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Middle Ages
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Middle Ages
c. AD 500 – 1500
class-skin-invert-image
See caption
A medieval stained glass panel from Canterbury Cathedral, c. 1175 – c. 1180, depicting the Parable of the Sower, a biblical narrative
Durationc. 1000 years
LocationEurope
Including
Key events

In the history of Europe, the Middle Ages or medieval period lasted approximately from the 5th to the late 15th centuries, similarly to the post-classical period of global history. It began with the fall of the Western Roman Empire and transitioned into the Renaissance and the Age of Discovery. The Middle Ages is the middle period of the three traditional divisions of Western history: classical antiquity, the medieval period, and the modern period. The medieval period is itself subdivided into the Early, High, and Late Middle Ages.

Population decline, counterurbanisation, the collapse of centralised authority, invasions, and mass migrations of tribes, which had begun in late antiquity, continued into the Early Middle Ages. The large-scale movements of the Migration Period, including various Germanic peoples, formed new kingdoms in what remained of the Western Roman Empire. In the 7th century, North Africa and the Middle East—once part of the Byzantine Empire—came under the rule of the Umayyad Caliphate, an Islamic empire, after conquest by Muhammad's successors. Although there were substantial changes in society and political structures, the break with classical antiquity was incomplete. The still-sizeable Byzantine Empire, Rome's direct continuation, survived in the Eastern Mediterranean and remained a major power. The empire's law code, the Corpus Juris Civilis or "Code of Justinian", was rediscovered in Northern Italy in the 11th century. In the West, most kingdoms incorporated the few extant Roman institutions. Monasteries were founded as campaigns to Christianise the remaining pagans across Europe continued. The Franks, under the Carolingian dynasty, briefly established the Carolingian Empire during the later 8th and early 9th centuries. It covered much of Western Europe but later succumbed to the pressures of internal civil wars combined with external invasions: Vikings from the north, Magyars from the east, and Saracens from the south.

During the High Middle Ages, which began after 1000, the population of Europe increased significantly as technological and agricultural innovations allowed trade to flourish and the Medieval Warm Period climate change allowed crop yields to increase. Manorialism, the organisation of peasants into villages that owed rent and labour services to the nobles, and feudalism, the political structure whereby knights and lower-status nobles owed military service to their overlords in return for the right to rent from lands and manors, were two of the ways society was organised in the High Middle Ages. This period also saw the collapse of the unified Christian church with the East–West Schism of 1054. The Crusades, first preached in 1095, were military attempts by Western European Christians to regain control of the Holy Land from Muslims. Kings became the heads of centralised nation-states, reducing crime and violence but making the ideal of a unified Christendom more distant. Intellectual life was marked by scholasticism, a philosophy that emphasised joining faith to reason, and by the founding of universities. The theology of Thomas Aquinas, the paintings of Giotto, the poetry of Dante and Chaucer, the travels of Marco Polo, and the Gothic architecture of cathedrals such as Chartres are among the outstanding achievements toward the end of this period and into the Late Middle Ages.

The Late Middle Ages was marked by difficulties and calamities, including famine, plague, and war, which significantly diminished the population of Europe; between 1347 and 1350, the Black Death killed about a third of Europeans. Controversy, heresy, and the Western Schism within the Catholic Church paralleled the interstate conflict, civil strife, and peasant revolts that occurred in the kingdoms. Cultural and technological developments transformed European society, concluding the Late Middle Ages and beginning the early modern period.

Terminology and periodisation

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The Middle Ages is one of the three major periods in the most enduring scheme for analysing European history: classical civilisation or antiquity, the Middle Ages and the modern period.[1] The "Middle Ages" first appears in Latin in 1469 as media tempestas or "middle season".[2] In early usage, there were many variants, including medium aevum, or "middle age", first recorded in 1604,[3] and media saecula, or "middle centuries", first recorded in 1625.[4] The adjective "medieval" (or sometimes "mediaeval"[5] or "mediæval"),[6] meaning pertaining to the Middle Ages, derives from medium aevum.[5]

Medieval writers divided history into periods such as the "Six Ages" or the "Four Empires" and considered their time to be the last before the end of the world.[7] When referring to their own times, they spoke of them as being "modern".[8] In the 1330s, the Italian humanist and poet Petrarch referred to pre-Christian times as antiqua ('ancient') and to the Christian period as nova ('new').[9] Petrarch regarded the post-Roman centuries as "dark" compared to the "light" of classical antiquity.[10] Leonardo Bruni was the first historian to use tripartite periodisation in his History of the Florentine People (1442), with a middle period "between the fall of the Roman Empire and the revival of city life sometime in late eleventh and twelfth centuries".[11] Tripartite periodisation became standard after the 17th-century German historian Christoph Cellarius divided history into three periods: ancient, medieval, and modern.[4]

The most commonly given starting point for the Middle Ages is around 500,[12] with the date of 476 first used by Bruni.[11][A] Later starting dates are sometimes used in the outer parts of Europe.[14] For Europe as a whole, 1500 is often considered to be the end of the Middle Ages,[15] but there is no universally agreed upon end date. Depending on the context, events such as the conquest of Constantinople by the Turks in 1453, Christopher Columbus's first voyage to the Americas in 1492, or the Reformation in 1517 are sometimes used.[16] English historians often use the Battle of Bosworth Field in 1485 to mark the end of the period.[17] For Spain, dates commonly used are the death of King Ferdinand II in 1516, the death of Queen Isabella I of Castile in 1504, or the conquest of Granada in 1492.[18]

Historians from Romance-speaking countries tend to divide the Middle Ages into two parts: an earlier "High" and later "Low" period. English-speaking historians, following their German counterparts, generally subdivide the Middle Ages into three intervals: "Early", "High", and "Late".[1] In the 19th century, the entire Middle Ages were often referred to as the "Dark Ages",[19] but with the adoption of these subdivisions, use of this term was restricted to the Early Middle Ages, at least among historians.[7]

Later Roman Empire

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A late Roman sculpture depicting the four Tetrarchs, now in Venice, Italy[20]

The Roman Empire reached its greatest territorial extent during the 2nd century AD; the following two centuries witnessed the slow decline of Roman control over its outlying territories.[21] Economic issues, including inflation, and external pressure on the frontiers combined to create the Crisis of the Third Century, with emperors coming to the throne only to be rapidly replaced by new usurpers.[22] Military expenses increased steadily during the 3rd century, mainly in response to the war with the Sasanian Empire, which revived in the middle of the 3rd century.[23] The army doubled in size, and cavalry and smaller units replaced the Roman legion as the main tactical unit.[24] The need for revenue led to increased taxes and a decline in numbers of the curial, or landowning, class, and decreasing numbers of them willing to shoulder the burdens of holding office in their native towns.[23] More bureaucrats were needed in the central administration to deal with the needs of the army, which led to complaints from civilians that there were more tax-collectors in the empire than tax-payers.[24]

The Emperor Diocletian (r. 284–305) split the empire into separately administered eastern and western halves in 286; the empire was not considered divided by its inhabitants or rulers, as legal and administrative promulgations in one division were considered valid in the other.[25][B] In 330, after a period of civil war, Constantine the Great (r. 306–337) refounded the city of Byzantium as the newly renamed eastern capital, Constantinople.[26] Diocletian's reforms strengthened the governmental bureaucracy, reformed taxation, and strengthened the army, which bought the empire time but did not resolve the problems it was facing: excessive taxation, a declining birthrate, and pressures on its frontiers, among others.[27] Civil war between rival emperors became common in the middle of the 4th century, diverting soldiers from the empire's frontier forces and allowing invaders to encroach.[28] For much of the 4th century, Roman society stabilised in a new form that differed from the earlier classical period, with a widening gulf between the rich and poor, and a decline in the vitality of the smaller towns.[29] Another change was the Christianisation, or conversion of the empire to Christianity, a gradual process that lasted from the 2nd to the 5th centuries.[30][31]

Map of the approximate political boundaries in Europe around 450 AD

In 376, the Goths, fleeing from the Huns, received permission from Emperor Valens (r. 364–378) to settle in the Roman province of Thracia in the Balkans. The settlement did not go smoothly, and the Goths began to raid and plunder when Roman officials mishandled the situation.[C] Valens, attempting to put down the disorder, was killed fighting the Goths at the Battle of Adrianople on 9 August 378.[33] In addition to the threat from such tribal confederacies in the north, internal divisions within the empire, especially within the Christian Church, caused problems.[34] In 400, the Visigoths invaded the Western Roman Empire and, although briefly forced back from Italy, in 410 sacked the city of Rome.[35] In 406 the Alans, Vandals, and Suevi crossed into Gaul; over the next three years they spread across Gaul and in 409 crossed the Pyrenees Mountains into modern-day Spain.[36] The Migration Period began, when various peoples, initially largely Germanic peoples, moved across Europe. The Franks, Alemanni, and the Burgundians all ended up in northern Gaul while the Angles, Saxons, and Jutes settled in Britain,[37] and the Vandals went on to cross the strait of Gibraltar after which they conquered the province of Africa.[38] In the 430s the Huns began invading the empire; their king Attila (r. 434–453) led invasions into the Balkans in 442 and 447, Gaul in 451, and Italy in 452.[39] The Hunnic threat remained until Attila's death in 453, when the Hunnic confederation he led fell apart.[40] These invasions by the tribes completely changed the political and demographic nature of what had been the Western Roman Empire.[37]

By the end of the 5th century, the western section of the empire was divided into smaller political units ruled by the tribes that had invaded in the early part of the century.[41] The deposition of the last emperor of the west, Romulus Augustulus, in 476 has traditionally marked the end of the Western Roman Empire.[13][D] By 493 the Italian peninsula was conquered by the Ostrogoths.[42] The Eastern Roman Empire, often referred to as the Byzantine Empire after the fall of its western counterpart, had little ability to assert control over the lost western territories. The Byzantine emperors maintained a claim over the territory, but while none of the new kings in the west dared to elevate himself to the position of emperor of the west, Byzantine control of most of the Western Empire could not be sustained; the reconquest of the Mediterranean periphery and the Italian Peninsula (Gothic War) in the reign of Justinian (r. 527–565) was the sole, and temporary, exception.[43]

Early Middle Ages

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New societies

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Barbarian kingdoms and tribes after the end of the Western Roman Empire

The political structure of Western Europe changed with the end of the united Roman Empire. Although the movements of peoples during this period are usually described as "invasions", they were not just military expeditions but migrations of entire peoples into the empire. Such movements were aided by the refusal of the Western Roman elites to support the army or pay the taxes that would have allowed the military to suppress the migration.[44] The emperors of the 5th century were often controlled by military strongmen such as Stilicho (d. 408), Aetius (d. 454), Aspar (d. 471), Ricimer (d. 472), or Gundobad (d. 516), who were partly or fully of non-Roman background. When the line of Western emperors ceased, many of the kings who replaced them were from the same background. Intermarriage between the new kings and the Roman elites was common.[45] This led to a fusion of Roman culture with the customs of the invading tribes, including the popular assemblies that allowed free male tribal members more say in political matters than was common in the Roman state.[46] Material artefacts left by the Romans and the invaders are often similar, and tribal items were often modelled on Roman objects.[47] Much of the scholarly and written culture of the new kingdoms was also based on Roman intellectual traditions.[48] An important difference was the new polities' gradual loss of tax revenue. Many new political entities no longer supported their armies through taxes; instead, they relied on granting them land or rents. This meant there was less need for large tax revenues, so the taxation systems decayed.[49] Warfare was common between and within the kingdoms. Slavery declined as the supply weakened, and society became more rural.[50][E]

A coin of the Ostrogothic leader Theoderic the Great, struck in Milan, Italy, c. AD 491–501

Between the 5th and 8th centuries, new peoples and individuals filled the political void left by the centralised Roman government.[48] The Ostrogoths, a Gothic tribe, settled in Roman Italy in the late fifth century under Theoderic the Great (d. 526) and set up a kingdom marked by its co-operation between the Italians and the Ostrogoths, at least until the last years of Theodoric's reign.[52] The Burgundians settled in Gaul, and after an earlier realm was destroyed by the Huns in 436, formed a new kingdom in the 440s. Between today's Geneva and Lyon, it grew to become the realm of Burgundy in the late 5th and early 6th centuries.[53] Elsewhere in Gaul, the Franks and Celtic Britons set up small polities. Francia was centred in northern Gaul, and the first king of whom much is known is Childeric I (d. 481). His grave was discovered in 1653 and is remarkable for its grave goods, which included weapons and a large quantity of gold.[54]

Under Childeric's son Clovis I (r. 509–511), the founder of the Merovingian dynasty, the Frankish kingdom expanded and converted to Christianity. The Britons, related to the natives of Britannia – modern-day Great Britain – settled in what is now Brittany.[55][F] Other monarchies were established by the Visigothic Kingdom in the Iberian Peninsula, the Suebi in northwestern Iberia, and the Vandal Kingdom in North Africa.[53] In the sixth century, the Lombards settled in Northern Italy, replacing the Ostrogothic kingdom with a grouping of duchies that occasionally selected a king to rule over them all. By the late sixth century, this arrangement had been replaced by a permanent monarchy, the Kingdom of the Lombards.[56]

The invasions brought new ethnic groups to Europe, although some regions received a larger influx of new peoples than others. In Gaul, for instance, the invaders settled much more extensively in the north-east than in the south-west. Slavs settled in Central and Eastern Europe and the Balkan Peninsula. Changes in languages accompanied the settlement of peoples. Latin, the literary language of the Western Roman Empire, was gradually replaced by vernacular languages, which evolved from Latin but were distinct from it, collectively known as Romance languages. These changes from Latin to the new languages took many centuries. Greek remained the language of the Byzantine Empire, but the migrations of the Slavs added Slavic languages to Eastern Europe.[57]

Byzantine survival

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A mosaic showing Justinian with the bishop of Ravenna (Italy), bodyguards, and courtiers.[58]

As Western Europe witnessed the formation of new kingdoms, the Eastern Roman Empire remained intact and experienced an economic revival that lasted into the early 7th century. There were fewer invasions of the eastern section of the empire; most occurred in the Balkans. Peace with the Sasanian Empire, Rome's traditional enemy, lasted most of the 5th century. The Eastern Empire was marked by closer relations between the political state and the Christian Church, with doctrinal matters assuming an importance in Eastern politics that they did not have in Western Europe. Legal developments included the codification of Roman law; the first effort—the Codex Theodosianus—was completed in 438.[59] Under Emperor Justinian (r. 527–565), another compilation took place—the Corpus Juris Civilis.[60] Justinian also oversaw the construction of the Hagia Sophia in Constantinople and the reconquest of North Africa from the Vandals and Italy from the Ostrogoths,[61] under Belisarius (d. 565).[62] The conquest of Italy was not complete, as a deadly outbreak of plague in 542 led to the rest of Justinian's reign concentrating on defensive measures rather than further conquests.[61]

At the Emperor's death, the Byzantines had control of most of Italy, North Africa, and a small foothold in southern Spain. Historians have criticised Justinian's reconquests for overextending his realm and setting the stage for the early Muslim conquests, but many of the difficulties faced by Justinian's successors were due not just to over-taxation to pay for his wars but to the essentially civilian nature of the empire, which made raising troops difficult.[63]

In the Eastern Empire, the Slavs' slow infiltration of the Balkans added further difficulty for Justinian's successors. It began gradually, but by the late 540s, Slavic tribes were in Thrace and Illyrium and had defeated an imperial army near Adrianople in 551. In the 560s, the Avars began to expand from their base on the north bank of the Danube; by the end of the 6th century, they were the dominant power in Central Europe and routinely able to force the Eastern emperors to pay tribute. They remained a strong power until 796.[64]

An additional problem to face the empire came as a result of the involvement of Emperor Maurice (r. 582–602) in Persian politics when he intervened in a succession dispute. This led to a period of peace, but when Maurice was overthrown, the Persians invaded and during the reign of Emperor Heraclius (r. 610–641) controlled large chunks of the empire, including Egypt, Syria, and Anatolia until Heraclius' successful counterattack. In 628, the empire secured a peace treaty and recovered its lost territories.[65]

Western society

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In Western Europe, some older Roman elite families died out while others became more involved with ecclesiastical than secular affairs. Values attached to Latin scholarship and education mostly disappeared, and while literacy remained important, it became a practical skill rather than a sign of elite status. In the 4th century, Jerome (d. 420) dreamed that God rebuked him for spending more time reading Cicero than the Bible. By the 6th century, Gregory of Tours (d. 594) had a similar dream, but instead of being chastised for reading Cicero, he was chastised for learning shorthand.[66] By the late 6th century, the principal means of religious instruction in the Church had become music and art rather than the book.[67] Most intellectual efforts went towards imitating classical scholarship, but some original works were created, along with now-lost oral compositions. The writings of Sidonius Apollinaris (d. 489), Cassiodorus (d. c. 585), and Boethius (d. c. 525) were typical of the age.[68]

Changes also occurred among laypeople, as aristocratic culture focused on great feasts held in halls rather than on literary pursuits. Clothing for the elites was richly embellished with jewels and gold. Lords and kings supported the entourages of fighters who formed the backbone of the military forces.[G] Family ties within the elites were important, as were the virtues of loyalty, courage, and honour. These ties led to the prevalence of feuds in aristocratic society, including those related by Gregory of Tours in Merovingian Gaul. Most feuds seem to have ended quickly with the payment of some compensation.[71] Women took part in aristocratic society mainly in their roles as wives and mothers of men, with the role of mother of a ruler being especially prominent in Merovingian Gaul. In Anglo-Saxon society, the lack of many child rulers meant a lesser role for women as queen mothers, but this was compensated for by the increased role played by abbesses of monasteries. Only in Italy does it appear that women were always considered under the protection and control of a male relative.[72]

