However, the bill was defeated 42–7.

Newfoundland Irish

[edit]

Newfoundland is home to the largest population of Irish-descendants in Canada and once hosted a thriving Irish Gaelic linguistic community. Although steep declines around the 20th century meant that the Irish language on the Island hardly remains, there exists today strong interest with consistent efforts to revive the language.

Newfoundland Irish has left an impact on the English spoken on the Island, including terms like scrob "scratch" (Irish scríob), sleveen "rascal" (Irish slíbhín) and streel "slovenly person" (Irish sraoill), along with grammatical features like the "after" perfect as in "she's already after leavin'" (Irish tá sí tar éis imeacht).[135] As well, both Newfoundland (Talamh an Éisc, Land of the Fish)[136] and St. John's (Baile Sheáin)[137] have distinct names in the Irish-language. The dialect of Irish spoken in Newfoundland is said to resemble the Munster Irish of the 18th century.

Events and institutions are increasingly supporting the language with ever larger Céilithe móra, students participating in Conradh na Gaeilge events, people playing Gaelic sports, and Irish film festivals attracting English- and Irish-speakers alike. There is also an Irish language instructor, appointed every year by the Ireland Canada University Foundation, who works at Memorial University in St. John's,[138] where the university's Digital Learning Centre provides resources for learning the Irish language.[139]

Newfoundland Welsh

[edit]

Some Welsh is found in Newfoundland. In part, this is as a result of Welsh settlement since the 17th century. Also, there was an influx of about 1,000 Patagonian Welsh, who migrated to Canada from Argentina after the 1982 Falklands War. Welsh-Argentines are fluent in Spanish as well as English and Welsh.

Canadian Ukrainian

[edit]

Canada is also home to Canadian Ukrainian, a distinct dialect of the Ukrainian language, spoken mostly in Western Canada by the descendants of first two waves of Ukrainian settlement in Canada who developed in a degree of isolation from their cousins in what was then Austria-Hungary, the Russian Empire, Poland, and the Soviet Union.

Doukhobor Russian

[edit]

Canada's Doukhobor community, especially in Grand Forks and Castlegar, British Columbia, has kept its distinct dialect of Russian. It has a lot in common with South Russian dialects, showing some common features with Ukrainian. This dialect's versions are becoming extinct in their home regions of Georgia and Russia where the Doukhobors have split into smaller groups.

Deitsch

[edit]

A variety of West Central German spoken by the Old Order Amish, Old Order Mennonites and other descendants of German immigrants in Canada, Pennsylvania Dutch or Deitsch is closely related to the Palatine dialects of the Upper Rhine Valley.[140] Of the estimated 300,000 speakers, most are found across several US states, whilst there is a sizable community within Ontario.[141]

Hutterisch

[edit]

Centred in Alberta, Saskatchewan, and Manitoba, the Hutterite communities maintain a distinct form of the German language descended from Bavarian dialects spoken in Tyrol (by founder Jacob Hutter). The language shifted in the mid-18th century toward a more Carinthian linguistic base upon the deportation of Landler from Austria to Transylvania. There is only about a 50% intelligibility between Pennsylvania Dutch speakers and Hutterisch.[142] Its speaker base belongs to the Schmiedleit, Lehrerleit, and Dariusleit groups with a few speakers among the older generations of Prairieleit (the descendants of those Hutterites who chose not to settle in colonies). Hutterite children who grow up in the colonies first learn and speak Hutterisch before learning English. Of the estimated 34,000 speakers in the world (as of 2003), 85% of them live in 370 communities in Canada.[143] Canadian adults are generally literate in Early New High German (also called "Biblical German", the predecessor to Standard German used by Martin Luther) that they employ as the written form for Scriptures, however Hutterisch is, for the most part, an unwritten language.[144]

Plautdietsch

[edit]

Plautdietsch is predominantly found in Saskatchewan, Manitoba, and Ontario where Mennonite communities settled. The Mennonites, or Russian Mennonites as they are sometimes called, descend from Low country Anabaptists who fled from what is today the Netherlands and Belgium in the 16th century to escape persecution and resettled in the Vistula delta.[145] Their language is a fusion of Dutch, West Frisian and Dutch Low Saxon dialects which over time mixed with the East Low German dialects of Werdersch, Nehrungisch and Weichselisch.[146]

Official bilingualism

[edit]

Language policy of the federal government

[edit]
A bilingual sign in Montreal

English and French have equal status in federal courts, the Parliament of Canada, as well as in all federal institutions.

The public has the right, where there is sufficient demand, to receive federal government services in either English or French. Immigrants who are applying for Canadian citizenship must normally be able to speak either English or French.

The principles of bilingualism in Canada are protected in sections 16 to 23 of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms of 1982 which establishes that:

  • French and English are equal to each other as federal official languages;
  • Debate in Parliament may take place in either official language;
  • Federal laws shall be printed in both official languages, with equal authority;
  • Anyone may deal with any court established by Parliament, in either official language;
  • Everyone has the right to receive services from the federal government in his or her choice of official language;
  • Members of a minority language group of one of the official languages if learned and still understood (i.e., French speakers in a majority English-speaking province, or vice versa) or received primary school education in that language has the right to have their children receive a public education in their language, where numbers warrant.

Canada's Official Languages Act, first adopted in 1969 and updated in 1988, gives English and French equal status throughout federal institutions.

Language policies of Canada's provinces and territories

[edit]

Officially bilingual or multilingual: New Brunswick, Nova Scotia, and the three territories

[edit]

New Brunswick, Nova Scotia, and Canada's three territories have all given official status to more than one language. In the case of New Brunswick, this means perfect equality. In the other cases, the recognition sometimes amounts to a formal recognition of official languages, but limited services in official languages other than English.

The official languages are:

  • New Brunswick: English and French. New Brunswick has been officially bilingual since the 1960s. The province's officially bilingual status has been entrenched in the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms since 1982.
  • Nova Scotia: Mi'kmawi'simk is considered the province's official "first language."
  • Northwest Territories: Cree, Dënësųłıné, Dene Yatıé / Dene Zhatıé,[nb 3] English, French, Gwich’in, Inuinnaqtun, Inuktitut, Inuvialuktun, Sahtúgot’įné Yatı̨́ / K’ashógot’įne Goxedǝ́ / Shíhgot’įne Yatı̨́,[nb 3] and Tłįchǫ.[9]
  • Nunavut: English, Inuktut (Inuktitut, Inuinnaqtun), and French.[147]
  • Yukon: English and French.

Officially French-only: Quebec

[edit]

Until 1969, Quebec was the only officially bilingual province in Canada and most public institutions functioned in both languages. English was also used in the legislature, government commissions and courts. With the adoption of the Charter of the French Language (also known as "Bill 101") by Quebec's National Assembly in August 1977, however, French became Quebec's sole official language. However, the Charter of the French Language enumerates a defined set of language rights for the English language and for Aboriginal languages, and government services are available, to certain citizens and in certain regions, in English. As well, a series of court decisions have forced the Quebec government to increase its English-language services beyond those provided for under the original terms of the Charter of the French Language. Regional institutions in the Nunavik region of northern Quebec offer services in Inuktitut and Cree.

De facto English only, or limited French-language services: the other eight provinces

[edit]

Most provinces have laws that make either English or both English and French the official language(s) of the legislature and the courts but may also have separate policies in regards to education and the bureaucracy.

For example, in Alberta, English and French are both official languages of debate in the Legislative Assembly, but laws may be drafted solely in English and there is no legal requirement that they be translated into French. French can be used in some lower courts and education is offered in both languages, but the bureaucracy functions almost solely in English. Therefore, although Alberta is not officially an English-only province, English has a higher de facto status than French. Ontario and Manitoba are similar but allow for more services in French at the local level.[citation needed]

Geographic distribution

[edit]

The following table details the population of each province and territory, with summary national totals, by mother tongue as reported in the Canada 2016 Census.

Province/territory Total population English % French % Other languages % Official language(s)
Ontario 13,312,870 9,255,660 69.52% 568,345 4.27% 3,865,780 29.04% English (de facto)[148]
Quebec 8,066,555 718,985 8.91% 6,377,080 79.06% 1,173,345 14.54% French[6]
British Columbia 4,598,415 3,271,425 71.14% 71,705 1.56% 1,360,815 29.59% English (de facto)
Alberta 4,026,650 3,080,865 76.51% 86,705 2.15% 952,790 23.66% English
Manitoba 1,261,615 931,410 73.83% 46,055 3.65% 316,120 25.06% English
Saskatchewan 1,083,240 910,865 84.09% 17,735 1.64% 173,475 16.01% English
Nova Scotia 912,300 838,055 91.86% 33,345 3.66% 49,165 5.39% English (de facto)[a]
New Brunswick 736,280 481,690 65.42% 238,865 32.44% 25,165 3.42% English, French
Newfoundland and Labrador 515,680 501,350 97.22% 3,020 0.59% 13,035 2.53% English (de facto)
Prince Edward Island 141,020 128,975 91.46% 5,395 3.83% 7,670 5.44% English (de facto)
Northwest Territories 41,380 32,545 78.65% 1,365 3.30% 8,295 20.05% Cree, Dënësųłıné, Dene Yatıé / Zhatıé,[nb 3] English, French, Gwich’in, Inuinnaqtun, Inuktitut, Inuvialuktun, Sahtúgot’įné Yatı̨́ / K’ashógot’įne Goxedǝ́ / Shíhgot’įne Yatı̨́,[nb 3] Tłįchǫ[9]
Yukon 35,555 29,765 83.72% 1,815 5.10% 4,665 13.12% English, French
Nunavut 35,695 11,745 32.90% 640 1.79% 24,050 67.38% Inuit Language (Inuktitut, Inuinnaqtun), English, French[147]
Canada 34,767,255 20,193,340 58.08% 7,452,075 21.43% 7,974,375 22.94% English, French
Source: Statistics Canada, Mother tongue by age (Total), 2016 counts for the population excluding institutional residents of Canada, provinces and territories, 2016 Census .[14]

Knowledge of languages

[edit]
Top ten spoken languages in Canada
2021 census[b]
Language Percent
English
87.06%
French
29.08%
Chinese[c]
4.21%
Hindustani[d]
3.24%
Spanish
3.22%
Punjabi
2.59%
Arabic
2.31%
Tagalog
2.03%
Italian
1.51%
German
1.15%

The question on knowledge of languages allows for multiple responses, and first appeared on the 1991 Canadian census.[e] The following figures are from the 1991 Canadian census, 2001 Canadian census, 2011 Canadian census, and the 2021 Canadian census.

Language 2021[150] 2011[151] 2001[149][152] 1991[153]
Pop. % Pop. % Pop. % Pop. %
English 31,628,570 87.06% 28,360,235[154] 85.63% 25,246,220[155] 85.18% 22,505,415 83.37%
French 10,563,235 29.08% 9,960,585[154] 30.07% 9,178,100[155] 30.97% 8,508,960 31.52%
Chinese[c] 1,528,860 4.21% 1,297,505 3.92% 1,028,445 3.47% 557,305 2.06%
Hindustani[d] 1,176,295 3.24% 576,165 1.74% 366,740 1.24% 163,930 0.61%
Spanish 1,171,450 3.22% 873,395 2.64% 610,580 2.06% 402,430 1.49%
Punjabi 942,170 2.59% 545,730 1.65% 338,720 1.14% 167,925 0.62%
Arabic 838,045 2.31% 470,965 1.42% 290,280 0.98% 164,380 0.61%
Tagalog 737,565 2.03% 491,075 1.48% 244,690 0.83% 136,975 0.51%
Italian 547,655 1.51% 595,600 1.8% 680,970 2.3% 701,910 2.6%
German 419,195 1.15% 525,480 1.59% 635,520 2.14% 684,955 2.54%
Portuguese 336,865 0.93% 266,950 0.81% 264,990 0.89% 254,465 0.94%
Persian[f] 330,725 0.91% 196,110 0.59% 111,700 0.38% 49,380 0.18%
Russian 309,235 0.85% 230,755 0.7% 157,455 0.53% 84,050 0.31%
Tamil 237,890 0.65% 179,465 0.54% 111,580 0.38% 37,330 0.14%
Vietnamese 232,800 0.64% 192,070 0.58% 165,645 0.56% 113,115 0.42%
Gujarati 209,410 0.58% 118,950 0.36% 80,835 0.27% 54,210 0.2%
Polish 204,460 0.56% 217,735 0.66% 249,695 0.84% 239,575 0.89%
Korean 203,885 0.56% 149,035 0.45% 91,610 0.31% 40,230 0.15%
Serbo-Croatian[g] 155,775 0.43% 154,700 0.47% 153,085 0.52% 100,541 0.37%
Greek 145,060 0.4% 150,620 0.45% 158,800 0.54% 161,320 0.6%
Haitian Creole 134,895 0.37% 128,555 0.39% 76,140 0.26% 49,970 0.19%
Ukrainian 131,655 0.36% 144,260 0.44% 200,520 0.68% 249,535 0.92%
Bengali 120,605 0.33% 69,490 0.21% 34,650 0.12% N/A <0.1%
Romanian 116,520 0.32% 97,180 0.29% 60,520 0.2% 30,520 0.11%
Dutch 107,985 0.3% 135,085 0.41% 157,875 0.53% 173,290 0.64%
Cree[h] 105,850 0.29% 96,690 0.29% 97,200 0.33% 93,825 0.35%
Japanese 98,070 0.27% 74,690 0.23% 65,030 0.22% 45,370 0.17%
Hebrew 83,205 0.23% 70,695 0.21% 63,675 0.21% 52,450 0.19%
Turkish 78,500 0.22% 44,080 0.13% 32,520 0.11% N/A <0.1%
Malayalam 77,910 0.21% 22,125 0.07% 9,185 0.03% N/A <0.1%
Hungarian 64,625 0.18% 73,695 0.22% 89,230 0.3% 97,410 0.36%
Ilocano 61,680 0.17% 21,880 0.07% N/A <0.03% N/A <0.1%
Somali 59,005 0.16% 37,115 0.11% N/A <0.03% N/A <0.1%
Swahili 57,295 0.16% 31,690 0.1% 25,300 0.09% N/A <0.1%
Telugu 54,685 0.15% 12,645 0.04% N/A <0.03% N/A <0.1%

Knowledge of official languages

[edit]
Knowledge of Official Languages in Canada
Language 2021[156] 2016[157] 2011[154] 2006[158] 2001[149][155] 1996[159] 1991[160] 1981[161][162]
Pop. % Pop. % Pop. % Pop. % Pop. % Pop. % Pop. % Pop. %
English total 31,628,570 87.06% 29,973,590 86.21% 28,360,235 85.63% 26,578,795 85.08% 25,246,220 85.18% 23,975,565 84.04% 22,505,415 83.37% 19,804,855 82.23%
French total 10,563,235 29.08% 10,360,750 29.8% 9,960,585 30.07% 9,590,700 30.7% 9,178,100 30.97% 8,920,405 31.27% 8,508,960 31.52% 7,669,205 31.84%
English only 25,261,655 69.54% 23,757,525 68.33% 22,564,665 68.13% 21,129,945 67.64% 20,014,645 67.53% 19,134,245 67.07% 18,106,760 67.08% 16,122,895 66.95%
French only 4,087,895 11.25% 4,144,685 11.92% 4,165,015 12.58% 4,141,850 13.26% 3,946,525 13.32% 4,079,085 14.3% 4,110,305 15.23% 3,987,245 16.56%
English &
French
6,581,680 18.12% 6,216,065 17.88% 5,795,570 17.5% 5,448,850 17.44% 5,231,575 17.65% 4,841,320 16.97% 4,398,655 16.29% 3,681,960 15.29%
Neither English
nor French
689,725 1.9% 648,970 1.87% 595,920 1.8% 520,385 1.67% 446,285 1.51% 473,475 1.66% 378,320 1.4% 291,395 1.21%