Reconstruction of an early medieval peasant village in Bavaria, Germany

Peasant society is much less documented than the nobility. Most of the surviving information available to historians comes from archaeology; few detailed written records documenting peasant life remain from before the 9th century. Most of the descriptions of the lower classes come from either law codes or writers from the upper classes.[73] Landholding patterns in the West were not uniform; some areas had greatly fragmented landholding patterns, but in other areas, large contiguous blocks of land were the norm. These differences allowed for a wide variety of peasant societies, some dominated by aristocratic landholders and others having great autonomy.[74] Land settlement also varied greatly. Some peasants lived in large settlements that numbered as many as 700 inhabitants. Others lived in small groups of a few families and lived on isolated farms spread over the countryside. There were also areas where the pattern was a mix of two or more systems.[75] Unlike in the late Roman period, there was no sharp break between the legal status of the free peasant and the aristocrat, and a free peasant's family could rise into the aristocracy over several generations through military service to a powerful lord.[76]

Roman city life and culture changed greatly in the early Middle Ages. Although Italian cities remained inhabited, they contracted significantly in size. For instance, Rome shrank from hundreds of thousands to around 30,000 by the end of the 6th century. Roman temples were converted into Christian churches and city walls remained in use.[77] In Northern Europe, cities also shrank, while civic monuments and other public buildings were raided for building materials. The establishment of new kingdoms often meant some growth for the towns chosen as capitals.[78] Although there had been Jewish communities in many Roman cities, the Jews suffered periods of persecution after the conversion of the empire to Christianity. Officially, they were tolerated, if subject to conversion efforts, and were sometimes encouraged to settle in new areas.[79]

Rise of Islam

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The early Muslim conquests
  Expansion under Muhammad, 622–632
  Expansion during the Rashidun Caliphate, 632–661
  Expansion during the Umayyad Caliphate, 661–750

Religious beliefs in the Eastern Roman Empire and Iran were in flux during the late sixth and early seventh centuries. Judaism was an active proselytising faith, and at least one Arab political leader converted to it.[H] In addition Jewish theologians wrote polemics defending their religion against Christian and Islamic influences.[81]

Christianity had active missions competing with the Persians' Zoroastrianism in seeking converts, especially among residents of the Arabian Peninsula. All these strands came together with the emergence of Islam in Arabia during the lifetime of Muhammad (d. 632).[82] After his death, Islamic forces conquered much of the Eastern Roman Empire and Persia, starting with Syria in 634–635, continuing with Persia between 637 and 642, reaching Egypt in 640–641, North Africa in the later seventh century, and the Iberian Peninsula in 711.[83] By 714, Islamic forces controlled much of the peninsula in a region they called Al-Andalus.[84]

The Islamic conquests reached their peak in the mid-eighth century. The defeat of Muslim forces at the Battle of Tours in 732 led to the reconquest of southern France by the Franks, but the main reason for the halt of Islamic growth in Europe was the overthrow of the Umayyad Caliphate and its replacement by the Abbasid Caliphate. The Abbasids moved their capital to Baghdad and were more concerned with the Middle East than Europe, losing control of sections of the Muslim lands. Umayyad descendants took over the Iberian Peninsula, the Aghlabids controlled North Africa, and the Tulunids became rulers of Egypt.[85] By the middle of the 8th century, new trading patterns were emerging in the Mediterranean; trade between the Franks and the Arabs replaced the old Roman economy. Franks traded timber, furs, swords, and enslaved people in return for silks and other fabrics, spices, and precious metals from the Arabs.[86]

Trade and economy

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The migrations and invasions of the 4th and 5th centuries disrupted trade networks around the Mediterranean. African goods stopped being imported into Europe, first disappearing from the interior and, by the 7th century, found only in a few cities such as Rome or Naples. By the end of the 7th century, under the impact of the Muslim conquests, African products were no longer found in Western Europe. Replacing goods from long-range trade with local products was a trend throughout the old Roman lands in the Early Middle Ages. This was especially marked in the lands that did not lie on the Mediterranean, such as northern Gaul or Britain. Non-local goods appearing in the archaeological record are usually luxury goods. In northern Europe, not only were the trade networks local, but the goods carried were simple, with little pottery or other complex products. Around the Mediterranean, pottery remained prevalent and appears to have been traded over medium-range networks, not just produced locally.[87]

The various Germanic states in the west all had coinages that imitated existing Roman and Byzantine forms. Gold continued to be minted until the end of the 7th century in 693–694, when it was replaced by silver in the Merovingian kingdom. The basic Frankish silver coin was the denarius or denier, while the Anglo-Saxon version was called a penny. From these areas, the denier or penny spread throughout Europe from 700 to 1000. Copper or bronze coins were not struck, nor were gold, except in Southern Europe. No silver coins denominated in multiple units were minted.[88]

Church and monasticism

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11th-century miniature of Gregory the Great dictating to a secretary

Christianity was a major unifying factor between Eastern and Western Europe before the Arab conquests, but the conquest of North Africa sundered maritime connections between those areas. Increasingly, the Byzantine Church differed in language, practices, and liturgy from the Western Church. The Eastern Church used Greek instead of Western Latin. Theological and political differences emerged, and by the early and middle 8th century, issues such as iconoclasm, clerical marriage, and state control of the Church had widened to the extent that the cultural and religious differences were more significant than the similarities.[89] A formal break known as the East–West Schism came in 1054, when the papacy and the patriarchy of Constantinople clashed over papal supremacy and excommunicated each other, which led to the division of Christianity into two Churches—the Western branch became the Roman Catholic Church and the Eastern branch the Eastern Orthodox Church.[90]

The ecclesiastical structure of the Roman Empire survived the movements and invasions in the West mostly intact. Still, the papacy was little regarded, and few of the Western bishops looked to the bishop of Rome for religious or political leadership. Many of the popes before 750 were more concerned with Byzantine affairs and Eastern theological controversies. The register, or archived copies of the letters, of Pope Gregory the Great (pope 590–604) survived. Of those 850 letters, most were concerned with affairs in Italy or Constantinople. The only part of Western Europe where the papacy had influence was Britain, where Gregory had sent the Gregorian mission in 597 to convert the Anglo-Saxons to Christianity.[91] Irish missionaries were most active in Western Europe between the 5th and the 7th centuries, going first to England and Scotland and then on to the continent. Under such monks as Columba (d. 597) and Columbanus (d. 615), they founded monasteries, taught in Latin and Greek, and authored secular and religious works.[92]

The Early Middle Ages witnessed the rise of monasticism in the West. The shape of European monasticism was determined by traditions and ideas that originated with the Desert Fathers of Egypt and Syria. Most European monasteries were of the type that focuses on the community experience of the spiritual life, called cenobitism, which was pioneered by Pachomius (d. 348) in the 4th century. Monastic ideals spread from Egypt to Western Europe in the 5th and 6th centuries through hagiographical literature such as the Life of Anthony.[93] Benedict of Nursia (d. 547) wrote the Benedictine Rule for Western monasticism during the 6th century, detailing the administrative and spiritual responsibilities of a community of monks led by an abbot.[94] Monks and monasteries had a profound effect on the religious and political life of the Early Middle Ages, in various cases acting as land trusts for powerful families, centres of propaganda and royal support in newly conquered regions, and bases for missions and proselytisation.[95] They were the main and sometimes only outposts of education and literacy in a region. Many of the surviving manuscripts of the Latin classics were copied in monasteries in the Early Middle Ages.[96] Monks were also the authors of new works, including history, theology, and other subjects, written by authors such as Bede (d. 735), a native of northern England who wrote in the late 7th and early 8th centuries.[97]

Carolingian Europe

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Map showing growth of Frankish power from 481 to 814

The Frankish kingdom in northern Gaul split into kingdoms called Austrasia, Neustria, and Burgundy during the 6th and 7th centuries, all of them ruled by the Merovingian dynasty, who were descended from Clovis. The 7th century was a tumultuous period of wars between Austrasia and Neustria.[98] Such warfare was exploited by Pippin I (d. 640), the Mayor of the Palace for Austrasia who became the power behind the Austrasian throne. Later, his family inherited the office and acted as advisers and regents. One of his descendants, Charles Martel (d. 741), won the Battle of Poitiers in 732, halting the advance of Muslim armies across the Pyrenees.[99][I] Great Britain was divided into small states dominated by the kingdoms of Northumbria, Mercia, Wessex, and East Anglia which descended from the Anglo-Saxon invaders. Smaller kingdoms in present-day Wales and Scotland were still under the control of the native Britons and Picts.[101] Ireland was divided into even smaller political units, usually known as tribal kingdoms, under the control of kings. There were perhaps as many as 150 local kings in Ireland of varying importance.[102]

The Carolingian dynasty, as the successors to Charles Martel are known, officially took control of the kingdoms of Austrasia and Neustria in a coup of 753 led by Pippin III (r. 752–768). A contemporary chronicle claims that Pippin sought and gained authority for this coup from Pope Stephen II (pope 752–757). Pippin's takeover was reinforced with propaganda that portrayed the Merovingians as inept or cruel rulers, exalted the accomplishments of Charles Martel, and circulated stories of the family's great piety. At the time of his death in 768, Pippin left his kingdom in the hands of his two sons, Charles (r. 768–814) and Carloman (r. 768–771). When Carloman died of natural causes, Charles blocked the succession of Carloman's young son and installed himself as the king of the united Austrasia and Neustria. Charles, more often known as Charles the Great or Charlemagne, embarked upon a programme of systematic expansion in 774 that unified a large portion of Europe, eventually controlling modern-day France, northern Italy, and Saxony. In the wars that lasted beyond 800, he rewarded allies with war booty and command over parcels of land.[103] In 774, Charlemagne conquered the Lombards, which freed the papacy from the fear of Lombard conquest and marked the beginnings of the Papal States.[104][J]

Charlemagne's palace chapel at Aachen, completed in 805[106]

The coronation of Charlemagne as emperor on Christmas Day 800 is regarded as a turning point in medieval history, marking a return of the Western Roman Empire since the new emperor ruled over much of the area previously controlled by the Western emperors.[107] It also marks a change in Charlemagne's relationship with the Byzantine Empire, as the assumption of the imperial title by the Carolingians asserted their equivalence to the Byzantine state.[108] There were several differences between the newly established Carolingian Empire and both the older Western Roman Empire and the concurrent Byzantine Empire. The Frankish lands were rural, with only a few small cities. Most of the people were peasants who settled on small farms. Little trade existed, and much of that was with the British Isles and Scandinavia, in contrast to the older Roman Empire with its trading networks centred on the Mediterranean.[107] The empire was administered by an itinerant court that travelled with the emperor, as well as approximately 300 imperial officials called counts, who administered the counties the empire had been divided into. Clergy and local bishops served as officials, as well as the imperial officials, called missi dominici, who served as roving inspectors and troubleshooters.[109]

Carolingian Renaissance

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Lorsch Abbey gatehouse, c. 800, an example of Carolingian architecture—a first, albeit isolated classical architecture movement

Charlemagne's court in Aachen was the centre of the cultural revival, sometimes referred to as the "Carolingian Renaissance". Literacy increased, as did development in the arts, architecture, jurisprudence, and liturgical and scriptural studies. The English monk Alcuin (d. 804) was invited to Aachen and brought the education available in the monasteries of Northumbria. Charlemagne's chancery—or writing office—made use of a new script today known as Carolingian minuscule,[K] allowing a standard writing style that advanced communication across much of Europe. Charlemagne sponsored changes in church liturgy, imposing the Roman form of church service on his domains, as well as the Gregorian chant in liturgical music for the churches. An important activity for scholars during this period was copying, correcting, and disseminating basic works on religious and secular topics to encourage learning. New works on religious topics and schoolbooks were also produced.[111] Grammarians of the period modified the Latin language, changing it from the Classical Latin of the Roman Empire into a more flexible form to fit the needs of the Church and government. By the reign of Charlemagne, the language had so diverged from the classical Latin that it was later called Medieval Latin.[112]

Breakup of the Carolingian Empire

[edit]
Territorial divisions of the Carolingian Empire in 843, 855, and 870

Charlemagne planned to continue the Frankish tradition of dividing his kingdom between all his heirs but was unable to do so as only one son, Louis the Pious (r. 814–840), was still alive by 813. Just before Charlemagne died in 814, he crowned Louis as his successor. Numerous divisions of the empire marked Louis's reign of 26 years among his sons and, after 829, civil wars between various alliances of father and sons over the control of various parts of the empire. Eventually, Louis recognised his eldest son Lothair I (d. 855) as emperor and gave him Italy.[L] Louis divided the rest of the empire between Lothair and Charles the Bald (d. 877), his youngest son. Lothair took East Francia, comprising both banks of the Rhine and eastwards, leaving Charles West Francia with the empire to the west of the Rhineland and the Alps. Louis the German (d. 876), the middle child, who had been rebellious to the last, was allowed to keep Bavaria under the suzerainty of his elder brother. The division was disputed. Pepin II of Aquitaine (d. after 864), the emperor's grandson, rebelled in a contest for Aquitaine, while Louis the German tried to annexe all of East Francia. Louis the Pious died in 840, with the empire still in chaos.[114]

A three-year civil war followed his death. By the Treaty of Verdun (843), a kingdom between the Rhine and Rhone rivers was created for Lothair to go with his lands in Italy, and his imperial title was recognised. Louis the German controlled Bavaria and the eastern lands in modern-day Germany. Charles the Bald received the western Frankish lands, comprising most of modern-day France.[114] Charlemagne's grandsons and great-grandsons divided their kingdoms between their descendants, eventually causing all internal cohesion to be lost.[115][M] In 987, the Carolingian dynasty was replaced in the western lands, with the crowning of Hugh Capet (r. 987–996) as king.[N][O] In the eastern lands, the dynasty had died out earlier, in 911, with the death of Louis the Child,[118] and the selection of the unrelated Conrad I (r. 911–918) as king.[119]

Invasions, migrations, and raids by external foes accompanied the break-up of the Carolingian Empire. The Atlantic and northern shores were harassed by the Vikings, who also raided the British Isles and settled there and in Iceland. In 911, the Viking chieftain Rollo (d. c. 931) received permission from the Frankish King Charles the Simple (r. 898–922) to settle in what became Normandy.[120][P] The eastern parts of the Frankish kingdoms, especially Germany and Italy, were under continual Magyar assault until the invader's defeat at the Battle of Lechfeld in 955.[122] The break-up of the Abbasid dynasty meant that the Islamic world fragmented into smaller political states, some of which began expanding into Italy and Sicily, as well as over the Pyrenees into the southern parts of the Frankish kingdoms.[123]

New kingdoms and Byzantine revival

[edit]
Europe in 900

Efforts by local kings to fight the invaders led to the formation of new political entities. In Anglo-Saxon England, King Alfred the Great (r. 871–899) came to an agreement with the Viking invaders in the late 9th century, resulting in Danish settlements in Northumbria, Mercia, and parts of East Anglia.[124] By the middle of the 10th century, Alfred's successors had conquered Northumbria and restored English control over most of the southern part of Great Britain.[125] In northern Britain, Kenneth MacAlpin (d. c. 860) united the Picts and the Scots into the Kingdom of Alba.[126] In the early 10th century, the Ottonian dynasty had established itself in Germany, and was engaged in driving back the Magyars. Its efforts culminated in the coronation in 962 of Otto I (r. 936–973) as Holy Roman Emperor.[127] In 972, he secured recognition of his title by the Byzantine Empire, which he sealed with the marriage of his son Otto II (r. 967–983) to Theophanu (d. 991), daughter of an earlier Byzantine Emperor Romanos II (r. 959–963).[128] By the late 10th century Italy had been drawn into the Ottonian sphere after a period of instability;[129] Otto III (r. 996–1002) spent much of his later reign in the kingdom.[130] The western Frankish kingdom was more fragmented, and although kings remained nominally in charge, much of the political power devolved to the local lords.[131]

10th-century Ottonian ivory plaque from the Magdeburg Ivories; Christ receiving a church from Otto I

Missionary efforts to Scandinavia during the 9th and 10th centuries helped strengthen the growth of kingdoms such as Sweden, Denmark, and Norway, which gained power and territory. Some kings converted to Christianity, although not all by 1000. Scandinavians also expanded and colonised throughout Europe. Besides the settlements in Ireland, England, and Normandy, further settlement took place in what became Russia and Iceland. Swedish traders and raiders ranged down the rivers of the Russian steppe and even attempted to seize Constantinople in 860 and 907.[132] Christian Spain, initially driven into a small section of the peninsula in the north, expanded slowly south during the 9th and 10th centuries, establishing the kingdoms of Asturias and León.[133]

In Eastern Europe, Byzantium revived its fortunes under Emperor Basil I (r. 867–886) and his successors Leo VI (r. 886–912) and Constantine VII (r. 913–959), members of the Macedonian dynasty. Commerce revived, and the emperors oversaw the extension of a uniform administration to all the provinces. The military was reorganised, which allowed the emperors John I (r. 969–976) and Basil II (r. 976–1025) to expand the frontiers of the empire on all fronts. The imperial court was the centre of a revival of classical learning, a process known as the Macedonian Renaissance. Writers such as John Geometres (fl. early 10th century) composed new hymns, poems, and other works.[134] Missionary efforts by both Eastern and Western clergy resulted in the conversion of the Moravians, Bulgars, Bohemians, Poles, Magyars, and Slavic inhabitants of the Kievan Rus'. These conversions contributed to the founding of political states in the lands of those peoples—the states of Moravia, Bulgaria, Bohemia, Poland, Hungary, and the Kievan Rus'.[135] Bulgaria, which was founded around 680, at its height reached from Budapest to the Black Sea and from the Dnieper River in modern Ukraine to the Adriatic Sea.[136] By 1018, the last Bulgarian nobles had surrendered to the Byzantine Empire.[137]