Speakers by mother tongue

[edit]
Languages in Canada (Mother Tongue)
2016 Census
Language Percent
English
57.8%
Non-official
21.1%
French
20.6%
English and French
0.5%
First language 2016 2011 2006 Notes
Pop. % Pop. % Pop. %
Single language responses 33,947,610 97.64% 32,481,635 98.07% 30,848,270 98.74%
Official languages 26,627,545 76.59% 25,913,955 78.24% 24,700,425 79.06%
English 19,460,855 55.97% 18,858,980 56.94% 17,882,775 57.24%
French 7,166,700 20.61% 7,054,975 21.3% 6,817,650 21.82%
Non-official languages 7,321,070 21.06% 6,567,680 19.83% 6,147,840 19.68%
Combined Chinese Responses 1,227,680 3.53% n/a n/a n/a n/a Combined responses of Mandarin, Cantonese, Chinese n.o.s. and Min Nan
Mandarin (Standard Chinese) 592,035 1.7% 248,705 0.75% 170,950 0.55%
Cantonese 565,275 1.63% 372,460 1.12% 361,450 1.16%
Punjabi 501,680 1.44% 430,705 1.3% 367,505 1.18%
Spanish 458,850 1.32% 410,670 1.24% 345,345 1.11%
Tagalog (Filipino) 431,385 1.24% 327,445 0.99% 235,615 0.75%
Arabic 419,895 1.21% 327,870 0.99% 261,640 0.84%
German 384,040 1.1% 409,200 1.24% 450,570 1.44%
Italian 375,645 1.08% 407,485 1.23% 455,040 1.46%
Hindustani 321,465 0.92% 263,345 0.8% 224,045 0.72% Combined responses of Hindi and Urdu
Portuguese 221,535 0.64% 211,335 0.64% 219,275 0.7%
Persian (Farsi) 214,200 0.62% 170,045 0.51% 134,080 0.43%
Urdu 210,820 0.61% 172,800 0.52% 145,805 0.47%
Russian 188,255 0.54% 164,330 0.5% 133,580 0.43%
Polish 181,705 0.52% 191,645 0.58% 211,175 0.68%
Vietnamese 156,430 0.45% 144,880 0.44% 141,625 0.45%
Korean 153,425 0.44% 137,925 0.42% 125,570 0.4%
Tamil 140,720 0.4% 131,265 0.4% 115,880 0.37% Most of the Canadian Tamils live in Toronto.
Hindi 110,645 0.32% 90,545 0.27% 78,240 0.25%
Gujarati 108,775 0.31% 91,450 0.28% 81,465 0.26%
Greek 106,520 0.31% 108,925 0.33% 117,285 0.38%
Ukrainian 102,485 0.29% 111,540 0.34% 134,500 0.43%
Dutch 99,015 0.28% 110,490 0.33% 128,900 0.41%
Romanian 96,660 0.28% 90,300 0.27% 78,495 0.25%
Bengali 73,125 0.21% 59,370 0.18% 45,685 0.15%
Creoles 72,130 0.21% 61,725 0.19% 53,515 0.17%
Cree, n.o.s.[nb 7] 64,045 0.18% 77,900 0.24% 78,855 0.25% In the 2006 Census, this language was referred to simply as 'Cree'.
Hungarian 61,235 0.18% 67,920 0.21% 73,335 0.23% The majority of Hungarian speakers in Canada live in Ontario. A community of Hungarian speakers is found within a part of Windsor, Ontario.
Berber languages (Kabyle) n/a n/a 57,855 0.17% 25,578 0.08%
Serbian 57,345 0.16% 56,420 0.17% 51,665 0.17%
Croatian 48,200 0.14% 49,730 0.15% 55,330 0.18%
Japanese 43,640 0.13% 39,985 0.12% 40,200 0.13%
Chinese, n.o.s.[nb 7] 38,575 0.11% 425,210 1.28% 456,705 1.46%
Somali 36,760 0.11% 31,380 0.09% 27,320 0.09%
Inuktitut 35,215 0.1% 33,500 0.1% 32,015 0.1% In the 2006 Census, this language was referred to as 'Inuktitut, n.i.e.'.[nb 8]
Armenian 33,455 0.1% 29,795 0.09% 30,130 0.1%
Turkish 32,815 0.09% 29,640 0.09% 24,745 0.08%
Min Nan (Chaochow, Teochow, Fukien, Taiwanese) 31,795 0.09% n/a n/a n/a n/a
Malayalam 28,570 0.08% 16,080 0.05% 11,925 0.04%
Albanian 26,895 0.08% 23,820 0.07% n/a n/a
Ilocano 26,345 0.08% 17,915 0.05% 13,450 0.04%
Amharic 22,465 0.06% 18,020 0.05% 14,555 0.05%
Czech 22,295 0.06% 23,585 0.07% 24,450 0.08%
Khmer (Cambodian) 20,130 0.06% 19,440 0.06% 19,105 0.06%
Bulgarian 20,020 0.06% 19,050 0.06% 16,790 0.05%
Hebrew 19,530 0.06% 18,450 0.06% 17,635 0.06%
Niger–Congo languages, n.i.e.[nb 8] 19,140 0.06% 14,075 0.04% n/a n/a
Nepali 18,275 0.05% 8,480 0.03% n/a n/a
Ojibway 17,885 0.05% 17,625 0.05% 24,190 0.08%
Slovak 17,585 0.05% 17,580 0.05% 18,820 0.06%
Pashto 16,910 0.05% 12,465 0.04% 9,025 0.03%
Macedonian 16,770 0.05% 17,245 0.05% 18,435 0.06%
Tigrigna 16,650 0.05% 10,220 0.03% 7,105 0.02%
Sinhala 16,335 0.05% 14,185 0.04% 10,180 0.03%
Bisayan languages n/a n/a 16,240 0.05% 11,240 0.04%
Telugu 15,655 0.05% 9,315 0.03% 6,625 0.02%
Finnish 15,295 0.04% 17,415 0.05% 21,030 0.07%
Yiddish 13,555 0.04% 15,205 0.05% 16,295 0.05%
Akan (Twi) 13,460 0.04% 12,680 0.04% 12,780 0.04%
Swahili 13,375 0.04% 10,090 0.03% 7,935 0.03%
Wu (Shanghainese) 12,920 0.04% n/a n/a n/a n/a
Oji-Cree 12,855 0.04% 9,835 0.03% 11,690 0.04%
Lao 12,670 0.04% 12,970 0.04% 13,940 0.04%
Danish 12,630 0.04% 14,145 0.04% 18,735 0.06%
Malay 12,275 0.04% 10,910 0.03% 9,490 0.03%
Bosnian 12,210 0.04% 11,685 0.04% 12,790 0.04%
Sindhi 11,860 0.03% 11,330 0.03% 10,355 0.03%
Kurdish 11,705 0.03% 9,805 0.03% 7,660 0.02%
Hakka 10,910 0.03% 5,115 0.02% n/a n/a
Dene, n.o.s.[nb 7] 10,700 0.03% 11,215 0.03% 9,745 0.03%
Afrikaans 10,260 0.03% 8,770 0.03% n/a n/a
Montagnais (Innu) 10,230 0.03% 10,785 0.03% 10,975 0.04% In the 2006 Census, this language was referred to as 'Montagnais-Naskapi'.
Slovenian 9,785 0.03% 10,775 0.03% 13,135 0.04%
Taiwanese n/a n/a 9,635 0.03% 9,620 0.03%
Serbo-Croatian 9,555 0.03% 10,155 0.03% 12,510 0.04% All varieties of Serbo-Croatian (Bosnian, Croatian, Montenegrin and Serbian) combined would enumerate a total of 127,310 speakers (0.37% of total population).
African languages, n.i.e.[nb 8] n/a n/a 9,125 0.03% n/a n/a
Thai 9,255 0.03% 7,935 0.02% n/a n/a
Marathi 8,295 0.02% 5,830 0.02% n/a n/a
Bantu languages, n.i.e.[nb 8] n/a n/a 7,150 0.02% n/a n/a
Lithuanian 7,075 0.02% 7,245 0.02% 8,335 0.03%
Swedish 6,840 0.02% 7,350 0.02% 8,220 0.03%
Mi'kmaq 6,690 0.02% 7,635 0.02% 7,365 0.02%
Tibetan 6,165 0.02% n/a n/a n/a n/a
Atikamekw 6,150 0.02% 5,820 0.02% 5,250 0.02%
Canadian Gaelic n/a n/a 6,015 0.02% 6,015 0.02%
Fukien (Fuzhou dialect) n/a n/a 5,925 0.02% n/a n/a
Rundi (Kirundi) 5,845 0.02% 3,975 0.01% n/a n/a
Maltese 5,565 0.02% 6,220 0.02% 6,405 0.02%
Estonian 5,445 0.02% 6,385 0.02% 8,240 0.03%
Latvian 5,455 0.02% 6,200 0.02% 7,000 0.02%
Kinyarwanda (Rwanda) 5,250 0.02% 3,895 0.01% n/a n/a
Indo-Iranian languages, n.i.e.[nb 8] 5,180 0.01% 5,255 0.02% n/a n/a
Oromo 4,960 0.01% 11,140 0.03% n/a n/a
Norwegian 4,615 0.01% 5,800 0.02% 7,225 0.02%
Tibetan languages n/a n/a 4,640 0.01% n/a n/a
Sino-Tibetan languages, n.i.e.[nb 8] n/a n/a 4,360 0.01% n/a n/a
Sign languages, n.i.e.[nb 8] 4,125 0.01% 3,815 0.01% n/a n/a
Vlaams (Flemish) 3,895 0.01% 4,690 0.01% 5,660 0.02%
Lingala 3,810 0.01% 3,085 0.01% n/a n/a
Burmese 3,585 0.01% 2,985 0.01% n/a n/a
Stoney 3,025 0.01% 3,050 0.01% n/a n/a
Shanghainese n/a n/a 2,920 0.01% n/a n/a
Blackfoot 2,815 <0.01% n/a n/a 3,085 0.01%
Slavic languages, n.i.e.[nb 8] 2,420 0.01% 3,630 0.01% n/a n/a
Semitic languages, n.i.e.[nb 8] 2,155 0.01% 16,970 0.05% n/a n/a
Frisian 2,095 <0.01% n/a n/a 2,890 0.01%
Dogrib (Tlicho) 1,645 <0.01% n/a n/a 2,020 0.01%
Tibeto-Burman languages, n.i.e.[nb 8] 1,405 <0.01% n/a n/a n/a n/a
Siouan languages (Dakota/Sioux) 1,265 <0.01% n/a n/a 5,585 0.02%
Algonquin 1,260 <0.01% n/a n/a 1,920 0.01%
Scottish Gaelic 1,095 <0.01% n/a n/a n/a n/a
Welsh 1,075 <0.01% n/a n/a n/a n/a
Carrier 1,030 <0.01% n/a n/a 1,560 <0.01%
Inuinnaqtun (Inuvialuktun) 1,020 <0.01% n/a n/a 365 <0.01%
Mohawk 985 <0.01% n/a n/a 290 <0.01%
South Slavey 950 <0.01% n/a n/a 1,605 0.01% Also known as Dene Yatıé or Dene Zhatıé, or Dené Dháh.
Gitxsan (Gitksan) 880 <0.01% n/a n/a 1,180 <0.01%
North Slavey 765 <0.01% n/a n/a 1,065 <0.01% Also known as Sahtúgot’įné Yatı̨́, K’ashógot’įne Goxedǝ́, and Shíhgot’įne Yatı̨́.
Tsilhqot'in 655 <0.01% n/a n/a 1,070 <0.01% Also spelled Chilcotin.
Celtic languages, n.i.e.[nb 8] 530 <0.01% n/a n/a n/a n/a
Dënësųłıné n/a n/a n/a n/a 525 <0.01%
Michif 465 <0.01% n/a n/a n/a n/a
Shuswap (Secwepemctsin) 445 <0.01% n/a n/a 935 <0.01%
Nisga'a 400 <0.01% n/a n/a 680 <0.01%
Malecite 300 <0.01% n/a n/a 535 <0.01%
Kutchin-Gwich’in (Loucheux) 260 <0.01% n/a n/a 360 <0.01%
Tlingit 95 <0.01% n/a n/a 80 <0.01%
Other languages n/a n/a 77,890 0.2% 172,650 0.55%
Multiple language responses 818,640 2.35% 639,540 1.9% 392,760 1.26%
English and French 165,335 0.48% 144,685 0.4% 98,630 0.32%
English and a non-official language 533,260 1.53% 396,330 1.2% 240,005 0.77%
French and a non-official language 86,145 0.25% 74,430 0.2% 43,335 0.14%
English, French, and a non-official language 33,900 0.1% 24,095 0.07% 10,790 0.03%
Total[163][164][165] 34,767,250 100% 33,121,175 100% 31,241,030 100%

Language used most often at work

[edit]
Language used most often at work
Language % of total population (2006)[166] % of total population (2016)[167]
English 76.36% 76.49%
French 20.22% 19.17%
Non-official 1.49% 1.38%
English and French 1.37% 2.07%
English and non-official 0.47% 0.77%
Other[i] 0.09% 0.12%