Art and architecture

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A page from the Book of Kells, an illuminated manuscript created in the British Isles in the late 8th or early 9th century[138]

Few large stone buildings were constructed between the Constantinian basilicas of the 4th and 8th centuries, although many smaller ones were built during the 6th and 7th centuries.[failed verification] By the beginning of the 8th century, the Carolingian Empire revived the basilica form of architecture.[139] One feature of the basilica is the use of a transept,[140] or the "arms" of a cross-shaped building that are perpendicular to the long nave.[141] Other new features of religious architecture include the crossing tower and a monumental entrance to the church, usually at the west end of the building.[142]

Carolingian art was produced for a small group of figures around the court and the monasteries and churches they supported. It was dominated by efforts to regain the dignity and classicism of imperial Roman and Byzantine art but was also influenced by the Insular art of the British Isles. Insular art integrated the energy of Irish Celtic and Anglo-Saxon Germanic styles of ornament with Mediterranean forms such as the book, and established many characteristics of art for the rest of the medieval period. Surviving religious works from the Early Middle Ages are mostly illuminated manuscripts and carved ivories, originally made for metalwork that has since been melted down.[143][144] Objects in precious metals were the most prestigious form of art, but almost all are lost except for a few crosses such as the Cross of Lothair, several reliquaries, and finds such as the Anglo-Saxon burial at Sutton Hoo and the hoards of Gourdon from Merovingian France, Guarrazar from Visigothic Spain and Nagyszentmiklós near Byzantine territory. There are survivals from the large brooches in fibula or penannular form that were key pieces of personal adornment for elites, including the Irish Tara Brooch.[145][failed verification] Highly decorated books were mostly Gospel Books and these have survived in larger numbers, including the Insular Book of Kells, the Book of Lindisfarne, and the imperial Codex Aureus of St. Emmeram, which is one of the few to retain its "treasure binding" of gold encrusted with jewels.[146] Charlemagne's court seems to have been responsible for the acceptance of figurative monumental sculpture in Christian art,[147] and by the end of the period near life-sized figures such as the Gero Cross were common in important churches.[148]

Military and technological developments

[edit]

During the later Roman Empire, the principal military developments were attempts to create an effective cavalry force and the continued development of highly specialised types of troops. The creation of heavily armoured cataphract-type soldiers as cavalry was an important feature of the 5th-century Roman military. The various invading tribes had differing emphases on types of soldiers—ranging from the primarily infantry Anglo-Saxon invaders of Britain to the Vandals and Visigoths, who had a high proportion of cavalry in their armies.[149] During the early invasion period, the stirrup had not been introduced into warfare, which limited the usefulness of cavalry as shock troops because it was not possible to put the full force of the horse and rider behind blows struck by the rider.[150] The greatest change in military affairs during the invasion period was the adoption of the Hunnic composite bow in place of the earlier, and weaker, Scythian composite bow.[151] Another development was the increasing use of longswords[152] and the progressive replacement of scale armour by mail armour and lamellar armour.[153]

The importance of infantry and light cavalry declined during the early Carolingian period, with a growing dominance of elite heavy cavalry. The use of militia-type levies of the free population declined over the Carolingian period.[154] Although much of the Carolingian armies were mounted, a large proportion during the early period appear to have been mounted infantry, rather than true cavalry.[155] One exception was Anglo-Saxon England, where the armies were still composed of regional levies, known as the fyrd, which were led by the local elites.[156] In military technology, one of the main changes was the return of the crossbow, which had been known in Roman times and reappeared as a military weapon during the last part of the Early Middle Ages.[157] Another change was the introduction of the stirrup, which increased the effectiveness of cavalry as shock troops. A technological advance that had implications beyond the military was the horseshoe, which allowed horses to be used in rocky terrain.[158]

High Middle Ages

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Society and economic life

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Medieval French manuscript illustration of the three classes of medieval society: those who prayed (the clergy) those who fought (the knights), and those who worked (the peasantry).[159] The relationship between these classes was governed by feudalism and manorialism.[160] (Li Livres dou Sante, 13th century)

The High Middle Ages was a period of tremendous population expansion. The estimated population of Europe grew from 35 to 80 million between 1000 and 1347, although the exact causes remain unclear: improved agricultural techniques, the decline of slaveholding, a more clement climate and the lack of invasion have all been suggested.[161][162] As much as 90 per cent of the European population remained rural peasants. Many were no longer settled in isolated farms but had gathered into small communities, usually known as manors or villages.[162] These peasants were often subject to noble overlords and owed them rents and other services in a system known as manorialism. There remained a few free peasants throughout this period and beyond,[163] with more of them in the regions of Southern Europe than in the north. The practice of assarting, or bringing new lands into production by offering incentives to the peasants who settled them, also contributed to population expansion.[164]

The open-field system of agriculture was commonly practised in most of Europe, especially in "northwestern and central Europe".[165] Such agricultural communities had three essential characteristics: individual peasant holdings in the form of strips of land were scattered among the different fields belonging to the manor; crops were rotated from year to year to preserve soil fertility; and common land was used for grazing livestock and other purposes. Some regions used a three-field system of crop rotation; others retained the older two-field system.[166]

Other sections of society included the nobility, clergy, and townspeople. Nobles, both the titled nobility and simple knights, exploited the manors and the peasants. However, they did not own lands outright but were granted rights to the income from a manor or other lands by an overlord through the system of feudalism. During the 11th and 12th centuries, these lands, or fiefs, came to be considered hereditary. In most areas, they were no longer divisible between all the heirs, as had been the case in the early medieval period. Instead, most fiefs and lands went to the eldest son.[167][Q] The dominance of the nobility was built upon its control of the land, its military service as heavy cavalry, control of castles, and various immunities from taxes or other impositions.[R] Castles, initially in wood but later in stone, began to be constructed in the 9th and 10th centuries in response to the disorder of the time, and protected from invaders and allowing lords defence from rivals. Control of castles allowed the nobles to defy kings or other overlords.[169] Nobles were stratified; kings and the highest-ranking nobility controlled large numbers of commoners and large tracts of land, as well as other nobles. Beneath them, lesser nobles had authority over smaller land areas and fewer people. Knights were the lowest level of nobility; they controlled but did not own land and had to serve other nobles.[170][S]

The clergy was divided into two types: the secular clergy, who lived out in the world, and the regular clergy, who lived isolated under a religious rule and usually consisted of monks.[172] Throughout the period, monks remained a tiny proportion of the population, usually less than one percent.[173] Most of the regular clergy were drawn from the nobility, the same social class that served as the recruiting ground for the upper levels of the secular clergy. The local parish priests were often drawn from the peasant class.[174] Townspeople were somewhat unusual, as they did not fit into the traditional three-fold division of society into nobles, clergy, and peasants. During the 12th and 13th centuries, the ranks of the townspeople expanded greatly as existing towns grew and new population centres were founded.[175] But throughout the Middle Ages, the population of the towns probably never exceeded 10 percent of the total population.[176]

13th-century illustration of a Jew (in pointed Jewish hat) and the Christian Petrus Alphonsi debating

Jews also spread across Europe during the period. Communities were established in Germany and England in the 11th and 12th centuries, but Spanish Jews, long settled in Spain under the Muslims, came under Christian rule and increasing pressure to convert to Christianity.[79] Most Jews were confined to the cities, as they were not allowed to own land or be peasants.[177][T] Besides the Jews, there were other non-Christians on the edges of Europe—pagan Slavs in Eastern Europe and Muslims in Southern Europe.[178]

Women in the Middle Ages were officially required to be subordinate to some male, whether their father, husband, or other kinsman. Widows were often allowed much control over their lives, but they were still restricted legally. Women's work generally consisted of household or other domestically inclined tasks. Peasant women were usually responsible for caring for the household, child care, gardening, and animal husbandry near the house. They could supplement their household income by spinning or brewing at home. At harvest time, they were also expected to help with fieldwork.[179] Townswomen, like peasant women, were responsible for the household and could also engage in trade. The trades that were open to women varied by country and period.[180] Noblewomen were responsible for running a household and could occasionally be expected to handle estates in the absence of male relatives, but they were usually restricted from participation in military or government affairs. The only role open to women in the Church was that of nuns, as they could not become priests.[179]

In central and northern Italy and in Flanders, the rise of towns that were, to a degree, self-governing stimulated economic growth and created an environment for new types of trade associations. Commercial cities on the shores of the Baltic entered into agreements known as the Hanseatic League. The Italian Maritime republics such as Venice, Genoa, and Pisa expanded their trade throughout the Mediterranean.[U] Great trading fairs were established and flourished in northern France during the period, allowing Italian and German merchants to trade with each other as well as local merchants.[182] In the late 13th century new land and sea routes to the Far East were pioneered, famously described in The Travels of Marco Polo written by one of the traders, Marco Polo (d. 1324).[183] Besides new trading opportunities, agricultural and technological improvements increased crop yields, which allowed the trade networks to expand.[184] Rising trade brought new methods of dealing with money, and gold coinage was again minted in Europe, first in Italy and later in France and other countries. New forms of commercial contracts emerged, sharing risk among merchants. Accounting methods improved, partly through the use of double-entry bookkeeping; letters of credit also appeared, allowing easy transmission of money.[185]

Rise of state power

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Europe and the Mediterranean Sea in 1190

The High Middle Ages was the formative period in the history of the modern Western state. Kings in France, England, and Spain consolidated their power and established lasting governing institutions.[186] New kingdoms such as Hungary and Poland, after their conversion to Christianity, became Central European powers.[187] The Magyars settled Hungary around 900 under King Árpád (d. c. 907) after a series of invasions in the 9th century.[188] The papacy, long attached to an ideology of independence from secular kings, first asserted its claim to temporal authority over the entire Christian world; the Papal Monarchy reached its apogee in the early 13th century under the pontificate of Innocent III (pope 1198–1216).[189] Northern Crusades and the advance of Christian kingdoms and military orders into previously pagan regions in the Baltic and Finnic north-east brought the forced assimilation of numerous native peoples into European culture.[190]

During the early High Middle Ages, Germany was ruled by the Ottonian dynasty, which struggled to control the powerful dukes ruling over territorial duchies, tracing back to the Migration period. In 1024, they were replaced by the Salian dynasty, who famously clashed with the papacy under Emperor Henry IV (r. 1084–1105) over Church appointments as part of the Investiture Controversy.[191] His successors continued to struggle against the papacy as well as the German nobility. A period of instability followed the death of Emperor Henry V (r. 1111–1125), who died without heirs, until Frederick I Barbarossa (r. 1155–1190) took the imperial throne.[192] Although he ruled effectively, the basic problems remained, and his successors struggled into the 13th century.[193] Barbarossa's grandson Frederick II (r. 1220–1250), who was also heir to the throne of Sicily through his mother, clashed repeatedly with the papacy. His court was famous for its scholars, and he was often accused of heresy.[194] He and his successors faced many difficulties, including the invasion of the Mongols into Europe in the mid-13th century. Mongols first shattered the Kyivan Rus' principalities and then invaded Eastern Europe in 1241, 1259, and 1287.[195]

The Bayeux Tapestry (detail) showing William the Conqueror (centre), his half-brothers Robert, Count of Mortain (right) and Odo, Bishop of Bayeux in the Duchy of Normandy (left)

Under the Capetian dynasty the French monarchy slowly began to expand its authority over the nobility, growing out of the Île-de-France to exert control over more of the country in the 11th and 12th centuries.[196] They faced a powerful rival in the Dukes of Normandy, who in 1066 under William the Conqueror (duke 1035–1087), conquered England (r. 1066–1087) and created a cross-channel empire that lasted, in various forms, throughout the rest of the Middle Ages.[197][198] Normans also settled in Sicily and southern Italy, when Robert Guiscard (d. 1085) landed there in 1059 and established a duchy that later became the Kingdom of Sicily.[199] Under the Angevin dynasty of Henry II (r. 1154–1189) and his son Richard I (r. 1189–1199), the kings of England ruled over England and large areas of France,[200][V] brought to the family by Henry II's marriage to Eleanor of Aquitaine (d. 1204), heiress to much of southern France.[202][W] Richard's younger brother John (r. 1199–1216) lost Normandy and the rest of the northern French possessions in 1204 to the French King Philip II Augustus (r. 1180–1223). This led to dissension among the English nobility. John's financial exactions to pay for his unsuccessful attempts to regain Normandy led in 1215 to Magna Carta, a charter that confirmed the rights and privileges of free men in England. Under Henry III (r. 1216–1272), John's son, further concessions were made to the nobility, and royal power was diminished.[203] The French monarchy continued to make gains against the nobility during the late 12th and 13th centuries, bringing more territories within the kingdom under the king's personal rule and centralising the royal administration.[204] Under Louis IX (r. 1226–1270), royal prestige rose to new heights as Louis served as a mediator for most of Europe.[205][X]

In Iberia, the Christian states, which had been confined to the north-western part of the peninsula, began to push back against the Islamic states in the south, a period known as the Reconquista.[207] By about 1150, the Christian north had coalesced into the five major kingdoms of León, Castile, Aragon, Navarre, and Portugal.[208] Southern Iberia remained under control of Islamic states, initially under the Caliphate of Córdoba, which broke up in 1031 into a shifting number of petty states known as taifas,[207] who fought with the Christians until the Almohad Caliphate re-established centralised rule over Southern Iberia in the 1170s.[209] Christian forces advanced again in the early 13th century, culminating in the capture of Seville in 1248.[210]

Crusades

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Krak des Chevaliers was built during the Crusades for the Knights Hospitallers.[211]

In the 11th century, the Seljuk Turks took over much of the Middle East, occupying Persia during the 1040s, Armenia in the 1060s, and Jerusalem in 1070. In 1071, the Turkish army defeated the Byzantine army at the Battle of Manzikert and captured the Byzantine Emperor Romanus IV (r. 1068–1071). The Turks were then free to invade Asia Minor, which dealt a dangerous blow to the Byzantine Empire by seizing a large part of its population and its economic heartland. Although the Byzantines regrouped and recovered somewhat, they never fully regained Asia Minor and were often on the defensive. The Turks also had difficulties, losing control of Jerusalem to the Fatimids of Egypt and suffering from a series of internal civil wars.[212] The Byzantines also faced a revived Bulgaria, which in the late 12th and 13th centuries spread throughout the Balkans.[213]

The Crusades were intended to seize Jerusalem from Muslim control. The First Crusade was proclaimed by Pope Urban II (pope 1088–1099) at the Council of Clermont in 1095 in response to a request from the Byzantine Emperor Alexios I Komnenos (r. 1081–1118) for aid against further Muslim advances. Urban promised indulgence to anyone who took part. Tens of thousands of people from all levels of society mobilised across Europe and captured Jerusalem in 1099.[214] One feature of the crusades was the pogroms against local Jews that often took place as the crusaders left their countries for the East. These were especially brutal during the First Crusade,[79] when the Jewish communities in Cologne, Mainz, and Worms were destroyed, as well as other communities in cities between the rivers Seine and the Rhine.[215] Another outgrowth of the crusades was the foundation of a new type of monastic order, the military orders of the Templars and Hospitallers, which fused monastic life with military service.[216]

The Crusaders consolidated their conquests into Crusader states. During the 12th and 13th centuries, there were a series of conflicts between them and the surrounding Islamic states. Appeals from the crusader states to the papacy led to further crusades,[214] such as the Third Crusade, called to try to regain Jerusalem, which had been captured by Saladin (d. 1193) in 1187.[217][Y] In 1203, the Fourth Crusade was diverted from the Holy Land to Constantinople, and captured the city in 1204, setting up a Latin Empire of Constantinople[219] and greatly weakening the Byzantine Empire. The Byzantines recaptured the city in 1261 but never regained their former strength.[220] By 1291, all the crusader states had been captured or forced from the mainland. However, a titular Kingdom of Jerusalem survived on the island of Cyprus for several years afterwards.[221]

Popes called for crusades elsewhere besides the Holy Land: in Spain, southern France, and along the Baltic.[214] The Spanish crusades became fused with the Reconquista of Spain from the Muslims. Although the Templars and Hospitallers took part in the Spanish crusades, similar Spanish military religious orders were founded, most of which had become part of the two main orders of Calatrava and Santiago by the beginning of the 12th century.[222] Northern Europe also remained outside Christian influence until the 11th century or later and became a crusading venue as part of the Northern Crusades of the 12th to 14th centuries. These crusades also spawned a military order, the Order of the Sword Brothers. Another order, the Teutonic Knights, although founded in the crusader states, focused much of its activity in the Baltic after 1225 and, in 1309, moved its headquarters to Marienburg in Prussia.[223]

Intellectual life

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During the 11th century, developments in philosophy and theology led to increased intellectual activity. There was a debate between the realists and the nominalists over the concept of "universals". Philosophical discourse was stimulated by the rediscovery of Aristotle and his emphasis on empiricism and rationalism. Scholars such as Peter Abelard (d. 1142) and Peter Lombard (d. 1164) introduced Aristotelian logic into theology. In the late 11th and early 12th centuries cathedral schools spread throughout Western Europe, signalling the shift of learning from monasteries to cathedrals and towns.[224] Cathedral schools were in turn replaced by the universities established in major European cities.[225] Philosophy and theology fused in scholasticism, an attempt by 12th- and 13th-century scholars to reconcile authoritative texts, most notably Aristotle and the Bible. This movement tried to employ a systemic approach to truth and reason[226] and culminated in the thought of Thomas Aquinas (d. 1274), who wrote the Summa Theologica, or Summary of Theology.[227]

A medieval scholar making precise measurements in a 14th-century manuscript illustration