Language used most often at home

[edit]
Language used most often at home
Language % of total population (2006)[168] % of total population (2016)[169]
English 65.89% 63.75%
French 21.15% 19.97%
Non-official 11.11% 11.5%
English and non-official 1.3% 3.7%
English and French 0.3% 0.46%
Other[j] 0.24% 0.63%

See also

[edit]

Explanatory notes

[edit]

References

[edit]

Further reading

[edit]
[edit]
Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
Canada's linguistic landscape is dominated by English and French, designated as the s of the federal government under section 16 of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms, ensuring their equal status in parliamentary and judicial proceedings. According to the 2021 Census of , 98% of Canadians reported knowledge of English, French, or both, with English serving as the first spoken for 75% of the and French for 21.4%. This bilingual framework stems from historical British and French colonial influences, yet English predominates nationally, particularly outside where French speakers form a majority and where provincial mandates French as the sole . English-French bilingualism stands at 18% of the as of 2021, with higher rates among French mother-tongue speakers at 42.2%, reflecting educational policies and geographic proximity in regions like the "Bilingual Belt" spanning to . Beyond the official duo, encompasses over 70 Indigenous languages from diverse families such as Algonquian, , and Salishan, though only 237,420 Indigenous individuals reported conversational proficiency in 2021, marking a 4.3% decline from 2016 amid assimilation pressures and limited intergenerational transmission. Immigrant-driven diversity adds further layers, with the 2021 Census identifying over 200 mother tongues, including Punjabi, Mandarin, and among the most spoken non-official languages at home, spoken by nearly 3 in 10 . These dynamics highlight ongoing tensions in and policy, including efforts to revitalize Indigenous tongues through territorial recognitions in and the , where and other Aboriginal languages hold co-official status alongside English and French. Federal initiatives under the Official Languages Act promote bilingual services, yet demographic shifts from immigration—favoring non-French languages—have slowed French's relative growth outside , prompting debates on sustaining linguistic duality amid .

Historical Development

Pre-Colonial Linguistic Diversity

Prior to European contact, the territory comprising modern hosted approximately 70 distinct Indigenous languages grouped into 12 major language families, spoken by an indigenous population estimated at between 500,000 and 2 million people. These languages represented a baseline of linguistic diversity shaped by millennia of , adaptation to varied ecosystems, and relative isolation among groups, with no evidence of widespread pidgins or creoles predating intercontinental trade disruptions. Empirical reconstructions from archaeological, ethnographic, and comparative linguistic data indicate that this diversity persisted without significant external influence until the late . Key families included the , the most extensive, spanning from the Atlantic coast through the prairies and into the boreal , encompassing dialects spoken by groups such as the , , and . dominated the subarctic northwest and interior , associated with and other northern peoples. Coastal and interior featured Salishan and Wakashan families, while isolates like (on ) and (in the southeastern interior) highlighted pockets of unique linguistic stocks. In the , of the Eskimo-Aleut family formed a continuum from the central to , adapted to marine and environments. , such as those of the Huron-Wendat and Haudenosaunee, clustered in the and . This geographic patterning reflected ecological niches, with coastal and riverine groups fostering denser populations and more intricate dialect continua, while vast northern expanses supported sparser, mobile speech communities. Transmission occurred exclusively through oral traditions, including narrative cycles, songs, ceremonies, and kin-based apprenticeship, as no indigenous writing systems existed in pre-contact Canada. Inter-group exchange relied on polyglot individuals or use of prestige dialects in and , rather than formalized auxiliary languages, underscoring the of linguistic communities amid seasonal mobility and localized alliances. Population densities, inferred from settlement patterns and resource yields, supported speaker bases per language ranging from thousands in fertile river valleys to hundreds in marginal terrains, fostering micro-variations without hierarchical standardization.

Colonial Era and European Languages

The arrived in with the founding of permanent European settlements in the early 17th century, beginning with in 1604 and the establishment of in 1608 by as the capital of . These colonies drew settlers primarily from northern and western France, introducing dialects that evolved into distinct varieties: in the Maritime regions, influenced by isolation and interactions with and later British rule, and along the , which retained closer ties to metropolitan French but developed unique phonological and lexical features due to rural settlement patterns and limited after initial waves. By the mid-18th century, French speakers numbered around 70,000 in , forming a cohesive linguistic community amid sparse population density and reliance on alliances with Indigenous groups. The British conquest disrupted French dominance, culminating in the capture of on September 13, 1759, during the Battle of the Plains of Abraham, followed by Montreal's surrender in 1760 and the Treaty of Paris in 1763, which formally ceded to Britain, leaving French speakers as a conquered minority subject to English as the administrative language. This shift imposed English supremacy in governance and commerce, with early post-conquest policies under the Royal Proclamation of 1763 favoring Protestant English settlers and marginalizing French legal and linguistic customs, though French persisted in daily life and local courts due to demographic majorities in the St. Lawrence valley. The of 1774 offered partial accommodations by restoring French civil law and permitting its use in local proceedings, while mandating English for criminal trials and public records to ensure uniformity under British oversight, reflecting pragmatic efforts to secure loyalty amid American revolutionary threats but exerting assimilation pressures through elite anglicization and land grant preferences for English speakers. In the Atlantic provinces, English variants solidified through immigration waves, including Irish English speakers arriving from the late onward—totaling hundreds of thousands by the early —and Scottish Highlanders who introduced Gaelic after , establishing communities in and where Gaelic served as a community language until anglicization eroded it. These inflows, driven by economic distress and clearances in Britain and , entrenched English as the dominant settler tongue in regions like Newfoundland and , often supplanting earlier French Acadian presence via deportations (1755–1764) and reallocations. European missionary efforts from the onward further prioritized linguistic assimilation, with Catholic and Protestant schools enforcing French or English instruction to convert and "civilize" Indigenous children, as seen in early Jesuit colleges in (1635) and Anglican missions in , which suppressed native languages through immersion and punishment, contributing to early declines in Indigenous linguistic vitality before formalized residential systems. This causal dynamic—rooted in colonial imperatives for territorial control and resource extraction—privileged European tongues for administration and trade, limiting transmission despite sporadic bilingualism in fur trade pidgins.

Confederation and Early Policies

The (originally the Act), established bilingual provisions under section 133, permitting the use of either English or French in debates of the and the Legislature of , with records, journals, and enacted laws required in both languages. This entrenchment reflected a pragmatic concession to French-speaking representatives from the former , ensuring their participation in a confederation dominated numerically by English speakers from , , and . No equivalent safeguards applied to legislatures or courts in the other founding provinces, fostering an English-centric operational norm federally and provincially outside , where French rights were confined to legislative contexts. Upon 's admission as a in 1870, the Manitoba Act mirrored section 133 by authorizing both languages in its , debates, records, and courts, provided French speakers constituted at least 10% of the population. However, demographic shifts from anglophone immigration prompted the 1890 Official Language Act, which abolished French as an official language, followed by the Public Schools Act establishing a single, tax-supported, non-denominational system conducted solely in English. The ensuing Manitoba Schools Crisis highlighted assimilationist imperatives for national cohesion, as francophone Catholics, reliant on denominational French schools, challenged the measures in federal courts; Prime Minister Wilfrid Laurier's 1897 compromise permitted limited French oral instruction but prioritized English dominance to avert provincial secession threats and unify a diverse populace. Similar pressures manifested in with Regulation 17, enacted on July 25, 1912, by the Department of , which restricted French as a language of instruction and communication to the first two years of elementary school, capping further use at one hour daily and prohibiting it beyond grade 8. Aimed at bolstering English proficiency among Franco-Ontarian students amid rapid and wartime unity demands, the policy addressed perceived inefficiencies in but provoked sustained protests from francophone communities, leading to partial relaxations by 1927 that allowed expanded French teaching under English oversight. These early policies underscored causal tensions between preserving minority linguistic enclaves and enforcing a standardized English framework to facilitate and federal stability.

Official Languages Act and Modern Bilingualism

The Official Languages Act was adopted on September 8, 1969, declaring English and French as Canada's official languages with equal status in federal institutions, amid the Quiet Revolution's cultural and political upheavals in and growing separatist threats that prompted a national unity crisis. This legislation stemmed from recommendations of the Royal Commission on Bilingualism and Biculturalism, established in 1963 by Prime Minister to address French Canadian discontent over economic and linguistic inequalities. The Act's core intent was to foster equality through the personality principle, entitling individuals to federal services in their preferred regardless of location, rather than a strict territorial approach predominant in provinces. To oversee compliance, the position of Commissioner of Official Languages was created in 1970, with Keith Spicer appointed as the first incumbent on April 1. The 1982 Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms entrenched and expanded these provisions, particularly through section 23, which guarantees educational rights for English and French communities where numbers warrant, aiming to preserve linguistic minorities via access to schooling in their language. Sections 16 to 20 further affirm the equal status of both languages in , government, and courts. Despite these measures' goal of symmetric bilingualism, implementation has often veered toward practical territorial considerations in low-minority areas, limiting uniform application of the personality principle. Empirical outcomes reveal modest overall progress: the English-French bilingualism rate rose from 13.4% in 1971 to 18.0% in 2021, equating to about 6.6 million Canadians. However, this increase has been concentrated in Quebec, where rates exceed 46% among francophones, offsetting stagnation or declines elsewhere, reflecting persistent French language erosion outside Quebec due to assimilation pressures and demographic shifts favoring English. Such asymmetry underscores that while federal policies mitigated immediate separatist risks, they have not reversed broader trends of French vitality decline beyond Quebec's borders, with bilingualism remaining disproportionately borne by francophones.