Chivalry and the ethos of courtly love developed in royal and noble courts. This culture was expressed in the vernacular languages rather than Latin and comprised poems, stories, legends, and popular songs spread by troubadours or Minnesängers, or wandering minstrels. Often the stories were written down in the chansons de geste, or "songs of great deeds", such as The Song of Roland or The Song of Hildebrand.[228] Secular and religious histories were also produced.[229] Geoffrey of Monmouth (d. c. 1155) composed his Historia Regum Britanniae, a collection of stories and legends about Arthur.[230] Other works were more clearly history, such as Otto von Freising's (d. 1158) Gesta Friderici Imperatoris detailing the deeds of Emperor Frederick Barbarossa, or William of Malmesbury's (d. c. 1143) Gesta Regum on the kings of England.[229]

Legal studies advanced during the 12th century. Both secular law and canon law, or ecclesiastical law, were studied in the High Middle Ages. Secular law, or Roman law, was significantly advanced by the discovery of the Corpus Juris Civilis in the 11th century, and by 1100, Roman law was being taught at Bologna. This led to the recording and standardisation of legal codes throughout Western Europe. Canon law was also studied, and around 1140, a monk named Gratian (fl. 12th century), a teacher at Bologna, wrote what became the standard text of canon law—the Decretum.[231]

Among the results of the Greek and Islamic influence on this period in European history was the replacement of Roman numerals with the decimal positional number system and the invention of algebra, which allowed more advanced mathematics. Astronomy advanced following the translation of Ptolemy's Almagest from Greek into Latin in the late 12th century. Medicine was also studied, especially in southern Italy, where Islamic medicine influenced the school at Salerno.[232]

Technology and military

[edit]
Portrait of Cardinal Hugh of Saint-Cher by Tommaso da Modena, 1352, the first known depiction of spectacles[233]

In the 12th and 13th centuries, Europe experienced economic growth and innovations in methods of production. Significant technological advances included the invention of the windmill, the first mechanical clocks, the manufacture of distilled spirits, and the use of the astrolabe.[234] Concave spectacles were invented around 1286 by an unknown Italian artisan, probably working in or near Pisa.[235]

The development of a three-field rotation system for planting crops[162][Z] increased the usage of land from one-half in use each year under the old two-field system to two-thirds under the new system, with a consequent increase in production.[236] The development of the heavy plough allowed heavier soils to be farmed more efficiently, aided by the spread of the horse collar, which led to the use of draught horses in place of oxen. Horses are faster than oxen and require less pasture, factors that aided the implementation of the three-field system.[237] Legumes – such as peas, beans, or lentils – were grown more widely as crops, in addition to the usual cereal crops of wheat, oats, barley, and rye.[238]

The construction of cathedrals and castles advanced building technology, developing large stone buildings. Ancillary structures included new town halls, houses, bridges, and tithe barns.[239] Shipbuilding improved with the use of the rib and plank method rather than the old Roman system of mortise and tenon. Other improvements to ships included the use of lateen sails and the stern-post rudder, both of which increased the speed at which ships could be sailed.[240]

In military affairs, the use of infantry with specialised roles increased. Along with the still-dominant heavy cavalry, armies often included mounted and infantry crossbowmen, as well as sappers and engineers.[241] Crossbows, which had been known in Late Antiquity, increased in use partly because of the increase in siege warfare in the 10th and 11th centuries.[157][AA] The increasing use of crossbows during the 12th and 13th centuries led to the use of closed-face helmets, heavy body armour, as well as horse armour.[243] Gunpowder was known in Europe by the mid-13th century with a recorded use in European warfare by the English against the Scots in 1304. However, it was merely used as an explosive and not as a weapon. Cannon were being used for sieges in the 1320s, and hand-held guns were in use by the 1360s.[244]

Architecture, art, and music

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The Romanesque Church of Maria Laach, Germany

In the 10th century, the establishment of churches and monasteries led to the development of stone architecture that elaborated vernacular Roman forms, from which the term "Romanesque" was derived. Where available, Roman brick and stone buildings were recycled for their materials. From the tentative beginnings known as the First Romanesque, the style flourished and spread across Europe in a remarkably homogeneous form. Just before 1000, a great wave of stone churches were being built all over Europe.[245] Romanesque buildings have massive stone walls, openings topped by semi-circular arches, small windows, and, particularly in France, arched stone vaults.[246] The large portal with coloured sculpture in high relief became a central feature of façades, especially in France, and the capitals of columns were often carved with narrative scenes of imaginative monsters and animals.[247] According to art historian C. R. Dodwell, "virtually all the churches in the West were decorated with wall-paintings", of which few survive.[248] Simultaneous with the development in church architecture, the distinctive European form of the castle was developed and became crucial to politics and warfare.[249]

Romanesque art, especially metalwork, was at its most sophisticated in Mosan art, in which distinct artistic personalities, including Nicholas of Verdun (d. 1205), become apparent. An almost classical style is seen in works such as a font at Liège,[250] contrasting with the writhing animals of the exactly contemporary Gloucester Candlestick. Large illuminated bibles and psalters were the typical forms of luxury manuscripts, and wall-painting flourished in churches, often following a scheme with a Last Judgement on the west wall, a Christ in Majesty at the east end, and narrative biblical scenes down the nave, or in the best surviving example, at Saint-Savin-sur-Gartempe, on the barrel-vaulted roof.[251]

The Gothic interior of Laon Cathedral, France

From the early 12th century, French builders developed the Gothic style, marked by the use of rib vaults, pointed arches, flying buttresses, and large stained glass windows. It was used mainly in churches and cathedrals and continued until the 16th century in much of Europe. Classic examples of Gothic architecture include Chartres Cathedral and Reims Cathedral in France, as well as Salisbury Cathedral in England.[252] Stained glass became a crucial element in the design of churches, which continued to use extensive wall-paintings, now almost all lost.[253]

During this period, the practice of manuscript illumination gradually passed from monasteries to lay workshops, so that according to Janetta Benton "by 1300 most monks bought their books in shops",[254] and the book of hours developed as a form of devotional book for lay-people. Metalwork remained the most prestigious art form, with Limoges enamel a popular and relatively affordable option for objects such as reliquaries and crosses.[255] In Italy the innovations of Cimabue and Duccio, followed by the Trecento master Giotto (d. 1337), greatly increased the sophistication and status of panel painting and fresco.[256] Increasing prosperity during the 12th century resulted in greater production of secular art; many carved ivory objects such as gaming-pieces, combs, and small religious figures have survived.[257]

Church life

[edit]
Francis of Assisi, depicted by Bonaventura Berlinghieri in 1235, founded the Franciscan Order.[258]

Monastic reform became an important issue during the 11th century, as elites began to worry that monks were not adhering to the rules binding them to a strictly religious life. Cluny Abbey, founded in the Mâcon region of France in 909, was established as part of the Cluniac Reforms, a larger movement of monastic reform in response to this fear.[259] Cluny quickly established a reputation for austerity and rigour. It sought to maintain a high quality of spiritual life by placing itself under the protection of the papacy and by electing its own abbot without interference from laymen, thus maintaining economic and political independence from local lords.[260]

Monastic reform inspired change in the secular Church. The ideals upon which it was based were brought to the papacy by Pope Leo IX (pope 1049–1054) and provided the ideology of clerical independence that led to the Investiture Controversy in the late 11th century. This involved Pope Gregory VII (pope 1073–1085) and Emperor Henry IV, who initially clashed over episcopal appointments, a dispute that turned into a battle over the ideas of investiture, clerical marriage, and simony. The emperor saw the protection of the Church as one of his responsibilities and wanted to preserve the right to appoint his own choices as bishops within his lands. Still, the papacy insisted on the Church's independence from secular lords. These issues remained unresolved after the compromise of 1122, known as the Concordat of Worms. The dispute represents a significant stage in creating a papal monarchy separate from and equal to lay authorities. It also had the permanent consequence of empowering German princes at the expense of the German emperors.[259]

Sénanque Abbey, Gordes, France

The High Middle Ages was a period of great religious movements. Besides the Crusades and monastic reforms, people sought to participate in new forms of religious life. New monastic orders were founded, including the Carthusians and the Cistercians. The latter, in particular, expanded rapidly in their early years under the guidance of Bernard of Clairvaux (d. 1153). These new orders were formed in response to the feeling of the laity that Benedictine monasticism no longer met the needs of the laymen, who, along with those wishing to enter the religious life, wanted a return to the simpler hermetical monasticism of early Christianity, or to live an Apostolic life.[216] Religious pilgrimages were also encouraged. Old pilgrimage sites such as Rome, Jerusalem, and Compostela received increasing numbers of visitors, and new sites such as Monte Gargano and Bari rose to prominence.[261]

In the 13th century mendicant orders—the Franciscans and the Dominicans—who swore vows of poverty and earned their living by begging, were approved by the papacy.[262] Religious groups such as the Waldensians and the Humiliati also attempted to return to the life of early Christianity in the middle 12th and early 13th centuries, another heretical movement condemned by the papacy. Others joined the Cathars, another movement condemned as heretical by the papacy. In 1209, a crusade was preached against the Cathars, the Albigensian Crusade, which, in combination with the medieval Inquisition, eliminated them.[263]

Late Middle Ages

[edit]

War, famine, and plague

[edit]

The first years of the 14th century were marked by famines, culminating in the Great Famine of 1315–1317.[264] The causes of the Great Famine included the slow transition from the Medieval Warm Period to the Little Ice Age, which left the population vulnerable when bad weather caused crop failures.[265] The years 1313–1314 and 1317–1321 were excessively rainy throughout Europe, resulting in widespread crop failures.[266] The climate change—which resulted in a declining average annual temperature for Europe during the 14th century—was accompanied by an economic downturn.[267]

Execution of some of the ringleaders of the jacquerie, from a 14th-century manuscript of the Chroniques de France ou de St Denis

These troubles were followed in 1347 by the Black Death, a pandemic that spread throughout Europe during the following three years.[268][AB] The death toll was probably about 35 million people in Europe, about one-third of the population. Towns were especially hard-hit because of their crowded conditions.[AC] Large areas of land were left sparsely inhabited, and in some places fields were left unworked. Wages rose as landlords sought to entice fewer available workers to their fields. Further problems were lower rents and lower demand for food, which cut into agricultural income. Urban workers also felt they had a right to greater earnings, and popular uprisings broke out across Europe.[271] Among the uprisings were the jacquerie in France, the Peasants' Revolt in England, and revolts in the cities of Florence in Italy and Ghent and Bruges in Flanders. The trauma of the plague led to an increased piety throughout Europe, manifested by the foundation of new charities, the self-mortification of the flagellants, and the scapegoating of Jews.[272] Conditions were further unsettled by the return of the plague throughout the rest of the 14th century; it continued to strike Europe periodically during the rest of the Middle Ages.[268]

Society and economy

[edit]

Society throughout Europe was disturbed by the dislocations caused by the Black Death. Lands that had been marginally productive were abandoned as the survivors could acquire more fertile areas.[273] Although serfdom declined in Western Europe, it became more common in Eastern Europe, as landlords imposed it on those of their tenants who had previously been free.[274] Most peasants in Western Europe changed the work they had previously owed to their landlords into cash rents.[275] The percentage of serfs among the peasantry declined from a high of 90 to closer to 50 percent by the end of the period.[171] Landlords also became more conscious of common interests with other landholders and joined to extort their governments' privileges. Partly at the urging of landlords, governments attempted to legislate a return to the economic conditions that existed before the Black Death.[275] Non-clergy became increasingly literate, and urban populations began to imitate the nobility's interest in chivalry.[276]

Jewish communities were expelled from England in 1290 and from France in 1306. Although some were allowed back into France, most were not. Many Jews emigrated eastwards, settling in Poland and Hungary.[277] The Jews were expelled from Spain in 1492, and dispersed to Turkey, France, Italy, and Holland.[79] The rise of banking in Italy during the 13th century continued throughout the 14th century, fuelled partly by the increasing warfare of the period and the needs of the papacy to move money between kingdoms. Many banking firms loaned money to royalty at great risk, as some were bankrupted when kings defaulted on their loans.[278][AD]

State resurgence

[edit]
Europe in 1360

Strong, royalty-based nation states rose throughout Europe in the Late Middle Ages, particularly in England, France, and the Christian kingdoms of the Iberian Peninsula: Aragon, Castile, and Portugal. The long conflicts of the period strengthened royal control over their kingdoms and were extremely hard on the peasantry. Kings profited from warfare that extended royal legislation and increased the lands they directly controlled.[279] Paying for the wars required that methods of taxation become more effective and efficient, and the rate of taxation often increased.[280] The requirement to obtain the consent of taxpayers allowed representative bodies such as the English Parliament and the French Estates General to gain power and authority.[281]

Joan of Arc in a 15th-century depiction

Throughout the 14th century, French kings sought to expand their influence at the expense of the territorial holdings of the nobility.[282] They ran into difficulties when attempting to confiscate the holdings of the English kings in southern France, leading to the Hundred Years' War,[283] waged from 1337 to 1453.[284] Early in the war the English under Edward III (r. 1327–1377) and his son Edward, the Black Prince (d. 1376),[AE] won the battles of Crécy and Poitiers, captured the city of Calais, and won control of much of France.[AF] The resulting stresses almost caused the disintegration of the French kingdom during the early years of the war.[287] In the early 15th century, France again came close to dissolving, but in the late 1420s, the military successes of Joan of Arc (d. 1431) led to the victory of the French and the capture of the last English possessions in southern France in 1453.[288] The price was high, as the population of France at the end of the Wars was likely half what it had been at the start of the conflict. Conversely, the Wars positively affected English national identity, doing much to fuse the various local identities into a national English ideal. The conflict with France also helped create a national culture in England separate from French culture, which had previously been the dominant influence.[289] The dominance of the English longbow began during early stages of the Hundred Years' War,[290] and cannon appeared on the battlefield at Crécy in 1346.[244]

In modern-day Germany, the Holy Roman Empire continued to rule, but the elective nature of the imperial crown meant there was no enduring dynasty around which a strong state could form.[291] Further east, the kingdoms of Poland, Hungary, and Bohemia grew powerful.[292] In Iberia, the Christian kingdoms continued to gain land from the Muslim kingdoms of the peninsula;[293] Portugal concentrated on expanding overseas during the 15th century, while the other kingdoms were riven by difficulties over royal succession and other concerns.[294][295] After losing the Hundred Years' War, England went on to suffer a long civil war known as the Wars of the Roses, which lasted into the 1490s[295] and only ended when Henry Tudor (r. 1485–1509 as Henry VII) became king and consolidated power with his victory over Richard III (r. 1483–1485) at Bosworth in 1485.[296] In Scandinavia, Margaret I of Denmark (r. in Denmark 1387–1412) consolidated Norway, Denmark, and Sweden in the Union of Kalmar, which continued until 1523. The major power around the Baltic Sea was the Hanseatic League, a commercial confederation of city-states that traded from Western Europe to Russia.[297] Scotland emerged from English domination under Robert the Bruce (r. 1306–1329), who secured papal recognition of his kingship in 1328.[298]

Collapse of Byzantium

[edit]

Although the Palaeologi emperors recaptured Constantinople from the Western Europeans in 1261, they could never regain control of much of the former imperial lands. They usually controlled only a small section of the Balkan Peninsula near Constantinople, the city itself, and some coastal lands on the Black Sea and around the Aegean Sea. The former Byzantine lands in the Balkans were divided between the new Kingdom of Serbia, the Second Bulgarian Empire, and the city-state of Venice. A new Turkish tribe threatened the power of the Byzantine emperors, the Ottomans, who established themselves in Anatolia in the 13th century and steadily expanded throughout the 14th century. The Ottomans expanded into Europe, reducing Bulgaria to a vassal state by 1366 and taking over Serbia after its defeat at the Battle of Kosovo in 1389. Western Europeans rallied to the plight of the Christians in the Balkans and declared a new crusade in 1396; a great army was sent to the Balkans, where it was defeated at the Battle of Nicopolis.[299] Constantinople was finally captured by the Ottomans in 1453.[300]

Controversy within the Church

[edit]
Guy of Boulogne crowning Pope Gregory XI in a 15th-century miniature from Froissart's Chronicles

During the tumultuous 14th century, disputes within the leadership of the Church led to the Avignon Papacy of 1309–1376,[301] also called the "Babylonian Captivity of the Papacy" (a reference to the Babylonian captivity of the Jews),[302] and then to the Great Schism, lasting from 1378 to 1418, when there were two and later three rival popes, each supported by several states.[303] Ecclesiastical officials convened at the Council of Constance in 1414, and in the following year the council deposed one of the rival popes leaving only two claimants. Further depositions followed, and in November 1417, the council elected Martin V (pope 1417–1431) as pope.[304]

Besides the schism, the Western Church was riven by theological controversies, some of which became heresies. John Wycliffe (d. 1384), an English theologian, was condemned as a heretic in 1415 for teaching that the laity should have access to the text of the Bible as well as for holding views on the Eucharist that were contrary to Church doctrine.[305] Wycliffe's teachings influenced two of the major heretical movements of the later Middle Ages: Lollardy in England and Hussitism in Bohemia.[306] The Bohemian movement initiated with the teaching of Jan Hus, who was burned at the stake in 1415 after being condemned as a heretic by the Council of Constance. The Hussite Church, although the target of a crusade, survived beyond the Middle Ages.[307] Other heresies were manufactured, such as the accusations against the Knights Templar that resulted in their suppression in 1312, and the division of their great wealth between the French King Philip IV (r. 1285–1314) and the Hospitallers.[308]

The papacy further refined the practice in the Mass in the Late Middle Ages, holding that the clergy alone was allowed to partake of the wine in the Eucharist. This further distanced the secular laity from the clergy. The laity continued the practices of pilgrimages, veneration of relics, and belief in the power of the Devil. Mystics such as Meister Eckhart (d. 1327) and Thomas à Kempis (d. 1471) wrote works that taught the laity to focus on their inner spiritual life, which laid the groundwork for the Protestant Reformation. Besides mysticism, belief in witches and witchcraft became widespread. By the late 15th century, the Church had begun to lend credence to populist fears of witchcraft with its condemnation of witches in 1484 and the publication in 1486 of the Malleus Maleficarum, the most popular handbook for witch-hunters.[309]

Scholars, intellectuals, and exploration

[edit]

During the Later Middle Ages, theologians such as John Duns Scotus (d. 1308) and William of Ockham (d. c. 1348)[226] led a reaction against intellectualist scholasticism, objecting to the application of reason to faith. Their efforts undermined the prevailing Platonic idea of universals. Ockham's insistence that reason operates independently of faith allowed science to be separated from theology and philosophy.[310] Legal studies were marked by the steady advance of Roman law into areas of jurisprudence previously governed by customary law. England was the lone exception to this trend, where the common law remained pre-eminent. Other countries codified their laws; legal codes were promulgated in Castile, Poland, and Lithuania.[311]

Clerics studying astronomy and geometry, French, early 15th century

Education remained mostly focused on the training of future clergy. The basic learning of the letters and numbers remained the province of the family or a village priest, but the secondary subjects of the trivium—grammar, rhetoric, logic—were studied in cathedral schools or schools provided by cities. Commercial secondary schools spread, and some Italian towns had more than one such enterprise. Universities also spread throughout Europe in the 14th and 15th centuries. Lay literacy rates rose but were still low; one estimate gave a literacy rate of 10 percent of males and 1 percent of females in 1500.[312]

Gutenberg initiated the spread of printing from Mainz, Germany

The publication of vernacular literature increased, with Dante (d. 1321), Petrarch (d. 1374) and Giovanni Boccaccio (d. 1375) in 14th-century Italy, Geoffrey Chaucer (d. 1400) and William Langland (d. c. 1386) in England, and François Villon (d. 1464) and Christine de Pizan (d. c. 1430) in France. Much literature remained religious, and although a great deal of it continued to be written in Latin, a new demand developed for saints' lives and other devotional tracts in the vernacular languages.[311] This was fed by the growth of the Devotio Moderna movement, most prominently in the formation of the Brethren of the Common Life, but also in the works of German mystics such as Meister Eckhart and Johannes Tauler (d. 1361).[313] Theatre also developed in the guise of miracle plays put on by the Church.[311] At the end of the period, the development of the printing press by Johannes Gutenberg in about 1450 led to the establishment of publishing houses throughout Europe by 1500.[314]

In the early 15th century, the countries of the Iberian Peninsula began to sponsor exploration beyond the boundaries of Europe. Prince Henry the Navigator of Portugal (d. 1460) sent expeditions that discovered the Canary Islands, the Azores, and Cape Verde during his lifetime. After his death, exploration continued; Bartolomeu Dias (d. 1500) went around the Cape of Good Hope in 1486, and Vasco da Gama (d. 1524) sailed around Africa to India in 1498.[315] The combined Spanish monarchies of Castile and Aragon sponsored the voyage of exploration by Christopher Columbus (d. 1506) in 1492 that discovered the Americas.[316] The English crown under Henry VII sponsored the voyage of John Cabot (d. 1498) in 1497, which landed on Cape Breton Island.[317]

Technological and military developments

[edit]
Agricultural calendar, c. 1470, from a manuscript of Pietro de Crescenzi

One of the major developments in the military sphere during the Late Middle Ages was the increased use of infantry and light cavalry.[318] The English also employed longbowmen, but other countries were unable to create similar forces with the same success.[319] Armour continued to advance, spurred by the increasing power of crossbows, and plate armour was developed to protect soldiers from crossbows as well as the hand-held guns that were developed.[320] Pole arms reached new prominence with the development of the Flemish and Swiss infantry armed with pikes and other long spears.[321]

In agriculture, the increased usage of sheep with long-fibred wool allowed a stronger thread to be spun. In addition, the spinning wheel replaced the traditional distaff for spinning wool, tripling production.[322][AG] A less technological refinement that still greatly affected daily life was the use of buttons as closures for garments, which allowed for better fitting without having to lace clothing on the wearer.[324] Windmills were refined with the creation of the tower mill, allowing the upper part of the windmill to be spun around to face the direction from which the wind was blowing.[325] The blast furnace appeared around 1350 in Sweden, increasing the quantity of iron produced and improving its quality.[326] The first patent law in 1447 in Venice protected the rights of inventors to their inventions.[327]

Late medieval art and architecture

[edit]
February scene from the 15th-century illuminated manuscript Très Riches Heures du Duc de Berry

The Late Middle Ages in Europe correspond to Italy's Trecento and Early Renaissance cultural periods. Northern Europe and Spain continued to use Gothic styles, which became increasingly elaborate in the 15th century until almost the end. International Gothic was a courtly style that reached much of Europe in the decades around 1400, producing masterpieces such as the Très Riches Heures du Duc de Berry.[328] All over Europe secular art continued to increase in quantity and quality. In the 15th century, the mercantile classes of Italy and Flanders became important patrons, commissioning small portraits of themselves in oils as well as a growing range of luxury items such as jewellery, ivory caskets, cassone chests, and maiolica pottery. These objects also included the Hispano-Moresque ware produced by mostly Mudéjar potters in Spain. Although royalty owned huge plate collections, little survives except for the Royal Gold Cup.[329] Italian silk manufacture developed so that Western churches and elites no longer needed to rely on imports from Byzantium or the Islamic world. In France and Flanders, tapestry weaving of sets like The Lady and the Unicorn became a major luxury industry.[330]

The large external sculptural schemes of Early Gothic churches gave way to more sculpture inside the building, as tombs became more elaborate and other features such as pulpits were sometimes lavishly carved, as in the Pulpit by Giovanni Pisano in Sant'Andrea. Painted or carved wooden relief altarpieces became common, especially as churches created many side-chapels. Early Netherlandish painting by artists such as Jan van Eyck (d. 1441) and Rogier van der Weyden (d. 1464) rivalled that of Italy, as did northern illuminated manuscripts, which in the 15th century began to be collected on a large scale by secular elites, who also commissioned secular books, especially histories. From about 1450, printed books rapidly became popular, though still expensive. There were around 30,000 different editions of incunabula, or works printed before 1500,[331] by which time illuminated manuscripts were commissioned only by royalty and a few others. Very small woodcuts, nearly all religious, were affordable even by peasants in parts of Northern Europe from the middle of the 15th century. More expensive engravings supplied a wealthier market with various images.[332]

Modern perceptions

[edit]
Medieval illustration of the spherical Earth in a 14th-century copy of L'Image du monde

The medieval period is frequently caricatured as a "time of ignorance and superstition" that placed "the word of religious authorities over personal experience and rational activity."[333] This is a legacy from both the Renaissance and Enlightenment when scholars favourably contrasted their intellectual cultures with those of the medieval period. Renaissance scholars saw the Middle Ages as a period of decline from the high culture and civilisation of the Classical world. Enlightenment scholars saw reason as superior to faith and thus viewed the Middle Ages as a time of ignorance and superstition.[16]

Others argue that reason was held in high regard during the Middle Ages. Science historian Edward Grant writes, "If revolutionary rational thoughts were expressed [in the 18th century], they were only made possible because of the long medieval tradition that established the use of reason as one of the most important of human activities".[334] Also, contrary to common belief, David Lindberg writes, "the late medieval scholar rarely experienced the coercive power of the Church and would have regarded himself as free (particularly in the natural sciences) to follow reason and observation wherever they led".[335]

The caricature of the period is also reflected in some more specific notions. One misconception, first propagated in the 19th century[336] and still very common, is that all people in the Middle Ages believed that the Earth was flat.[336] This is untrue, as lecturers in medieval universities commonly argued that evidence showed the Earth was a sphere.[337] Lindberg and Ronald Numbers, another scholar of the period, state that there "was scarcely a Christian scholar of the Middle Ages who did not acknowledge [Earth's] sphericity and even know its approximate circumference".[338] Other misconceptions such as "the Church prohibited autopsies and dissections during the Middle Ages", "the rise of Christianity killed off ancient science", or "the medieval Christian Church suppressed the growth of natural philosophy", are all cited by Numbers as examples of widely popular myths that still pass as historical truth, although they are not supported by historical research.[339]

Notes

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Citations

[edit]
  1. ^ a b Power Central Middle Ages p. 3
  2. ^ Miglio "Curial Humanism" Interpretations of Renaissance Humanism p. 112
  3. ^ Albrow Global Age p. 205
  4. ^ a b Murray "Should the Middle Ages Be Abolished?" Essays in Medieval Studies p. 4
  5. ^ a b Flexner (ed.) Random House Dictionary p. 1194
  6. ^ "Mediaeval" Compact Edition of the Oxford English Dictionary
  7. ^ a b Mommsen "Petrarch's Conception of the 'Dark Ages'" Speculum pp. 236–237
  8. ^ Singman Daily Life p. x
  9. ^ Knox "History of the Idea of the Renaissance"
  10. ^ Mommsen "Petrarch's Conception of the 'Dark Ages'" Speculum pp. 227–228
  11. ^ a b Bruni History of the Florentine people pp. xvii–xviii
  12. ^ "Middle Ages" Dictionary.com
  13. ^ a b c Wickham Inheritance of Rome p. 86
  14. ^ For example, Scandinavia in Helle, Kouri, and Olesen (ed.) Cambridge History of Scandinavia Part 1 where the start date is 1000 (on page 6) or Russia in Martin Medieval Russia 980–1584
  15. ^ See the titles of Watts Making of Polities Europe 1300–1500 or Epstein Economic History of Later Medieval Europe 1000–1500 or the end date used in Holmes (ed.) Oxford History of Medieval Europe
  16. ^ a b Davies Europe pp. 291–293
  17. ^ See the title of Saul Companion to Medieval England 1066–1485
  18. ^ Kamen Spain 1469–1714 p. 29
  19. ^ Mommsen "Petrarch's Conception of the 'Dark Ages'" Speculum p. 226
  20. ^ Tansey, et al. Gardner's Art Through the Ages p. 242
  21. ^ Cunliffe Europe Between the Oceans pp. 391–393
  22. ^ Collins Early Medieval Europe pp. 3–5
  23. ^ a b Heather Fall of the Roman Empire p. 111
  24. ^ a b Brown World of Late Antiquity pp. 24–25
  25. ^ a b Collins Early Medieval Europe p. 9
  26. ^ Collins Early Medieval Europe p. 24
  27. ^ Cunliffe Europe Between the Oceans pp. 405–406
  28. ^ Collins Early Medieval Europe pp. 31–33
  29. ^ Brown World of Late Antiquity p. 34
  30. ^ Brown World of Late Antiquity pp. 65–68
  31. ^ Brown World of Late Antiquity pp. 82–94
  32. ^ Collins Early Medieval Europe p. 51
  33. ^ Bauer History of the Medieval World pp. 47–49
  34. ^ Bauer History of the Medieval World pp. 56–59
  35. ^ Bauer History of the Medieval World pp. 80–83
  36. ^ Collins Early Medieval Europe pp. 59–60
  37. ^ a b Cunliffe Europe Between the Oceans p. 417
  38. ^ Collins Early Medieval Europe p. 80
  39. ^ James Europe's Barbarians pp. 67–68
  40. ^ Bauer History of the Medieval World pp. 117–118
  41. ^ Wickham Inheritance of Rome p. 79
  42. ^ Collins Early Medieval Europe pp. 107–109
  43. ^ Collins Early Medieval Europe pp. 116–134
  44. ^ Brown, World of Late Antiquity, pp. 122–124
  45. ^ Wickham, Inheritance of Rome, pp. 95–98
  46. ^ Wickham, Inheritance of Rome, pp. 100–101
  47. ^ Collins, Early Medieval Europe, p. 100
  48. ^ a b Collins, Early Medieval Europe, pp. 96–97
  49. ^ Wickham, Inheritance of Rome, pp. 102–103
  50. ^ Backman, Worlds of Medieval Europe, pp. 86–91
  51. ^ Coredon Dictionary of Medieval Terms p. 261
  52. ^ James Europe's Barbarians pp. 82–88
  53. ^ a b James Europe's Barbarians pp. 77–78
  54. ^ James Europe's Barbarians pp. 79–80
  55. ^ a b James Europe's Barbarians pp. 78–81
  56. ^ Collins Early Medieval Europe pp. 196–208
  57. ^ Davies Europe pp. 235–238
  58. ^ Adams History of Western Art pp. 158–159
  59. ^ Wickham Inheritance of Rome pp. 81–83
  60. ^ Bauer History of the Medieval World pp. 200–202
  61. ^ a b Bauer History of the Medieval World pp. 206–213
  62. ^ Collins Early Medieval Europe pp. 126, 130
  63. ^ Brown "Transformation of the Roman Mediterranean" Oxford Illustrated History of Medieval Europe pp. 8–9
  64. ^ James Europe's Barbarians pp. 95–99
  65. ^ Collins Early Medieval Europe pp. 140–143
  66. ^ Brown World of Late Antiquity pp. 174–175
  67. ^ Brown World of Late Antiquity p. 181
  68. ^ Brown "Transformation of the Roman Mediterranean" Oxford Illustrated History of Medieval Europe pp. 45–49
  69. ^ Coredon Dictionary of Medieval Terms p. 80
  70. ^ Geary Before France and Germany pp. 56–57
  71. ^ Wickham Inheritance of Rome pp. 189–193
  72. ^ Wickham Inheritance of Rome pp. 195–199
  73. ^ Wickham Inheritance of Rome p. 204
  74. ^ Wickham Inheritance of Rome pp. 205–210
  75. ^ Wickham Inheritance of Rome pp. 211–212
  76. ^ Wickham Inheritance of Rome p. 215
  77. ^ Brown "Transformation of the Roman Mediterranean" Oxford Illustrated History of Medieval Europe pp. 24–26
  78. ^ Gies and Gies Life in a Medieval City pp. 3–4
  79. ^ a b c d Loyn "Jews" Middle Ages p. 191
  80. ^ Collins Early Medieval Europe pp. 138–139
  81. ^ Berlin, Adele; Grossman, Maxine, eds. (1 January 2011). The Oxford Dictionary of the Jewish Religion. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-973004-9.
  82. ^ Collins Early Medieval Europe pp. 143–145
  83. ^ Collins Early Medieval Europe pp. 149–151
  84. ^ Reilly Medieval Spains pp. 52–53
  85. ^ Brown "Transformation of the Roman Mediterranean" Oxford Illustrated History of Medieval Europe p. 15
  86. ^ Cunliffe Europe Between the Oceans pp. 427–428
  87. ^ Wickham Inheritance of Rome pp. 218–219
  88. ^ Grierson "Coinage and currency" Middle Ages
  89. ^ Collins Early Medieval Europe pp. 218–233
  90. ^ Davies Europe pp. 328–332
  91. ^ Wickham Inheritance of Rome pp. 170–172
  92. ^ Colish Medieval Foundations pp. 62–63
  93. ^ Lawrence Medieval Monasticism pp. 10–13
  94. ^ Lawrence Medieval Monasticism pp. 18–24
  95. ^ Wickham Inheritance of Rome pp. 185–187
  96. ^ Hamilton Religion in the Medieval West pp. 43–44
  97. ^ Colish Medieval Foundations pp. 64–65
  98. ^ Bauer History of the Medieval World pp. 246–253
  99. ^ Bauer History of the Medieval World pp. 347–349
  100. ^ Bauer History of the Medieval World p. 344
  101. ^ Wickham Inheritance of Rome pp. 158–159
  102. ^ Wickham Inheritance of Rome pp. 164–165
  103. ^ Bauer History of the Medieval World pp. 371–378
  104. ^ Brown "Transformation of the Roman Mediterranean" Oxford Illustrated History of Medieval Europe p. 20
  105. ^ Davies Europe p. 824
  106. ^ Stalley Early Medieval Architecture p. 73
  107. ^ a b Backman Worlds of Medieval Europe p. 109
  108. ^ Backman Worlds of Medieval Europe pp. 117–120
  109. ^ Davies Europe p. 302
  110. ^ Davies Europe p. 241
  111. ^ Colish Medieval Foundations pp. 66–70
  112. ^ Loyn "Language and dialect" Middle Ages p. 204
  113. ^ Davies Europe p. 285
  114. ^ a b Bauer History of the Medieval World pp. 427–431
  115. ^ Backman Worlds of Medieval Europe p. 139
  116. ^ Collins Early Medieval Europe pp. 356–358
  117. ^ Collins Early Medieval Europe pp. 358–359
  118. ^ a b c Collins Early Medieval Europe pp. 360–361
  119. ^ Collins Early Medieval Europe p. 397
  120. ^ Backman Worlds of Medieval Europe pp. 141–144
  121. ^ Davies Europe pp. 336–339
  122. ^ Backman Worlds of Medieval Europe pp. 144–145
  123. ^ Bauer History of the Medieval World pp. 147–149
  124. ^ Collins Early Medieval Europe pp. 378–385
  125. ^ Collins Early Medieval Europe p. 387
  126. ^ Davies Europe p. 309
  127. ^ Collins Early Medieval Europe pp. 394–404
  128. ^ Davies Europe p. 317
  129. ^ Wickham Inheritance of Rome pp. 435–439
  130. ^ Whitton "Society of Northern Europe" Oxford Illustrated History of Medieval Europe p. 152
  131. ^ Wickham Inheritance of Rome pp. 439–444
  132. ^ Collins Early Medieval Europe pp. 385–389
  133. ^ Wickham Inheritance of Rome pp. 500–505
  134. ^ Davies Europe pp. 318–320
  135. ^ Davies Europe pp. 321–326
  136. ^ Crampton Concise History of Bulgaria p. 12
  137. ^ Curta Southeastern Europe pp. 246–247
  138. ^ Nees Early Medieval Art p. 145
  139. ^ Stalley Early Medieval Architecture pp. 29–35
  140. ^ Stalley Early Medieval Architecture pp. 43–44
  141. ^ Cosman Medieval Wordbook p. 247
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References

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Further reading

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from Grokipedia
The Middle Ages, spanning approximately from the 5th to the in , followed the collapse of centralized Roman authority and preceded the widespread adoption of and early modern . This millennium-long era witnessed the transition from late antiquity's urban-oriented civilization to a predominantly agrarian, decentralized society structured around localized lord-vassal relationships and manorial estates, with the emerging as the primary unifying institution amid political fragmentation. Key subdivisions include the (c. 500–1000), defined by Germanic migrations, the establishment of successor kingdoms, and economic contraction; the (c. 1000–1300), featuring demographic expansion, agricultural innovations like the , the founding of universities, and Gothic architectural achievements; and the (c. 1300–1500), marked by crises such as the , the , and the , yet also by proto-capitalist trade networks and intellectual shifts toward and . Despite 19th-century historiographical labels like "Dark Ages" emphasizing cultural stagnation—often rooted in Enlightenment biases against feudal and ecclesiastical dominance— reveals substantial continuity in legal traditions, technological adaptations (e.g., heavy plow and ), and monastic preservation of classical texts, countering narratives of wholesale regression. Notable accomplishments encompassed the Carolingian Renaissance's scriptoria advancements, the scholastic synthesis of Aristotelian philosophy with by figures like , and the ' stimulation of intercontinental exchange, which collectively fostered the institutional and intellectual frameworks underpinning Western 's eventual global ascendancy. Controversies persist in assessing the era's violence—evident in endemic feudal warfare and inquisitorial persecutions—against its causal role in evolving representative governance, as seen in the Magna Carta's limitation of monarchical power, underscoring the period's complex interplay of constraint and innovation rather than simplistic decline.