Official Languages Framework

Federal Bilingualism Policy

The federal bilingualism policy, primarily governed by the Official Languages Act (RSC 1985, c 31 (4th Supp.)), mandates that English and French hold equal status in all federal institutions, ensuring that members of the public can communicate with and receive available services from these bodies in either . This includes requirements for bilingual communications from head offices and central administrations of federal institutions, as well as services in regions where there is significant demand for one language, determined by factors such as the proportion of francophone or anglophone populations. Federal courts must conduct proceedings in the official language of choice, with and bilingual records where necessary. The Canadian Broadcasting Corporation (CBC) is obligated to provide radio and television programming that reflects both linguistic communities proportionally, fostering balanced representation. Implementation imposes administrative requirements, such as designating positions as bilingual—particularly supervisory and roles—to uphold language-of-work for employees of either linguistic group. Compliance entails substantial costs, including services; for instance, federal spending on making services available in both languages reached $265 million in fiscal year 2009–2010, contributing to broader bilingualism-related expenditures estimated at up to $2.4 billion annually in earlier analyses encompassing , premiums like the $800 annual bilingualism bonus, and compliance infrastructure. These mechanisms create causal administrative burdens, as institutions must allocate resources for hiring bilingual personnel, producing dual-language materials, and verifying equivalency in translated documents, often duplicating efforts across a predominantly English-speaking federal workforce. To support French-language vitality outside Quebec, federal policy integrates immigration targets under the Francophone Immigration Strategy, aiming for 4.4% of permanent residents outside to be French-speaking by 2023—a threshold exceeded at approximately 4.7%—with progressive increases planned to 6% in 2024 and higher thereafter as part of the 2023–2028 for Languages. Enforcement is overseen by the Office of the of Official Languages, which investigates complaints and issues reports highlighting non-compliance; for example, 2023 findings documented Air Canada's persistent failures to deliver full bilingual services, including inadequate staffing, signage, and announcements, despite its status as a federally regulated entity subject to the Act. Annual reports track such violations, revealing ongoing challenges in sectors like transportation, though overall admissible complaints declined to 847 in 2023–2024 amid modernization efforts.

Provincial and Territorial Variations

designates French as its sole official language under the , enacted in 1977, which requires the use of French in , communications, commercial , and , with limited exceptions for English. This policy establishes French primacy, mandating that immigrants attend French-language schools and that operate primarily in French, reinforced by amendments through Bill 96 adopted in 2022 to expand French requirements in workplaces and limit English eligibility for certain subsidies. In contrast, is the only province with constitutional recognition of equal official status for both English and French, stemming from its Official Languages Act of 1969, which ensures bilingual services in provincial institutions, courts, and where demand exists. Most other provinces, including , , , , and , lack a declared but operate in English, with statutory obligations to provide French-language services only in regions where francophones form a sufficient minority, typically under French Language Services Acts. For instance, Ontario's French Language Services Act of 1986 mandates services in 25 designated areas with significant French-speaking populations, but English remains the language of legislation, courts, and daily administration across the province. Similarly, and the Prairie provinces offer targeted French services but enforce no broad bilingual requirements, reflecting the predominance of English speakers. In the territories, policies acknowledge multilingualism to varying degrees. The Northwest Territories recognizes 11 official languages under its Official Languages Act, including English, French, and nine Indigenous languages such as , , and Gwich'in, though English dominates public life and enforcement of non-English languages remains limited by resources and population distribution. grants official status to Inuktut (encompassing and ), English, and French, with Inuktut prioritized in government operations in Inuit-majority areas, but English prevails in urban centers and broader administration. designates English as its official language while providing French and services on demand, without equal status mandates. Empirical data from the 2021 Census underscore these variations: French accounts for over 78% of mother tongues in , but less than 5% in provinces (1.6% in , 2.0% in , 3.6% in ), limiting practical French services outside bilingual enclaves. In , French mother tongues comprise about 29%, supporting its bilingual framework, while territories show even lower French usage (under 5%), with Indigenous languages more prominent in and the .

Recent Policy Reforms (2023–2028 Action Plan)

In June 2023, the Official Languages Act (OLA) underwent significant modernization via Bill C-13, An Act for the of Canada's Official Languages, which received on June 20. This legislation shifts from formal equality to , explicitly recognizing French's demographic and sociolinguistic vulnerabilities relative to English, particularly outside , where French-speaking populations have declined as a proportion of the total due to immigration patterns favoring non-official languages. Key enhancements include expanded powers for the Commissioner of Official Languages, such as the ability to impose administrative monetary penalties for violations and to conduct more robust investigations into compliance by federal institutions and federally regulated private businesses. The reforms are operationalized through the Action Plan for Official Languages 2023–2028: Protection-Promotion-Collaboration, a five-year strategy investing over $1.4 billion to counteract French vitality erosion amid sustained high immigration levels. Allocations prioritize four pillars: increasing Francophone immigration targets to 8% of permanent residents outside Quebec by 2026 (up from 4.4% previously); enhancing lifelong learning, including immersion and second-language programs; grants for official language minority community (OLMC) organizations to support cultural, economic, and media infrastructure; and strengthening bilingualism within federal public services. These measures aim to restore Francophone demographic weight toward 1971 levels (approximately 6.1% nationally for minority communities), with specific funding directed at integration pathways that encourage French use among newcomers. Early implementation data from 2024–2025 reveals transitional compliance hurdles, including delays in federal institutions updating policies for positive measures to promote French and inconsistencies in applying new rules to entities like banks and airlines. Reports highlight resource strains and interpretive ambiguities in achieving "substantive equality," with the Commissioner noting uneven progress in enforcement. Critics from Francophone advocacy groups argue the plan's efficacy is constrained by broader demographic realities, as data shows recent immigrants disproportionately retaining non-official home languages (over 70% for those arriving post-2011), limiting French assimilation rates despite targeted boosts; without capping overall immigration or mandating higher French proficiency thresholds, relative French decline—evident in mother-tongue shares dropping from 22% in 1971 to 19.3% in 2021—may persist, rendering investments insufficient for causal reversal.

Demographic Patterns

Mother Tongue Distribution

In the 2021 Census, English was the mother tongue of 19,658,475 , representing 53.3% of the , while French was the mother tongue of 7,423,865 individuals, or 20.1%. Neither English nor French served as the mother tongue for 8,966,200 people, accounting for 24.3% and reflecting a significant increase from prior censuses driven by patterns since the 1990s. This distribution underscores the dominance of the two official languages among native-born , with non-official languages concentrated among recent immigrant cohorts from , , and . The proportion of French mother tongue speakers has declined over time, falling from 22.1% in the 2001 Census to 20.1% in 2021, a trend attributable to lower fertility rates among francophones, intermarriage, and toward English outside . English mother tongue share has remained relatively stable at around 53-56% since 2001, bolstered by assimilation of non-official speakers into English-dominant environments, particularly in urban centers west of . Indigenous languages constituted the mother tongue for 184,170 people in 2021, or approximately 0.5% of the population, with major families including (around 80,000 speakers) and (over 39,000), though many are not passed to children due to historical assimilation policies and . Non-official mother tongues have grown markedly, with the top languages in 2021 including Punjabi (677,000 speakers, 1.8%), Arabic (538,000, 1.5%), Mandarin (500,000, 1.4%), and Tagalog (557,000, 1.5%), largely reflecting immigration from India, the Middle East, China, and the Philippines between 1990 and 2020. This rise correlates directly with federal immigration policies expanding permanent resident admissions from under 200,000 annually in the 1990s to peaks exceeding 400,000 by 2022, with most newcomers settling in English-majority provinces and prioritizing English acquisition for economic integration.
Mother TongueNumber of Speakers (2021)Percentage of Population
English19,658,47553.3%
French7,423,86520.1%
Punjabi677,0001.8%
538,0001.5%
Mandarin500,0001.4%
Tagalog557,0001.5%
Indigenous Languages (total)184,1700.5%
Other/NoneRemaining20.9%
Projections indicate further dilution of official language shares, as annual permanent immigration targets remain high at 395,000 for 2025—down from 500,000 planned earlier but still exceeding natural population growth—with the majority of immigrants from non-francophone backgrounds adopting English as their primary language within one generation, accelerating the relative decline of French outside Quebec.

Language Proficiency and Bilingualism Rates

In the 2021 Census, 98% of Canadians reported the ability to conduct a conversation in at least one official language, English or French. English-French bilingualism affected 18.0% of the population, or approximately 6.6 million individuals, with proficiency concentrated geographically rather than broadly distributed. In , the bilingualism rate reached 46.4%, driven by policy requirements and cultural proximity to English-speaking regions, whereas it stood at 9.5% outside . Historical trends from to 2021 indicate stability in the national English-French bilingualism rate, hovering around 17-18% since the early 2000s, with no significant expansion beyond areas subject to official bilingualism mandates such as federal institutions and designated regions. Increases in bilingualism among French mother-tongue speakers, from 46.2% in 2016 to 47.6% in 2021, reflect targeted educational efforts, but rates among English mother-tongue speakers remained lower at around 9-10% nationally outside . Multilingualism, involving proficiency in non-official languages alongside English or French, is more prevalent in immigrant-heavy metropolitan areas like Toronto and Vancouver, where over 40% of residents report a non-official mother tongue. In these cities, more than 25% of households are multilingual, yet English functions as the primary lingua franca for inter-community communication and economic integration, with 94% of non-official language speakers also proficient in an official language. This pattern underscores limited overlap between official bilingualism and broader multilingual capacities shaped by recent immigration.