Terminology and Periodisation

Origins and Evolution of the Term

The concept of an intermediate historical period between and a perceived cultural revival originated in the with the Italian scholar Francesco Petrarca (Petrarch), who characterized the era following the fall of the as a "Dark Age" marked by the decline of ancient learning and the rise of barbarism. Petrarch's critique, rooted in his admiration for Greco-Roman texts, positioned his own time as a nascent rebirth, implicitly framing the intervening centuries as a temporal bridge of obscurity rather than continuity. However, modern historians overwhelmingly reject the "Dark Ages" label—particularly for the Early Middle Ages (c. 500–1000)—as outdated, pejorative, and misleading, favoring neutral terms like "Early Middle Ages" to reflect the era's disruptions alongside achievements such as monastic preservation of knowledge and agricultural innovations. This tripartite schema—ancient, middle, and modern—gained structure in the early through humanists. , in his historiographical works around 1400–1440, explicitly divided history into these phases, with the "middle" era commencing after the Roman Empire's decline and ending with contemporary renewal. Flavio Biondo further formalized it in his Historiarum ab inclinatione Romanorum imperii decades (published 1439–1453), chronicling events from the sack of Rome to the as a distinct intermediary epoch of transformation, distinct from antiquity's grandeur and modernity's promise. These scholars' reflected a causal view of historical rupture caused by invasions and institutional decay, yet emphasized Europe's enduring Latin Christian inheritance over outright barbarity. The specific Latin phrase medium aevum ("middle age") first appeared in 1604, coined by the German jurist and historian Melchior Goldast in his legal and historical compilations, providing a neutral chronological label for the post-antique interval. By the late , medium aevum had become standard in European scholarship for denoting this era, translating into vernacular equivalents like the English "Middle Ages" by the early . The adjective "medieval," an Anglicization of medium aevum, entered usage in the amid professional historiography's expansion, coinciding with reevaluations that tempered earlier "Dark Ages" disdain—evident in works by scholars like —by highlighting feudal innovations, , and scholastic philosophy as causal foundations for later developments. This underscores the term's retrospective imposition, shaped by Enlightenment and Romantic biases privileging progress narratives, though it persists due to its utility in delineating empirical shifts in , , and from circa 500 to 1500 CE.

Chronological Boundaries

The Middle Ages are conventionally delimited from the deposition of , the last , by the Germanic chieftain in 476 CE to the fall of in 1453 CE. This starting boundary reflects the effective collapse of centralized Roman administration in , as Odoacer's forces captured the emperor's father on August 28, 476, and deposed the young shortly thereafter, around early September, establishing a new barbarian kingdom in Italy while nominally subordinating it to the Eastern Roman emperor Zeno. The endpoint of 1453 marks the Ottoman conquest of the Byzantine capital on May 29, extinguishing the final institutional continuity with the ancient and accelerating the influx of Greek scholars and classical texts into . Alternative terminal dates include 1492 CE, tied to Christopher Columbus's voyage to the Americas and the fall of Granada completing the Christian of Iberia, or broader late-15th-century markers like the widespread adoption of printing presses following Johannes Gutenberg's innovations around 1450. These variations underscore that prioritizes symbolic political ruptures over uniform cultural or economic shifts, with the 476–1453 span encompassing roughly a of fragmented polities, feudal structures, and gradual institutional evolution in . Historiographical conventions often approximate the era as spanning the 5th to 15th centuries CE, acknowledging regional disparities—such as earlier transitions in the post-410 Roman withdrawal or prolonged Byzantine and Islamic influences—but rejecting rigid caesurae due to evidentiary continuity in , , and from . Scholarly sources emphasize that such boundaries serve analytical purposes rather than denoting absolute discontinuities, as archaeological and textual evidence reveals persistent Roman-era practices amid 5th-century upheavals and incremental 15th-century innovations like warfare and oceanic exploration.

Historiographical Debates on Periodization

The term "Middle Ages" originated in the , with in the mid-14th century describing the period after as one of cultural decline, positioning his era as a rebirth (renovatio). This pejorative framing, later formalized by Flavio Biondo in his Historiarum ab inclinatio romani imperii decades (1439–1453), cast the intervening millennium as a temporal bridge between ancient glory and modern revival, influencing subsequent . By the , Christophorus Cellarius divided it into antiquior (early, to c. 1000), media (high, 1000–1300), and recentior (late, to 1453 or 1500), a schema persisting in textbooks despite critiques of its rigidity. Debates on chronological boundaries center on the starting point, traditionally fixed at 476 CE with the deposition of , marking the Western Roman Empire's collapse amid barbarian invasions and internal decay. However, scholars like those advocating a "" extension to c. 800 CE argue for continuity in institutions, such as the Byzantine East and Merovingian adaptations of Roman administration, minimizing rupture in favor of gradual transformation. Empirical evidence counters this softening: Western Europe's urban centers shrank dramatically—Rome's population fell from over 1 million in 100 CE to perhaps 20,000 by 700 CE—while rates plummeted outside clerical circles, reflecting causal disruptions from invasions, economic fragmentation, and loss of centralized rather than seamless evolution. Alternative starts, such as Muhammad's Hijra in 622 CE or Charlemagne's coronation in 800 CE, incorporate Islamic expansions or Carolingian revival but risk Eurocentric imposition on non-Western timelines. Ending dates provoke similar contention, with 1453 () symbolizing the Ottoman closure of classical texts' Greek sources, or 1492 marking transatlantic exploration's economic shift. proposed a "long Middle Ages" extending to the (1789), emphasizing persistent feudal structures over abrupt innovation. Critiques highlight periodization's artificiality: it derives from 19th-century , projecting modern ideological divides onto the past and obscuring regional variations, such as Byzantine endurance or Islamic golden ages. Yet, causal realism underscores real transitions—e.g., the 14th-century (killing 30–60% of Europe's ) and warfare eroded —validating boundaries tied to verifiable demographic and technological shifts over purely narrative constructs. Modern "global Middle Ages" frameworks challenge by synchronizing with Asian or African chronologies but often dilute empirical focus on Europe's post-Roman reconfiguration. The "Dark Ages" label, evoking Petrarchan disdain, faces rejection in academia for overstating barbarism amid monastic preservation of texts, yet data on halved life expectancies and abandoned aqueducts affirm a substantive regression in until c. 1000 CE. Historiographical bias creeps in: post-1960s scholarship, influenced by continuity paradigms, downplays these metrics to counter Enlightenment , but primary sources like ' chronicles depict vivid chaos from 5th–8th-century invasions. Ultimately, aids synthesis but falters as absolute; debates persist because no single date encapsulates multifaceted causal chains, from climatic shifts to ideological realignments.

Transition from Late Antiquity (c. 300–600)

Internal Crises of the Roman Empire

The Crisis of the Third Century, spanning approximately 235 to 284 CE, marked a profound internal upheaval in the Roman Empire, characterized by rapid turnover of emperors—over 20 in less than 50 years—amid frequent assassinations, usurpations, and civil wars that eroded central authority. Following the murder of Emperor Alexander Severus in 235 CE, military commanders vied for power, leading to the fragmentation of imperial unity, including the temporary secession of the Gallic Empire in the west (260–274 CE) and the Palmyrene Empire in the east (260–273 CE). This political anarchy stemmed from the failure of the Severan dynasty's reliance on praetorian and provincial armies, which prioritized loyalty to generals over the state, fostering a cycle of short-lived reigns averaging about two years. Economic disintegration exacerbated the crisis, driven primarily by rampant currency debasement and resulting . Emperors, facing revenue shortfalls from endless wars and bribes to secure allegiance, progressively reduced the silver content in the denarius from nearly pure under to less than 5% by the mid-third century, alloying it with base metals like to mint more coins. This monetary manipulation flooded the economy with devalued currency, causing prices in —a region with detailed records—to surge by factors of up to 1,000% between 250 and 275 CE for staples like , while networks collapsed due to insecurity and . Agricultural output declined as landowners abandoned marginal estates amid heavy taxation to fund the , which consumed over half the imperial budget, further straining urban populations and prompting rural self-sufficiency. The , erupting around 250 CE and persisting until about 270 CE, inflicted demographic catastrophe, killing an estimated 10–20% of the empire's population—potentially 5–10 million people—through symptoms including fever, gastrointestinal hemorrhage, and gangrenous extremities, likely caused by or hemorrhagic Ebola-like viruses. The , possibly introduced via routes or campaigns, decimated ranks, with units reduced by up to two-thirds in affected provinces, compelling greater recruitment of barbarian whose integration diluted Roman discipline and loyalty. Economic repercussions included labor shortages that accelerated urban depopulation and disrupted tax collection, as bishops like of documented mass burials and societal breakdown, attributing the disaster to divine disfavor but highlighting the empire's vulnerability to unchecked pandemics without modern or medical knowledge. Military and administrative failures compounded these woes, as the empire's overextended —swollen to manage vast territories—suffered from , with provincial governors exploiting civilians through and soldiers engaging in , eroding public trust and local . The army, ballooning to around 500,000 men by the late third century, prioritized internal suppression over border defense, yet proved ineffective against simultaneous threats due to poor and reliance on ill-trained levies. Reforms under Diocletian (r. 284–305 CE), including the tetrarchy and price edicts, temporarily stabilized the east but imposed rigid controls that stifled innovation and deepened divisions, setting the stage for persistent western fragility into the fifth century. By the fourth and fifth centuries, these internal dynamics persisted, with recurring despite Aurelian's partial monetary restoration in 274 CE, and administrative centralization under Constantine (r. 306–337 CE) failing to halt the west's slide toward fiscal . The cumulative effect—political fragmentation, economic contraction, and demographic decline—undermined the empire's resilience, making it susceptible to external pressures without addressing root causes like unsustainable and elite detachment from provincial realities.

Barbarian Migrations and New Political Orders

![Europe and the Near East at 476 AD.png][float-right] The barbarian migrations, often termed the Völkerwanderung or , commenced around 375 AD when the , advancing from the Eurasian steppes, displaced Gothic tribes across the Danube River into Roman territories. This influx exposed Roman military vulnerabilities, culminating in the Gothic victory at the in 378 AD, where Emperor perished alongside two-thirds of the Eastern field army. Subsequent waves included the 406 AD crossing of the frozen Rhine by , , and , who ravaged before penetrating , exploiting Roman internal divisions and economic strains from overreliance on slave labor and debased currency. In 410 AD, Visigothic forces under sacked , the first such breach in eight centuries, signaling the erosion of central imperial authority in the West. , under , seized in 439 AD after traversing and , establishing a maritime kingdom in that controlled vital grain supplies and raided , sacking again in 455 AD. These movements were not mere destructive hordes but organized tribal confederations seeking arable land and Roman subsidies, accelerated by climatic shifts like the and population pressures beyond the limes. The migrations fostered new political orders as Germanic elites superimposed rule over Romano-provincial populations, forming successor kingdoms that blended with Roman administrative remnants. The , initially in from 418 AD, shifted to after Frankish pressure, unifying the peninsula under kings like (466–484 AD) with a capital at Toledo by 507 AD, issuing codes like the that preserved Roman legal traditions for subjects. ![Theoderic_Quarter_Siliqua_80000847.jpg][center] Ostrogothic Italy, under Theoderic the Great (r. 493–526 AD), exemplified continuity: commissioned by Eastern Emperor Zeno, Theoderic ousted and governed as patricius, retaining the , prefectures, and tax systems while settling 100,000–200,000 on choice lands, fostering a dual society of Arian rulers and Catholic subjects with minimal ethnic strife during his reign. In contrast, the under (r. 481–511 AD) achieved unification by defeating Syagrius's Roman remnant at in 486 AD and at Tolbiac circa 496 AD, followed by his conversion to , baptizing 3,000 warriors and aligning with Gallo-Roman clergy against Arian rivals, laying foundations for the . These kingdoms endured through pragmatic accommodations: Germanic warrior elites, numbering perhaps 5–10% of populations, monopolized roles while Romans handled , though recurrent and external threats like Hunnic incursions at Chalons in 451 AD tested stability. By 476 AD, when deposed the puppet emperor , the Western imperial framework had yielded to federated polities, marking a transition from universal empire to regional monarchies rooted in yet sustained by inherited Roman .

Byzantine Empire as Eastern Successor

The deposition of by in marked the effective end of centralized Roman rule in the West, yet the , governed from , maintained unbroken continuity as the Roman state. This persistence stemmed from the East's more robust administrative framework, denser urbanization, and greater wealth relative to the West, which buffered it against the full brunt of Germanic migrations and internal upheavals. Emperors such as Zeno (r. 474–491) and Anastasius I (r. 491–518) consolidated power by managing fiscal reforms and containing threats like the and , preserving Roman imperial institutions including the bureaucracy, taxation systems, and professional armies. Under (r. 527–565), the empire actively asserted its role as the Roman successor through ambitious reconquests aimed at restoring lost western territories. General led campaigns that vanquished the in by 534 and initiated the reconquest of Ostrogothic Italy in 535, temporarily reclaiming in 536 and expanding Byzantine control across the Mediterranean. These efforts, though straining resources and provoking plagues and rebellions, underscored the empire's self-conception as the legitimate heir to , evidenced by Justinian's codification of in the Corpus Juris Civilis (529–534), which systematized imperial edicts and jurisprudence for enduring administrative use. The Byzantine state's in this transitional derived from adaptive strategies, including a defensible capital fortified by walls and seas, a theme-based emerging post-reconquests, and diplomatic maneuvering that often forestalled invasions. While the West fragmented into , the East's retention of Hellenistic-Roman cultural synthesis, Orthodox Christianity as a unifying force, and economic hubs like —handling trade volumes exceeding those of fragmented —ensured institutional resilience amid late antique crises. By 600, despite losses to and Avars, the empire had weathered the period's transformations, positioning itself as the primary custodian of Roman legacy into the medieval .

Early Middle Ages (c. 600–1000)

Economic Disruption and Localism

The early Middle Ages witnessed profound economic disruption stemming from the lingering effects of the Western Roman Empire's collapse in 476 CE, compounded by recurrent crises such as the (541–750 CE), which caused tens of millions of deaths across the Mediterranean and , severely depopulating regions and undermining agricultural and commercial capacities. This pandemic, recurring in waves, exacerbated labor shortages and fiscal strains, contributing to the paralysis of urban economies and the abandonment of marginal lands. In , Lombard invasions beginning in 568 CE further fragmented trade routes and administrative structures, leading to a breakdown in the distribution of goods like African ceramics and that had sustained Roman-era commerce. Urban centers, once hubs of Roman trade and administration, experienced sharp declines; for instance, Rome's population dwindled from approximately 500,000 in the 5th century to 20,000–50,000 by the late 6th century, reflecting reduced commercial activity and migration to rural areas. Long-distance trade networks, reliant on secure Mediterranean shipping and overland routes, contracted markedly, with archaeological evidence showing a scarcity of imported amphorae and coins in Western Europe from the 6th to 8th centuries. Overall European population estimates hovered around 25–30 million circa 600 CE, down from Roman peaks, limiting surplus production and market exchange. In response, economic organization shifted toward localism, characterized by self-sufficient agrarian estates or manors that prioritized subsistence over market-oriented production. Rural households in the Carolingian period (c. 750–900 CE) were predominantly self-reliant, producing food, tools, and textiles internally, with limited reliance on external markets as evidenced by estate inventories like the Polyptych of Irminon (c. 812 CE). Lords managed demesnes worked by dependent peasants, fostering localized exchange at seasonal fairs rather than extensive , which supported political fragmentation by tying to personal protection networks. This manorial structure, rooted in late Roman villas but intensified by insecurity, enabled adaptation to depopulation and instability but stifled broader economic integration until the .

Islamic Conquests and Eurasian Interactions

The Islamic conquests commenced following the death of in 632 CE, under the Caliphs, who directed military campaigns against neighboring empires weakened by prolonged conflicts. , the first caliph (632–634 CE), suppressed internal rebellions known as the before initiating external expansions, dispatching forces into southern by 633 CE. Under (634–644 CE), Arab armies defeated Byzantine forces at the Battle of Yarmouk in 636 CE, securing and by 638 CE, and captured by 642 CE after the fall of . Concurrently, Persian territories succumbed, with the Sassanid capital taken in 637 CE and the last Sassanid emperor killed in 651 CE, completing the conquest of the Sassanid Empire by 654 CE. The (661–750 CE) extended these gains, conquering from 647 CE onward, reaching the Atlantic by 709 CE after overcoming Berber resistance. In 711 CE, led a Berber-Arab force across the , defeating Visigothic King at the , which facilitated the rapid subjugation of most of the by 718 CE, establishing . Umayyad forces then crossed the into , raiding and advancing northward until halted by Frankish at the () on October 10, 732 CE, where an estimated 1,500–20,000 Muslims were killed, marking a decisive check on further European incursions. These conquests profoundly affected Eurasian interactions, severing direct overland trade routes between and the East, contributing to economic fragmentation in the Mediterranean. The , already strained, lost its Levantine provinces, , and , reducing its revenue base by two-thirds and forcing a defensive posture along , with failed Arab sieges of in 674–678 CE and 717–718 CE. In , the Iberian foothold enabled ongoing raids into Frankish territories, such as the 735 CE incursion into , while Byzantine-Arab frontier wars persisted, fostering militarized themes in and influencing Carolingian alliances against common threats. The conquests also integrated steppe elements through alliances with and later Turkic groups in , though direct interactions remained limited until Abbasid times.

Carolingian Unification and Its Fragmentation

, deposed the last Merovingian king in 751 and was anointed king of the by in 754, marking the rise of the and initial unification of Frankish territories under effective Carolingian rule. This act consolidated power previously held by Carolingian mayors of the palace, ending the Merovingian shadow kingship and centralizing authority through papal endorsement and military control over , , and . Pepin's son, (r. 768–814), inherited the throne jointly with his brother Carloman in 768 but became sole ruler after Carloman's death in 771, launching extensive conquests that expanded the Frankish realm into a vast empire. Key campaigns included the subjugation of the in by 774, securing papal territories; the conquest of through wars from 772 to 804, involving forced conversions and mass executions such as at Verden in 782; incorporation of in 788; and raids into Muslim , establishing the . By 800, when crowned him emperor in on Christmas Day, Charlemagne's domain encompassed modern-day , , the , , , , and parts of and , uniting diverse Germanic, Romance, and Slavic peoples under a single Christian rulership. To govern this expansive and heterogeneous empire, Charlemagne implemented administrative reforms, including the capitularies—royal ordinances standardizing laws, coinage, and weights—and the missi dominici, pairs of royal envoys (one lay, one clerical) dispatched annually from 802 to inspect local counts, enforce justice, collect taxes, and suppress corruption, thereby extending central oversight into peripheral regions. These measures, alongside promotion of monastic scriptoria and the Carolingian minuscule script, fostered administrative uniformity and a modest revival of learning, though reliant on existing Roman and Germanic customs rather than wholesale innovation. Military obligations were systematized via the host and ban, requiring freemen to serve based on land holdings, sustaining the empire's defenses but straining resources over time. Charlemagne's son Louis the Pious (r. 814–840) inherited the undivided empire but faced rebellions from nobles and his own sons, leading to repeated partitions via the Ordinatio Imperii in 817, which designated Lothair as co-emperor while granting subkingdoms to Pepin, Louis the German, and Charles. Louis's death in 840 triggered a three-year civil war among his sons, culminating in the Treaty of Verdun on August 10, 843, which fragmented the realm: Lothair I received Middle Francia (including Italy, Burgundy, and the Low Countries); Louis the German took Eastern Francia (precursor to Germany); and Charles the Bald acquired Western Francia (precursor to France). This division, driven by fraternal rivalries and the logistical challenges of ruling vast territories without robust infrastructure, undermined unified governance, as local counts and bishops increasingly asserted autonomy amid weakened central authority. Subsequent treaties accelerated fragmentation: the in 855 split Lothair's lands among his heirs, while the in 870 repartitioned after Lothair II's death, further dispersing territories. By the late , external pressures like Viking raids and internal revolts eroded Carolingian legitimacy, with non-dynastic rulers emerging in by 911 and by 987, effectively ending the empire's cohesive phase and paving the way for feudal decentralization. The Carolingian model's emphasis on personal loyalty and itinerant kingship proved unsustainable against geographic scale and succession disputes, contributing to the political multiplicity of early medieval .

External Invasions: Vikings, Magyars, and Saracens

During the ninth and tenth centuries, the fragmented polities of post-Carolingian endured relentless assaults from seafaring originating from , mounted Magyar warriors from the eastern steppes, and forces raiding from Mediterranean bases, which collectively strained royal authority and accelerated the devolution of power to local lords. These incursions, peaking between approximately 793 and 955, exploited weak borders and internal divisions, resulting in widespread depopulation, economic disruption, and fortified settlements, while prompting defensive innovations like burhs in and comital militias in . Viking raids commenced with the assault on monastery on June 8, 793, where Norse warriors plundered the Northumbrian island, slaughtering monks and seizing treasures, an event chronicled as omens preceding calamity in Anglo-Saxon annals. This marked the onset of systematic predation by Danish, Norwegian, and Swedish fleets targeting coastal monasteries and centers across Britain, , , and beyond, with over 200 recorded attacks by 900. Escalation occurred in 865 when , a of perhaps 3,000-5,000 warriors, landed in , overwintering and methodically conquering by 867, executing King Ælla, then in 869, and partitioning by 874, establishing the zone of Norse settlement and law. In , Vikings besieged in 845 and again in 885-886, extorting 700 pounds of silver, before the 911 ceded territory around , founding the as a buffer against further incursions. These operations, driven by overpopulation, opportunities, and shipbuilding prowess enabling rapid strikes, inflicted annual tributes like and fostered Viking principalities in and , though and assimilation curbed raiding by the early eleventh century. Magyar tribes, Finno-Ugric nomads allied with , migrated westward around 895, occupying the Carpathian Basin after displacing and Avars, from which they launched mounted archery raids penetrating deep into , , and , amassing plunder through hit-and-run tactics superior to fragmented Frankish . Annual campaigns from 900 onward sacked cities like in 915 and in 917, with forces estimated at 10,000-20,000, exploiting Carolingian civil wars to demand tribute until their decisive defeat at the on August 10, 955, where I's coalition of 8,000 heavy infantry and knights annihilated Lél and Bulcsú's army near , crucifying leaders and halting western expeditions. This loss, compounded by internal strife and Bulgarian pressures, compelled Árpád dynasty leaders to consolidate in , adopting sedentary agriculture and by 1000 under Stephen I, transforming raiders into the Kingdom of Hungary. Saracen raids, conducted by Aghlabid and later Fatimid fleets from and , targeted southern Italy and the western Mediterranean coasts, beginning with the 827 expedition to that, despite initial setbacks, culminated in the Byzantine stronghold of Taormina's fall on November 902, establishing Muslim emirates ruling the island until Norman reconquest. From Sicilian bases, corsairs ravaged and , sacking Rome's environs in 846 and prompting Leo IV's walls, while a splinter group founded (modern ) in around 940, from which 200-300 warriors raided Alpine passes, capturing pilgrims and merchants until their expulsion by William of Arles' coalition in 972-975. These operations, motivated by , slave trade, and naval dominance with up to 100 ships per fleet, disrupted pilgrimage routes and commerce, extorting protection from and , but waned as Byzantine and Norman counteroffensives reclaimed territories by the late tenth century. Collectively, these invasions rendered centralized governance untenable, as kings like subdivided realms via the 843 , yielding to vassalage systems where counts and dukes raised levies independently, a causal shift from imperial unity to feudal particularism evidenced by rising castle counts from 20 in 800 to over 3,000 by 1000. Empirical records, including annals like the Annals of St. Bertin detailing Viking sieges and Magyar tributes, underscore how scarcity of coinage and literacy reflected survival priorities over administration.

Role of the Church and Monastic Centers

The Church served as a primary of continuity and authority during the political fragmentation following the Roman Empire's collapse, maintaining administrative structures, legal traditions, and moral guidance across from approximately 600 to 1000. Bishops and clergy often filled administrative roles in local governance, leveraging Roman-era infrastructure like dioceses to coordinate charity, justice, and community welfare amid ' instability. Papal influence expanded under figures like (r. 590–604), who reformed ecclesiastical administration, dispatched missionaries such as in 597 to convert Anglo-Saxon , and asserted Rome's spiritual primacy over bishops in and elsewhere. Gregory's efforts, including his (c. 590), emphasized clerical duties and pastoral oversight, strengthening the Church's role in countering and . Monastic centers, guided by rules like St. Benedict's (c. 530), emerged as vital hubs for spiritual discipline, economic self-sufficiency, and intellectual preservation, with communities such as those in Ireland and copying classical and patristic texts in scriptoria to safeguard knowledge from antiquity. By the , Irish and Anglo-Saxon monks, including figures like (d. 615), established monasteries across Europe, promoting literacy and evangelism; these institutions housed libraries that preserved works by , , and early , preventing total loss during invasions. Monks' labor-intensive routines, including manual work (), supported agricultural advancements, such as introducing three-field and heavy plows in regions like the , boosting yields and enabling surplus production that sustained local economies. In the Carolingian era (c. 751–888), the Church intertwined with royal power under (r. 768–814), who convened synods like the Council of (794) to standardize doctrine and liturgy, fostering a revival of learning known as the . Scholars like (d. 804), invited to Charlemagne's , reformed monastic , establishing palace schools and scriptoria at centers like and Tours that produced uniform script, facilitating wider dissemination of texts. Monasteries under Carolingian oversight, such as (founded 744), expanded economic activities through , , and trade networks, contributing to regional stability and the integration of into governance. Missionaries like St. Boniface (d. 754) further extended Church influence, organizing dioceses in and aligning tribal conversions with Frankish expansion. This symbiosis of ecclesiastical and secular authority helped mitigate the era's disruptions, preserving Roman administrative legacies while adapting to feudal realities.

Incremental Technological and Agricultural Advances

During the Early Middle Ages, agricultural practices in gradually shifted from the Roman-era two-field system, where one field lay fallow while the other was cultivated, to the more efficient three-field rotation by the , with one field sown in winter crops like or , another in spring crops such as oats or , and the third left fallow. This innovation, evidenced in Carolingian capitularies and manorial records from the , increased use from 50% to 67% and boosted through legume rotations, yielding modest productivity gains of 10-20% in northern regions. Concurrently, the heavy wheeled plow (), featuring a moldboard to turn heavy clay soils, emerged in Slavic and Germanic areas between the 7th and 10th centuries, enabling cultivation of previously marginal northern European lands unsuitable for lighter Roman ard plows. Archaeological finds, such as plowshares from sites in and , confirm its incremental adoption, which reduced labor needs per acre by allowing deeper tillage but required communal coordination for drainage and ox teams. Harnessing improvements complemented these changes; the rigid , first depicted in a circa 800 AD illuminated from , distributed traction force across the horse's shoulders rather than throat, permitting faster plowing speeds (up to twice that of oxen) and reducing animal exhaustion. Though originating in Chinese designs centuries earlier, its European adaptation around the 9th —evidenced in Frankish inventories—facilitated use on heavier soils, with horses comprising up to 20% of traction animals by 1000 AD in monastic estates. These agricultural tweaks, often disseminated via monastic scriptoria and Carolingian reforms under (r. 768–814), sustained yields amid climatic challenges like the Late Antique Little Ice Age's extension into the 6th-7th centuries, preventing total collapse but limiting surpluses to elite domains. Technologically, the proliferation of watermills marked a key continuity from , with over 6,000 documented in England by 1086 but roots in 8th-century Frankish and Anglo-Saxon expansions for grain milling and early . Monastic centers, such as those at (founded 681) and (744), engineered vertical-wheel mills powered by diverted streams, grinding up to 1,000 kg of grain daily per site and freeing labor from manual querns, though efficiency varied with seasonal flows and maintenance costs. Ironworking advanced incrementally with furnaces refined by the 9th century, producing higher-quality tools like sickles and scythes, as seen in Viking Age Scandinavian hoards, while tidal and overshot mills appeared experimentally in coastal monasteries by 800 AD. These developments, pragmatic responses to labor shortages post-plague and invasions, emphasized hydraulic and animal power over speculative inventions, laying groundwork for High Medieval intensification without implying a "revolution" in the period.

High Middle Ages (c. 1000–1300)

Population Growth and Commercial Revival

Following the relative stability after the cessation of major invasions around 1000 AD, Europe's population expanded significantly, rising from roughly 40 million to at least 80 million by the early . This growth, estimated to have averaged about 0.1-0.2% annually, outpaced earlier medieval rates and supported economic expansion. Key drivers included climatic improvements during the (c. 950–1250), which extended growing seasons and enabled cultivation of marginal lands in , alongside reduced famine frequency due to fewer volcanic disruptions and stable solar activity. Agricultural productivity surged through innovations like the widespread adoption of the three-field crop rotation system by the 11th century, which divided fields into thirds—one for autumn grains like wheat or rye, one for spring crops like oats or legumes, and one left fallow—effectively increasing arable land use by 50% compared to the prior two-field method and enhancing soil nitrogen via legumes. Complementary technologies, such as the heavy wheeled plow with moldboard for turning heavy clay soils and the horse collar harness (replacing inefficient ox yokes), allowed faster plowing and greater draft power, further boosting yields on northern Europe's challenging terrains. These advancements generated food surpluses, lowering mortality rates—particularly infant and child deaths—and enabling larger families, as evidenced by parish records showing fertility rates sustaining the demographic upswing. Surpluses fueled commercial revival, with rural-to-urban migration swelling towns; by 1300, urban populations comprised 10-15% of Europe's total, up from near negligible levels centuries prior. Trade networks reemerged, linking via the and Baltic routes to Mediterranean ports, where like and dominated exchanges with Byzantine and Islamic merchants for spices, silks, and Eastern luxuries. Inland hubs, notably the Champagne fairs (c. 1180–1300), facilitated six annual cycles of bulk goods trading—wool, cloth, and metals—drawing Flemish, Italian, and Provencal participants and standardizing payments through early credit instruments. Financial innovations underpinned this commerce: Italian bankers in the developed bills of exchange, allowing merchants to transfer funds across distances without coin transport, mitigating risks from fragmented currencies and . Guilds regulated quality and monopolies in burgeoning industries like textiles and metalwork, while minting reforms and royal protections for markets encouraged investment. By the 13th century, this system supported proto-capitalist growth, with output rising amid specialization, though vulnerabilities to harvest failures persisted, foreshadowing 14th-century crises.

Feudalism: Mutual Obligations and Economic Realities

![Three orders of medieval society][float-right] encompassed reciprocal obligations between lords and , formalized through ceremonies of homage and , where pledged loyalty and in exchange for —grants of land providing economic sustenance. A key primary account of these duties appears in a 1020 letter from Bishop Fulbert of to William V of , outlining responsibilities including honoring the lord, protecting him from enemies, refraining from alliances against him, avoiding harm to his family or forbidding his men access to , providing counsel, defending the lord's reputation, aiding in his needs without betrayal, returning the if stripped, and performing required services faithfully. Lords, in turn, were bound to maintain the 's security, administer justice, and support him in necessities, ensuring the relationship's mutuality rather than mere subjugation. These obligations underpinned a hierarchy essential for defense amid 9th- to 11th-century invasions, with vassals typically owing around 40 days of annual , supplemented by castle garrison duties or expeditionary aid. Financial aids arose for lordly ransoms, knighting eldest sons, or marrying daughters, often calibrated to the fief's value, as seen in 12th-century French customs where such payments could equal a year's revenue. The heritability of fiefs, advanced by the 877 of Quierzy under , allowed beneficiaries to inherit conditional land grants upon royal approval, stabilizing vassalage across generations but fragmenting central authority as local powers entrenched. Economically, intertwined with , organizing agrarian production on self-sufficient estates where lords held lands cultivated by unfree (serfs or villeins) obligated to labor services, typically two to three days weekly, alongside customary rents or . Manors, prevalent from the Carolingian era onward, divided into lordly , peasant holdings, and common pastures or woods, with the three-field rotation system—adopted widely by the —enhancing yields by fallowing one-third of annually, boosting output over two-field methods. The 1086 survey of England recorded over 13,000 manors, valuing the realm at approximately £72,000 annually, reflecting inputs like plough-teams (averaging 2-3 per manor in fertile regions) and outputs dominated by , with serf households numbering 100,000-200,000 contributing to subsistence amid limited . In the , population expansion from circa 1000—reaching 30-40 million in by 1300—strained manorial resources, prompting commutations of labor into cash rents and nascent , yet core economic realities persisted in localized, agrarian dependencies vulnerable to harvests and seigneurial exactions. Regional variations abounded: England's post-1066 impositions yielded detailed records absent in , while diverged toward proto-capitalism, underscoring feudalism's adaptability rather than uniformity.