Home and Workplace Language Use

In the 2021 Census of Population, 22,994,705 Canadians (59.1%) reported English as the language spoken most often at home, while 7,993,595 (20.5%) reported French, with French usage overwhelmingly concentrated in Quebec where it accounted for 82.8% of home language reports. An additional 1.4% spoke both English and French equally most often at home, and 10.8% used a non-official language most often, reflecting English's broad prevalence outside Quebec and among immigrants assimilating over time. Workplace language patterns reinforce English's dominance, with 77.1% of employed using English most often at work in 2021, compared to 19.9% using French and 1.7% using both equally; non-official languages were used most often by only 1.3%. French workplace use outside is limited, primarily to roles under federal bilingual mandates, while adoption remains voluntary and low, with fewer than 10% of workers outside reporting regular French communication due to market-driven English preferences. Federal bilingualism requirements, mandating proficiency in both official s for many positions, elevate operational costs through language training, testing, and an annual $800 bilingualism bonus per qualifying employee, contributing to estimates of over $100 million in direct incentives alone amid a where English suffices for most private economic activity. Among second-generation immigrants, language retention of non-official heritage tongues drops sharply, with studies indicating an 80% or greater shift to English as the primary home and work by the second generation, accelerating assimilation into the English-dominant majority. Over the past five decades, the proportion of Canadians reporting French as a mother tongue outside Quebec has declined from approximately 6.5% in 1971 to around 3.8% in 2021, reflecting a sustained shift toward English as the dominant language in minority francophone communities. This erosion is evident in language continuity rates, which fell from 0.73 in 1971 to lower levels by 2011, with intergenerational transmission weakening due to assimilation pressures. Similarly, Indigenous languages face acute decline, with fewer than 10% of Indigenous people fluent in their ancestral tongues as of the 2021 census, and over 60 languages classified as endangered or critically endangered by UNESCO criteria, including Inuinnaqtun and Inuit Sign Language spoken by under 1,500 and 50 individuals, respectively. Causal drivers include , which disperses communities into English-dominant urban centers, reducing daily use and transmission; , where intermarriage with English speakers correlates with a shift to English in households, as observed in 1971–1976 data showing mixed unions as a primary initiator of home ; and the pervasive influence of English-language media and economic opportunities, which incentivize acquisition of English proficiency over minority languages. Government revival programs, such as immersion and funding initiatives, have yielded limited results, with speaker gains typically under 5% in targeted Indigenous languages despite international efforts like UNESCO's 2022–2032 Decade of Indigenous Languages. Recent surges have accelerated the rise of non-official languages, with net migration exceeding 1 million in 2023 alone contributing to immigrant mother tongues increasing from 13.3% of the in 2011 to higher shares by 2021, projecting non-official languages to comprise over 25% of home usage by 2030 amid continued inflows from non-English/French source countries. This demographic pressure compounds decline by diluting transmission rates in diverse urban areas, where federal bilingualism policies have proven insufficient to counterbalance English's structural advantages in integration and mobility.

English Language in Canada

Dominant Usage and Geographic Spread

serves as the predominant across nine provinces and three territories in , excluding , where it constitutes the first spoken for over 90% of the in each according to the 2021 Census. In these regions, is the mother tongue for the and the language most often spoken at home for approximately 75.5% of Canadians nationally when considering first spoken, reflecting historical settlement patterns from British colonial origins and subsequent waves favoring English-speaking integration. This dominance is empirically tied to 's economic orientation toward Anglophone markets, particularly the , which accounts for over 75% of trade volume, incentivizing proficiency for labor market participation. Geographically, English usage exceeds 95% in Atlantic provinces like and , where 98.5% and 96.1% respectively report English as the first official language spoken, extending westward to provinces and , with urban centers such as , , and functioning as primary assimilation points for over 80% of recent immigrants who adopt English within one generation for employment and . The 2021 Census records approximately 20.9 million with English as their mother tongue, comprising 56.6% of the total population of 36.99 million, underscoring its role as the in non-Quebec areas. This spread is reinforced by global and norms, where English facilitates access to markets and information without the fiscal burdens of multilingual policy enforcement seen in federally bilingual contexts. The economic rationale for English's widespread adoption lies in its causal link to higher and income levels, as indicate that English-proficient immigrants experience premiums of 10-20% compared to non-proficient counterparts, enabling seamless integration into Canada's service- and knowledge-based with minimal public expenditure on training relative to alternatives. Urban hubs accelerate this , with cities hosting 70% of immigrants drawing on English's status as the global business to drive , evidenced by Statistics Canada's longitudinal surveys showing near-universal English acquisition among second-generation non-English mother tongue speakers in these areas. This pattern prioritizes practical utility over ideological , aligning with first-principles of voluntary adoption driven by individual incentives rather than mandates.

Regional Dialects and Variants

Canadian English exhibits regional variations primarily in , , and syntax, though these remain mutually intelligible across the country, facilitating communication and contributing to linguistic cohesion rather than fragmentation. These dialects evolved from British, Irish, and Scottish settler inputs, with later influences from proximity and , but maintain a core homogeneity distinct from both British and General American varieties. Empirical studies confirm high among Canadian English dialects, as they share foundational phonological patterns like and low-back vowel mergers, allowing speakers from Newfoundland to to comprehend each other with minimal adjustment. In , particularly , English features pronounced Irish and Gaelic substrates, manifesting in unique such as recessive devoicing of fricatives (e.g., "live" pronounced with a voiceless /f/) and non-standard like third-person singular -s absence or masculine pronouns for inanimates. Vocabulary includes terms like "b'y" for addressing males and expressions tied to fishing heritage, such as "cod" for various meanings beyond the . Maritime provinces share some traits, including Scottish-influenced intonation, but Newfoundland's isolation preserved more archaic forms until recent homogenization via media. Quebec English, spoken by anglophones in a French-dominant milieu, incorporates French loanwords not common elsewhere in Canada, such as "dep" for dépanneur (), "staircase" for outdoor stairs (escalier), and "five-and-dime" influenced by épicerie terms. This borrowing reflects bilingual contact, with higher frequencies in versus rural areas, though semantic shifts occur (e.g., "poutine" retaining its Quebec-specific gravy-cheese-fries meaning). Phonologically, it aligns with broader Canadian norms but shows occasional French substrate effects in intonation. Western Canadian English, especially in and , displays border effects akin to American varieties, forming a with features like merged cot-caught vowels and innovative diphthongs in words like "price." In and , distinct vowel shifts differentiate it from English, such as fronted /u/ in "." Terms like "kerb" (British influence) persist alongside American borrowings, but overall, it evidences American proximity over eastern Canadian divergence. Urban multicultural varieties, notably Multicultural Toronto English among youth, integrate slang from immigrant communities (e.g., Somali, Jamaican, Punjabi influences), yielding lexicon like "mans" for people, "wasteman" for fool, and "ting" for thing or girl. This multi-ethnolect emerged post-1980s immigration waves, with phonological traits like raised /æ/ before nasals, but remains intelligible to standard Canadian speakers. Indigenous Englishes, spoken by First Nations communities, often stem from pidgin-to-creole evolution, featuring substrate grammar like invariant be (e.g., "they be hunting") and lexicon from Aboriginal languages, as in varieties. These creolized forms, while distinct, decrreolize toward standard norms in urban settings without losing core .

Influence of Immigration on English

Since the adoption of the in 1967, which opened pathways to applicants from non-European, non-English-speaking countries, has experienced accelerated linguistic assimilation into English among newcomers, particularly outside . Immigrants from , , and , comprising the majority of permanent residents since the , demonstrate rapid acquisition of English proficiency driven by labor market demands and educational opportunities. Longitudinal data show that while 37% of new immigrants report limited skills six months post-arrival, proficiency levels rise substantially thereafter, with economic immigrants often achieving advanced conversational ability within 5–10 years to secure . This pattern counters assertions that high erodes English dominance, as newcomers' adaptation reinforces its role as the primary medium for integration and economic participation. Recent immigration surges from , , and the —the leading source countries for permanent residents in 2023–2025, accounting for over 40% of inflows—have expanded English as a (ESL) enrollment but ultimately solidified its . These cohorts, largely non-English mother tongue speakers, prioritize English learning for upward mobility, with government-funded programs facilitating widespread uptake. By , heritage retention declines sharply, as children predominantly use English at home and school, fostering near-universal proficiency and monolingual tendencies that enhance labor market outcomes. This intergenerational shift, observed across census periods, positions English as the default for over 90% of descendant households in English-majority provinces, per patterns in language use data. In contrast to French-speaking regions, where policies actively curb anglicization through mandatory French instruction and cultural safeguards, English Canada's immigrant populations show negligible organized resistance to assimilation. Quebec's resistance to non-French-speaking inflows, exemplified by mandates requiring French proficiency for business signage and selection, highlights English's unopposed assimilative pull elsewhere. This dynamic underscores 's role in perpetuating English , as economic incentives and societal norms compel linguistic convergence without the institutional barriers seen in francophone contexts.

French Language in Canada

Core Areas of Vitality (Quebec and New Brunswick)

In , French serves as the mother tongue for 78.2% of the based on single responses from the 2021 , while 94.2% of residents report the ability to conduct a conversation in French. The , enacted in 1977 as Bill 101, mandates French as the official language of government, , and , fostering retention by requiring French instruction for most children and prioritizing it in public signage and contracts. These measures have sustained French's demographic stronghold, with 85.5% of households reporting regular use of French at home in 2021, even amid immigration from non-French-speaking regions. Quebec's economy relies on French proficiency for provincial and roles, where it functions as the primary of communication and legal documentation, enabling cohesion across diverse linguistic groups. Recent legislative updates, including Bill 96 effective in 2022 and expansions in 2025, enforce French predominance in workplaces with 25 or more employees and extend requirements to digital interfaces, countering influences from English-dominant global media and technology platforms. Youth bilingualism supports vitality, as French-first education systems produce graduates fluent in both languages, with 46.4% of overall bilingual in English and French per 2021 data, facilitating access to broader markets without eroding French usage. In , French is the mother tongue for 33.0% of residents according to 2021 Census single responses, bolstered by the province's Official Languages Act of 1969, which granted equal status to English and French in legislative and administrative matters—the first such provincial recognition in . This framework has preserved French vitality in Acadian communities, particularly in the northeast, where French accounts for over 40% of mother tongues in areas like Madawaska County, through bilingual service delivery and cultural protections. Educational immersion initiatives, including French-first programs for francophone students and optional immersion for anglophones, have elevated bilingualism rates among to over 70% in French-speaking regions, per provincial aligned with national trends. French remains integral to local economies in sectors like fisheries, , and in Acadian areas, where bilingual policies enable within while maintaining linguistic distinctiveness against predominant English influences.

Erosion Outside Quebec

The number of individuals reporting French as their mother tongue outside Quebec stood at approximately 993,000 in 2021, representing a decline from 1,042,000 in 2016 and a roughly 10% drop since 1991 when adjusted for population growth. This erosion reflects a persistent language shift, with assimilation rates estimated at 30-40% per generation among Francophone minorities, as measured by the proportion abandoning French for English in home use. Key drivers include high rates of exogamous marriage, exceeding 50% for Francophones outside by the early , which correlates with children adopting English as their primary language. Economic pressures in predominantly English-speaking labor markets further incentivize assimilation, as proficiency in French offers limited occupational advantages beyond specific niches, leading to intergenerational transmission failures where over one-third of Francophone households shifted to English-dominant use by the . Federal interventions, including over $1 billion allocated annually through official languages programs to support minority French communities, have failed to reverse these trends, with home language retention stagnating despite investments in and services. surveys underscore limited local commitment, with fewer than 20% of Canadians outside viewing federal bilingualism policies as a high priority, casting doubt on claims of Francophone "vitality" in these regions.

Dialectal Variations

Quebec French, the predominant variety spoken by approximately 6.1 million mother-tongue speakers as of the 2021 census, incorporates influences from joual, a colloquial sociolect historically associated with working-class Quebecois communities and featuring archaic vocabulary (e.g., char for "car," derived from 17th-century French), non-standard phonology such as closed vowels in words like tuyau pronounced closer to [tɥjo], and simplified grammar reflecting rural settler speech patterns. These traits distinguish it from European standard French, originating from conservative evolution post-1760 British conquest, which preserved pre-Revolutionary forms while diverging through anglicisms and internal innovations. Acadian French, spoken primarily by over 300,000 in New Brunswick, Nova Scotia, and Prince Edward Island, exhibits distinct phonetic mergers (e.g., /ɛ/ and /œ/ often neutralized) and lexical archaisms like asteur for "now," with regional sub-varieties including chiac, a contact vernacular in southeastern New Brunswick blending Acadian syntax with English lexicon (e.g., J'ai checked le movie for "I checked the movie"), reflecting bilingual immersion in anglophone environments. Métis French, a prairie variant among western Indigenous-Euro mixed communities, retains voyageur-era features and serves as the French base for the creolized Michif language, though its pure form is spoken by fewer than 1,000, per linguistic surveys. Newfoundland French, once vibrant in the Port-au-Port Peninsula from 18th-century Norman Breton settlers, has dwindled to under 200 fluent speakers by 2021 estimates, nearing extinction due to intergenerational shift to English amid resource economy assimilation. These dialectal divergences—phonetic (e.g., Acadian's aspirated /h/ retention vs. Quebec's glottal stops), lexical (Quebec's dépanneur for vs. Acadian magasin), and syntactic—create barriers exceeding 20-30% in casual speech between regions, per sociolinguistic studies, undermining prospects for unified pan-Canadian French identity. In 2021, non-Quebec French dialects accounted for under 5% of Canada's total French mother-tongue population (roughly 7.1 million), concentrated in Maritime and western pockets totaling about 400,000 speakers, as Quebec standard increasingly dominates via media and migration. Preservation efforts clash with standardization pushes: Quebec's , enforced by the Charte de la langue française since 1977, prioritizes international-norm French to bolster vitality against anglicization, yet local advocates resist erosion of joual-infused idioms through cultural media like theater; Acadian communities debate 's role in youth retention versus purist rejection as dilution. European French broadcasts and streaming (e.g., exports) accelerate convergence toward Parisian norms, diminishing archaic dialect markers by 15-20% in younger cohorts since 2000, according to usage surveys, as causal exposure favors prestige variants over regionally isolated forms.

Non-Official Languages

Indigenous Languages

Canada's Indigenous languages encompass over 70 distinct tongues belonging to several families, including Algonquian, Athabaskan, and , spoken by fewer than 1% of the total population. According to the 2021 Census, 237,420 Indigenous individuals reported the ability to converse in an , representing a 4.3% decline from 2016, while 184,170 identified an as their mother tongue, down 7.1%. languages remain the most vital, with approximately 86,475 speakers capable of conversation, followed by at around 40,000; however, over 40 languages have fewer than 500 speakers, and many others count under 100 fluent users, with speakers often elderly. Government policies, particularly the residential school system operational from the 1880s until the 1990s, systematically suppressed these languages by punishing children for speaking them, aiming at assimilation into English- or French-dominant society; this disrupted intergenerational transmission, contributing to current where three-quarters of the languages face extinction risks and none are deemed stable. Revival initiatives include federal funding through the Indigenous Languages Component, with over $86 million allocated from 2021 to 2025 for projects under the Indigenous Languages Act, alongside broader commitments exceeding $200 million in recent budgets for language preservation and cultural programs. Despite these measures and alignment with the -declared International Decade of Indigenous Languages (2022–2032), which emphasizes global preservation efforts, speaker numbers continue to fall, with only marginal gains in learners reported—such as a 20% rise in some programs—insufficient to reverse trends, as fewer than 10% of initiatives yield sustained new fluent speakers. Causal factors include the absence of economic incentives for daily use, as proficiency in English or French offers greater access to employment and services, leading to preferential adoption of dominant languages by younger generations and high rates of "silent speakers" (7.6% of those with an Indigenous mother tongue unable to converse in it). This pattern underscores that symbolic funding and summits, while increasing awareness, fail to address the practical barriers to vitality without integrating languages into viable economic contexts.

Sign Languages

The primary sign languages used by Deaf communities in Canada are (ASL), prevalent in English-speaking provinces, and Langue des signes québécoise (LSQ), dominant in . These languages, along with Indigenous sign languages, function as distinct linguistic systems rather than manual codes for spoken languages, enabling full grammatical expression among users. ASL originated from influences and spread to Canada via early institutions, while LSQ evolved separately with roots in brought by 19th-century educators. Both ASL and LSQ are mutually unintelligible, reflecting Canada's bilingual divide, and serve niche roles primarily within Deaf cultural enclaves rather than broader society. Demographic data from the indicate limited prevalence: 8,415 individuals reported ASL as their mother tongue, 1,860 reported LSQ, and a total of 11,840 claimed any as mother tongue, comprising less than 0.03% of the . Proficiency extends further, with 37,620 able to conduct conversations in ASL and 6,195 in LSQ, though estimates of culturally Deaf users range up to 357,000 when including those identifying with Deaf communities. Indigenous sign languages, such as (PISL, also called Hand Talk), historically bridged oral language barriers among First Nations groups in the Prairies and northern regions but have sharply declined due to assimilation policies and dominance of ASL/LSQ, with only small pockets of fluent elders remaining and ongoing revitalization initiatives. Federally, the Accessible Canada Act of 2019 recognizes ASL, LSQ, and Indigenous sign languages as primary communication modes for deaf persons to promote , but grants no official status or funding parity with English or French. Provincial approaches vary: and have legislated ASL recognition for deaf communities, while requires public services in ASL and LSQ, yet gaps persist in interpreter availability and educational integration nationwide.

Immigrant and Heritage Languages

In the 2021 Census, over 7.8 million Canadians reported a non-official mother tongue excluding Indigenous languages, with the majority stemming from post-1970s waves predominantly from and the . Among languages most often spoken at home, Punjabi ranked highest at 520,000 speakers, followed closely by Mandarin at 531,000, reflecting surges from South Asian and Chinese inflows; , while lower at home use, saw 667,000 conversing in it, driven by recent Middle Eastern migration. In contrast, Eastern European heritage languages like Ukrainian have declined sharply, dropping from third-largest mother tongue status pre-1960s to 20th by 2016, with native speakers falling to under 110,000 amid assimilation and minimal new . Intergenerational transmission of these heritage languages shows initial retention of 50-70% in the first through use, but plummets to around 20% proficiency in the second , exacerbated by English-dominant schooling and media. Urban enclaves mitigate some loss; for instance, in , , Punjabi speakers comprise 29.1% of the population, enabling community institutions to sustain daily use and cultural practices, though this concentration correlates with slower English acquisition rates among youth. Overall, while Asian-origin languages exhibit higher first-generation home use (over 80% for many), European immigrant tongues face steeper erosion due to earlier arrival and weaker institutional support. High immigration from 2023-2025, targeting over 1 million annual permanent residents mostly from , , and the , sustains growth in Punjabi, Mandarin, and Tagalog speakers, countering natural decline. However, the dominant shift to English persists, with 94% of non-official conversants also proficient in English, underscoring assimilation pressures that challenge long-term vitality and raise integration hurdles like parallel linguistic communities in major cities. This pattern highlights tensions between diversity influx and cohesive national linguistic function, as enclaves preserve heritage at the potential cost of broader societal integration.

Pidgins, Mixed Languages, and Jargons

In Canada, pidgins, mixed languages, and jargons emerged primarily from colonial-era trade and intercultural contact, blending elements of Indigenous languages, French, English, and Scots to enable communication among fur traders, communities, and Indigenous groups. These forms facilitated economic exchange, particularly in the fur trade from the 18th to early 20th centuries, but their structured use has largely faded with assimilation into dominant English and French varieties, leaving only marginal modern remnants with fewer than 2,000 total speakers across variants as of recent estimates. Chinook Jargon, a developed in the late along the coast, incorporated vocabulary from Chinookan, Nootkan, French, English, and other Indigenous languages to serve maritime and overland between European traders and from to northern , including . At its peak around 1900, it had approximately 100,000 speakers and persisted into the early for intergroup commerce and missionary work before declining with English dominance; today, it is considered extinct as a community language, with no fluent native speakers and only sporadic revival efforts among linguists and heritage groups. Michif, a spoken by communities in the Prairie provinces, combines or noun phrases with , originating in the from bilingual fur traders and settlers who fused maternal Indigenous and paternal European linguistic systems for daily use in Red River and regions. The reported 1,485 individuals able to converse in Michif, a 45% increase from 2016, primarily among , though it remains critically endangered with fluent speakers numbering under 30, mostly elderly, and limited intergenerational transmission. Chiac, a contemporary in southeastern New Brunswick's Acadian communities, integrates English lexical items—especially verbs and nouns—into syntax, evolving post-1960s amid bilingual urban environments like to reflect daily in informal speech, music, and media. Unlike historical pidgins, Chiac functions as a regional with hundreds of speakers but no formalized structure or endangerment status, serving cultural expression rather than trade. Bungee (or Bungi), a now-extinct English-based spoken by Scottish in Manitoba's Red River Settlement from the early 19th century, incorporated , , Scots Gaelic, and French elements for homestead and trade interactions among Orkney Scots settlers and Indigenous kin networks. By the mid-20th century, it had assimilated fully into , with no remaining speakers documented after the . Franglais, an informal French-English hybrid prevalent in and bilingual areas like , involves ad-hoc rather than a stable , arising from 20th-century and media influence but lacking the systematic fusion of true mixed languages; it aids casual bilingualism without distinct speaker counts or preservation efforts beyond linguistic observation.

Controversies and Critiques

Economic Costs and Efficiency of Bilingualism

The federal government allocates substantial resources to official bilingualism policies, with estimates placing annual expenditures at approximately $2.4 billion across federal and provincial levels as of 2012, encompassing language training, translation services, and program administration. More recent commitments under the Action Plan for Official Languages 2023–2028 include over $2 billion in federal investments over five years for promotion and protection initiatives, though total recurrent costs remain opaque due to dispersed budgeting across departments. Language training for public servants represents a significant component, often criticized for inefficiency, as federal programs have persisted for decades without achieving widespread proficiency, leading to repeated investments in remedial instruction. Public opinion surveys highlight skepticism regarding the policy's value, particularly outside Quebec. A June 2024 Leger poll found that only 43% of respondents from the rest of viewed official bilingualism positively, with 18% holding negative opinions—labeling it a "myth" or waste—compared to 83% support in . This regional divide underscores perceptions of inefficiency, as the policy mandates bilingual services in areas with minimal French-speaking demand, diverting funds from broader priorities like economic unification under English, the dominant language in 90% of the population. Proponents cite economic benefits such as earnings premiums for bilingual individuals, with studies estimating 5–10% higher wages for those proficient in both official languages, though these gains are predominantly realized in due to market demand and are negligible elsewhere. Cognitive advantages, including improved executive function, have been documented in meta-analyses, but translation to macroeconomic efficiency remains unproven amid high compliance costs. In the federal public service, approximately 42% of positions require bilingualism, constraining the talent pool to about 39% of employees who meet the standard and inflating administrative overhead through duplicated services and hiring barriers. Critics argue this structure fosters bloat, as non-essential roles demand dual-language capacity despite English sufficing for most national interactions, potentially reducing overall governmental efficiency without commensurate returns.

Cultural and Integration Impacts

, enshrined in the Official Languages Act of 1969, was designed to foster national unity by accommodating French-speaking and mitigating separatist sentiments following the Quiet Revolution, with proponents arguing it reinforced through linguistic duality rather than assimilation. Empirical data from the , where federalist forces emphasized bilingual commitments to retain the province, suggest it contributed to 's continued federation membership, as sovereignty support fell to 49.4% amid promises of enhanced French protections. However, critics contend this policy has fragmented national cohesion by prioritizing duality over a shared , with geographic bilingualism confined to a "bilingual belt" between and , where only intermittent mixing occurs, leaving English-majority provinces feeling imposed upon. In English-dominant regions, comprising over 80% of Canada's population outside , bilingual requirements for federal services and positions have bred resentment, as surveys indicate a preference for unilingual English delivery where feasible; for instance, a 2024 Leger poll found 22% of non- respondents perceiving English as threatened, reflecting alienation despite broad policy support. This dynamic bolsters separatist narratives in , where language grievances—exacerbated by perceived English encroachment—sustain appeal, with 2021 election results showing the party capturing 32% of votes by framing federal bilingualism as insufficiently protective of French vitality. Conversely, conservative commentators argue for emphasizing English primacy to enhance cohesion, given its role as the common language for immigrants and interprovincial communication, potentially reducing divisiveness without abrogating . Federal emphasis on English-French parity has marginalized Indigenous and immigrant languages, sidelining broader cultural integration by channeling resources toward official languages; Indigenous tongues, spoken by under 1% fluently per 2021 census data, face displacement as policies fund English/French immersion over revitalization efforts like those for Inuktitut. This prioritization fosters a hierarchy where non-official heritage languages—now mother tongues for 22% of Canadians—receive token support, impeding cohesive identity formation amid multiculturalism, as evidenced by stagnant fluency rates despite rising home usage. Such dynamics underscore bilingualism's role in preserving Quebec's distinctiveness at the potential cost of pan-Canadian unity, with Pew Research in 2024 revealing 84% viewing English/French proficiency as key to identity, yet highlighting tensions in equitable application.

Quebec's Unilateral Language Measures

Bill 96, formally An Act respecting French, the official and common of Québec, was adopted on June 1, 2022, amending the to impose stricter requirements on the use of French in , , and public life. Proponents argue these unilateral measures safeguard against assimilation pressures from English dominance and , mandating French proficiency for government services and limiting English access for non-historic anglophones. Key provisions include requiring es with 25 or more employees to obtain a francization certificate, with fines for non-compliance ranging from $3,000 to $30,000 per offense for companies, doubling on recurrence. In , English-language CEGEPs must enroll no more than 25% non-English-eligible students by 2026, and English-eligible students are required to complete up to five French courses by 2024. Phased implementation continued through 2025, with June 1 marking expansions to product labeling and inscriptions, where French must predominate over other languages, and generic terms in trademarks require French translations alongside originals. Businesses face obligations to provide French versions of websites, contracts, and employment-related documents, with the québécois de la langue française empowered to issue compliance orders enforceable by injunctions. These reforms aim to reverse perceived declines, as 2021 data showed 85.5% of Quebecers speaking French at home at least regularly, a slight proportional drop from prior years despite numerical increases, attributed by advocates to stabilizing the language's role amid rising allophone populations. Critics contend the measures overreach by infringing minority language rights under section 23 of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms, prompting multiple court challenges, including temporary suspensions of enrollment caps and bilingual service provisions by the Quebec Superior Court. English school boards argue the CEGEP mandates undermine institutional autonomy and access to minority education, while business groups highlight compliance costs potentially deterring investment, though no widespread exodus has materialized as of 2025. Concurrently, empirical trends show persistent anglicization risks, with 58% of youth aged 18-24 favoring English or mixed usage in workplaces and retail, and surveys indicating only 78% of young Quebecers prefer French service compared to higher rates among older cohorts. Despite intended protections, such data suggest causal limits to legislative mandates in countering cultural shifts driven by media and economic incentives.

Effects of High Immigration on Linguistic Cohesion

Canada admitted 464,265 permanent residents in 2023, with targets reduced to 395,000 for 2025 amid public concerns over sustainability, though net international migration including temporaries exceeded 1 million in peak years like 2023. The majority of these immigrants—predominantly from Asia and Africa—originate from regions where neither English nor French predominates as the mother tongue, with recent cohorts showing over 70% reporting non-official languages as primary. This composition has driven the share of Canadians with a non-official mother tongue to approximately 25% by 2021, up from 15.7% in 1971, with immigration accounting for the bulk of the increase. Government efforts to bolster French-speaking immigration remain limited, targeting just 8.5% of permanent residents outside Quebec as French-proficient in 2025, rising modestly to 10% by 2027—figures critics argue fail to offset the influx of non-official language speakers, which dilutes French's demographic weight beyond Quebec. Home language use reflects this shift: in 2021, multiple non-official languages were spoken regularly in over 1 million households, fragmenting everyday communication and challenging the assumption of English-French duality in public life. While second-generation immigrants typically adopt English as their primary language, facilitating partial integration into the anglophone majority, this pattern exacerbates anglophone dominance and strains bilingual infrastructure, as initial cohorts rely less on French and increase demand for multilingual services without proportional reinforcement of official languages. Such dynamics undermine linguistic cohesion by prioritizing volume over cultural alignment, fostering enclaves where non-official languages persist across generations in urban centers like and . Economic rationales for high intake emphasize labor shortages, yet causal analysis reveals that unvetted linguistic diversity correlates with slower assimilation and higher public costs for translation and education, as non-official home usage correlates with lower official language proficiency at entry. Debates contrast multiculturalism's enrichment claims—often advanced by federal policy—with evidence of eroded shared identity, where rapid non-official growth outpaces integration, prompting calls for mandatory proficiency thresholds to preserve the English-French framework essential for national unity.

References

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