Rise of Monarchies and Common Law Traditions

During the High Middle Ages, European monarchies transitioned from fragmented feudal structures toward greater centralization, particularly in and , where kings leveraged administrative innovations and military successes to expand authority and diminish noble autonomy. In , the , beginning with in 987, initially controlled a modest domain around , but rulers like Louis VI (r. 1108–1137) initiated expansion by subduing vassals and securing oaths of loyalty, laying groundwork for territorial growth. Philip II Augustus (r. 1180–1223) accelerated this by confiscating Norman territories from King John of in 1204, effectively doubling the royal domain and incorporating regions like and Anjou, which funded further administrative centralization. By 1300, the Capetian holdings had expanded to approximate much of modern 's core, enabling professional bureaucracies and taxation systems that reduced reliance on feudal levies. In England, the Norman Conquest of 1066 established a monarchy with unprecedented documentary control, exemplified by the Domesday Book of 1086, but High Medieval consolidation peaked under Henry II (r. 1154–1189), who reformed justice to assert royal supremacy over local customs. Henry dispatched itinerant justices to apply uniform procedures nationwide, introducing assizes—royal writs for land disputes resolved via jury trials like the Grand Assize of 1179, where 12 knights determined possession based on sworn testimony rather than feudal combat. These circuits standardized legal practices in royal courts, fostering the common law tradition: a body of judge-made precedents derived from customary law, applicable across the realm and overriding manorial or ecclesiastical jurisdictions. Criminal justice evolved similarly, with presentment juries of local freemen indicting suspects, shifting from ordeal-based trials toward evidentiary processes that prioritized royal oversight. The common law's endurance stemmed from its adaptability and royal enforcement, as centralized courts like the King's Bench, formalized around 1178, recorded decisions in yearbooks that established binding precedents. This system curtailed baronial power by offering tenants direct recourse to the king against seigneurial abuses, as seen in possessory protecting against wrongful dispossession. King John's fiscal exactions provoked the in 1215, where barons compelled concessions affirming that no freeman could be punished except by lawful judgment of peers or country—clauses 39 and 40 embedding into monarchy, limiting arbitrary rule while preserving royal courts as arbiters. Reissued under Henry III, it reinforced common law's role in constraining monarchs to legal norms, influencing later constitutional developments without undermining central authority. These parallel developments—territorial monarchies in and procedural in —reflected pragmatic responses to feudal inefficiencies, enabling rulers to extract resources and administer justice uniformly, though full absolutism awaited later eras. In contrast, the Holy Roman Empire's elective system perpetuated fragmentation, underscoring how inherited customs and shaped divergent paths to .

Crusades: Defensive Imperatives and Strategic Results

The Crusades arose amid escalating threats to Christian territories in the , following centuries of Islamic military expansion that had subdued vast regions previously under Byzantine or Christian control. From the onward, Arab forces conquered (634–638), (639–642), and (647–709), while Umayyad armies overran Visigothic by 711, establishing and conducting raids into as far as in 732. By the , the Seljuk Turks, having consolidated power in Persia, invaded , culminating in their decisive victory over Byzantine Emperor at the on August 26, 1071, which enabled the rapid Turkic conquest of most of and imperiled itself. This defeat prompted Byzantine Emperor to appeal for Western military aid in 1095, highlighting the existential danger to Eastern from Seljuk advances that disrupted pilgrimage routes to and desecrated holy sites. Pope Urban II's address at the on November 27, 1095, framed the response as a defensive imperative, urging knights to relieve Byzantine pressures, protect endangered , and reclaim access to sacred lands amid reports of Muslim atrocities against pilgrims, including the destruction of the in 1009 under Fatimid Caliph al-Hakim and subsequent Seljuk restrictions. Urban emphasized reconquering territories lost to prior invasions rather than initiating unprovoked aggression, promising spiritual indulgences for participants while invoking the duty to counter jihadist incursions that had already reduced Christian populations in the through conquest, taxation, or . This call resonated amid Europe's own vulnerabilities from Viking, Magyar, and raids, positioning the as a unified Christian bulwark against further erosion of frontiers, with initial mobilizations drawing from , , and the . The (1096–1099) achieved unexpected strategic successes, traversing to capture in June 1097 with Byzantine assistance, then besieging and taking Antioch on June 3, 1098, before storming on July 15, 1099, with an estimated 12,000–15,000 Crusader combatants overcoming Fatimid defenses. These victories enabled the establishment of four principal : the (1098), (1098), (1099), and (1102), which served as forward buffers, securing trade corridors and pilgrimage access while compelling Muslim forces to divert resources eastward. Strategically, these states facilitated military innovations, including the formation of orders like the Knights Templar (founded 1119) and Hospitallers, which pioneered heavy cavalry tactics and fortified coastal enclaves such as Crac des Chevaliers, deterring immediate Seljuk reconquest and buying decades for European consolidation. The Crusades stimulated Mediterranean commerce, with Italian city-states like and gaining trading privileges in Crusader ports, fostering economic revival through spices, silks, and naval logistics that enhanced royal revenues via taxes and tariffs. For , early gains recaptured western temporarily, but escalating tensions culminated in the Fourth Crusade's in 1204, fragmenting the empire and hastening its vulnerability to Ottoman successors. Subsequent Crusades yielded mixed results: the Second (1147–1149) failed to retake after its fall in 1144, while (1189–1192) under and recaptured coastal Acre in 1191 but could not restore inland , lost to in 1187. Despite ultimate territorial losses—Antioch in 1268, Jerusalem's remnants in 1244, and Acre in 1291—the campaigns fragmented Muslim unity, notably weakening Ayyubid and coordination, and preserved European frontiers by redirecting jihadist focus southward. Long-term, they accelerated in through feudal levies and papal taxation, while cultural exchanges introduced Arabic-preserved classical texts, underpinning later scholastic advances without which Christendom's defensive posture might have collapsed sooner.

Scholasticism, Universities, and Rational Inquiry

emerged in the as a method of philosophical and theological inquiry that integrated Aristotelian logic with Christian doctrine, emphasizing dialectical reasoning to resolve apparent contradictions between faith and reason. (1033–1109), often regarded as the father of , advanced the principle of fides quaerens intellectum ("faith seeking understanding"), exemplified in his (c. 1078), where he employed rational argumentation for proofs of God's existence, such as the . This approach marked a shift from mere scriptural toward systematic analysis, fostering intellectual rigor amid the ' institutional growth. Peter Abelard (1079–1142) further refined scholastic methodology in his (c. 1121), compiling 158 theological questions with contradictory patristic citations to demonstrate the need for rational reconciliation through dialectic, urging students to distinguish between literal and contextual meanings in authorities. Abelard's disputational technique—posing a question, presenting arguments pro and con, and synthesizing a resolution—influenced teaching practices and highlighted human reason's role in clarifying divine truths, though it drew condemnation for perceived over-reliance on logic at the in 1121. By the 13th century, reached maturity with (1225–1274), whose (1265–1274) systematically addressed over 600 theological issues using Aristotelian categories, arguing that faith and reason are harmonious, with philosophy as the "handmaid" of theology. Aquinas's work, drawing on newly translated Greek and texts, synthesized empirical and deduction, laying groundwork for later scientific methodologies by insisting on verifiable premises. The rise of universities institutionalized scholastic inquiry, providing structured environments for debate and specialization. The , established around 1088 as a of students, focused on Roman and , granting the first known degree in 1158 and emphasizing practical rational application to . The , formalized c. 1150 under ecclesiastical oversight, became a hub for theology and arts, where masters like (c. 1200–1280) taught empirical sciences alongside metaphysics, attracting thousands of students by the 13th century. University, emerging c. 1096 and structured by 1167 after scholars fled , paralleled Paris in scholastic theology but emphasized , with figures like (c. 1214–1292) advocating experimental verification in and . These institutions adopted the scholastic (grammar, logic, rhetoric) and (arithmetic, geometry, music, astronomy), culminating in disputations where students defended theses publicly, promoting adversarial reasoning over rote . Rational inquiry flourished through the quaestio format, involving lectio (textual exposition) and disputatio (formal debate), which trained minds in causal analysis and evidence-based conclusions, countering fideism by subjecting doctrines to logical scrutiny. This method preserved classical texts via monastic scriptoria and Toledo translations (post-1085), enabling advancements like Aquinas's five proofs for God's existence grounded in motion, causation, and contingency—arguments rooted in observable realities rather than pure assertion. Despite condemnations, such as the 1277 Parisian prohibitions against radical Aristotelianism, scholasticism's emphasis on universals, particulars, and probabilistic knowledge influenced proto-empiricism, with over 30 universities founded by 1300 across Europe, enrolling tens of thousands and disseminating rational tools that persisted beyond the Middle Ages. Critics from Franciscan voluntarists like Duns Scotus (c. 1266–1308) challenged excessive rationalism, yet the era's output—thousands of quaestiones and commentaries—demonstrated causal realism in linking theological axioms to empirical data, advancing Western intellectual traditions.

Gothic Innovations in Art and Architecture

The Gothic style emerged in northern France during the early 12th century, marking a departure from the heavier Romanesque architecture through structural advancements that emphasized verticality, light, and intricate decoration. Abbot Suger of Saint-Denis initiated this shift with the reconstruction of the Abbey Church of Saint-Denis between 1137 and 1144, incorporating elements like the ambulatory completed around 1140–1144, which featured innovative vaulting and larger windows to symbolize divine illumination. These changes allowed for taller interiors and more expansive use of stained glass, transforming churches into luminous spaces intended to evoke spiritual transcendence. Key architectural innovations included pointed arches, ribbed vaults, and flying buttresses, which collectively enabled the construction of soaring cathedrals with thinner walls and expansive window areas. Pointed arches, systematized in Gothic designs, distributed weight more efficiently than Romanesque rounded arches, facilitating greater height and stability. Ribbed vaults, evident in early Gothic structures from the 12th century, provided skeletal support that concentrated loads on piers, freeing wall surfaces for windows filled with depicting biblical narratives and saints. Flying buttresses, external arched supports, further reinforced walls against outward thrust, as seen in later examples like (begun 1194), allowing for unprecedented scale—such as naves reaching over 100 feet in height—and intricate that filtered light into colored patterns. In art, Gothic innovations paralleled these structural advances, with evolving toward greater naturalism and emotional expressiveness compared to Romanesque rigidity. Portal jamb statues on cathedrals, such as those at (c. 1240s), depicted elongated figures with flowing drapery and individualized features, reflecting heightened observation of human anatomy and movement. windows, a hallmark medium, advanced in technical precision during the 12th and 13th centuries, using pot-metal glass and silver stain for vibrant hues and effects, narrating theological stories accessible to illiterate congregations. Illuminated manuscripts, like those from Gothic scriptoria, incorporated delicate line work and to illustrate texts with dynamic compositions, influencing precursors. These artistic developments, integrated into architecture, underscored a synthesis of prowess and theological symbolism, peaking in the 13th century amid economic prosperity and ecclesiastical patronage.

Military Reforms and Engineering Feats

During the , European warfare increasingly emphasized , with knights serving as the primary in feudal armies. This development was facilitated by of large warhorses, known as destriers, capable of bearing armored riders, alongside improvements in saddles featuring high cantles and pommels by the that stabilized charges. Armor evolved from hauberks covering to the knees in the to include padded gambesons and early plate elements like breastplates by around , enhancing rider protection during charges. Feudal obligations required vassals to provide equipped knights for campaigns, typically 40 days of service annually, forming the core of armies that prioritized mobility and impact over massed . The Crusades spurred organizational reforms, notably the establishment of military orders such as the Knights Templar in 1119, which provided disciplined, permanently available units unbound by feudal terms. These orders, including the Hospitallers, acted as vanguard forces in battles like Montgisard in 1177, where Templars bolstered outnumbered crusader lines against Saladin's forces, and developed logistical innovations like early banking to fund prolonged expeditions. Tactics adapted to Eastern influences, incorporating with archers and to support , though heavy horse remained decisive in open engagements. Engineering feats centered on fortifications and siege machinery, transforming defensive and offensive capabilities. Following the of 1066, England saw the rapid construction of up to 500 motte-and-bailey castles in the first two decades, featuring earthen mounds topped with wooden keeps for quick deployment to control territory. These evolved into stone structures with curtain walls, towers for flanking fire, and moats by the , designed to withstand battering and . In the , crusader castles like , fortified by the Hospitallers from 1142 and expanded into concentric designs in the 13th century, integrated double walls and slopes to repel assaults, housing garrisons of up to 2,000. Offensively, the counterweight trebuchet, introduced to Europe in the 12th century likely via Byzantine or Islamic intermediaries, revolutionized sieges by hurling stones over 200 meters with greater accuracy and power than traction models, as evidenced in the 1191 Siege of Acre. These machines, requiring teams of engineers and up to 100 operators, countered stone fortifications but prompted further defensive innovations like machicolations for dropping projectiles. Such advancements reflected a causal dynamic where offensive engineering drove defensive responses, sustaining an arms race that defined medieval military architecture.

Late Middle Ages (c. 1300–1500)

Demographic Catastrophes: Famine, Plague, and Warfare

The Late Middle Ages (c. 1300–1500) were marked by a confluence of environmental, epidemiological, and military pressures that triggered profound population declines across Europe, reducing the continent's inhabitants from approximately 79 million in 1300 to around 50–60 million by 1400. These catastrophes stemmed from climatic shifts initiating the Little Ice Age, which disrupted agricultural yields, combined with the unchecked spread of Yersinia pestis via trade networks and the direct and indirect toll of interstate conflicts that hindered recovery. Empirical records, including manorial rolls and tax assessments, document sharp contractions in arable land under cultivation and labor availability, underscoring the causal chain from resource strain to mass mortality. The initiated this era of crisis, triggered by prolonged heavy rains and cooler temperatures that caused widespread crop failures, particularly of wheat and oats, across from to . Livestock murrains further eroded food supplies by decimating herds, leading to inflated grain prices—up to eight times pre-famine levels in —and reports of , , and urban unrest in chronicles from the period. Mortality estimates range from 5–12% in affected regions due to compounded by opportunistic infections like and , with 's population dropping from about 4.5–5 million to roughly 4 million as weakened survivors succumbed to subsequent illnesses. This event exposed vulnerabilities in the high medieval population boom, where marginal lands had been overexploited, but it also prompted short-term adaptations like diversified cropping, though these proved insufficient against the ensuing plague. The , peaking between 1347 and 1351, amplified the demographic collapse, claiming 30–60% of Europe's population through bubonic, pneumonic, and septicemic forms of plague transmitted by fleas on black rats along and Mediterranean trade routes. Contemporary accounts, such as those by Florentine chronicler Agnolo di Tura, describe entire villages depopulated, with mortality rates exceeding 50% in urban centers like and ; overall, 25–50 million deaths occurred, halving England's populace to 2–2.5 million by the 1370s. Recurrences every 10–20 years until the early prevented rebound, as malnourished survivors faced eroded immunity and abandoned fields, though genetic studies of plague victims confirm the bacterium's role without evidence of exaggerated contemporary fears. Protracted warfare, notably the (1337–1453) between and , inflicted additional losses through combat, scorched-earth tactics, and induced famines, with indirect effects like disrupted harvests and refugee spreads of compounding plague-era declines. French demography suffered acutely, with regional estimates indicating up to 50% loss by mid-century from chevauchées—raiding expeditions that devastated countryside economies—though direct battle deaths numbered in the tens of thousands, far outweighed by civilian attrition from siege warfare and mercenary predation. Similar patterns emerged in conflicts like the Wars of the Roses (1455–1487) in , where noble feuds fragmented authority and stalled agricultural recovery. Collectively, these factors stalled Europe's at depressed levels into the , fostering labor shortages that reshaped social structures but rooted in verifiable ecological and pathogenic pressures rather than institutional failure alone.

Shifts in Economy and Social Mobility

The , peaking between 1347 and 1351, decimated Europe's population by an estimated 30 to 60 percent, fundamentally disrupting the agrarian economy dominated by manorial production and servile labor. Labor immediately elevated the value of surviving workers, causing to rise sharply—doubling in by the late fourteenth century as demand outstripped supply in and crafts. Landlords, facing idle estates and resistance to traditional obligations, increasingly commuted fixed labor dues into monetary rents, shifting from coerced services to contractual arrangements that incentivized productivity. This transition weakened the manorial system's rigidity, as excess land relative to labor encouraged specialization in higher-yield activities like for exports, particularly in and the . Serfdom, the legal bondage tying peasants to lords' lands with hereditary obligations, eroded across Western Europe as demographic collapse empowered laborers to negotiate or evade customary dues. By the mid-fifteenth century, servile tenure had largely vanished in England, replaced by copyhold tenancies offering greater security and heritability, while in France and Germany, peasants often bought out remaining feudal burdens amid ongoing revolts like the English Peasants' Revolt of 1381. These changes fostered upward social mobility for some, enabling former serfs to accumulate capital through wage work, urban migration, or small-scale leasing, though noble privileges and guild restrictions limited widespread ascent and preserved hierarchical inequalities. Commercial networks, already expanding in the , adapted to these pressures through innovations in finance and trade, with Italian merchant-bankers like the Medici pioneering bills of exchange to mitigate risks in cross-regional by the 1400s. Wool and cloth exports from surged, fueling proto-capitalist ventures and urban growth despite intermittent disruptions from the (1337–1453) and recurring plagues. Overall, the era's economic realignment—marked by wage labor's prevalence, monetary flows over barter, and market responsiveness—laid groundwork for early modern , as abundance of resources relative to people rewarded efficiency over coercion.

Dynastic Wars and Territorial Consolidation

The (1337–1453), rooted in Edward III of England's dynastic claim to the French throne through his mother Isabella, daughter of , intertwined feudal land disputes in with succession crises following the Capetian dynasty's extinction in the male line in 1328. Intermittent campaigns, including English victories at Crécy (1346) and (1356) via tactics, gave way to French resurgence under Charles VII, aided by Joan of Arc's campaigns from 1429, culminating in the decisive triumph at Castillon (1453). This expelled English forces from all continental holdings except , enabling the Valois kings to dismantle appanages held by refractory nobles, impose permanent taxes like the , and foster a of 15,000–20,000 by Louis XI's reign (1461–1483), thereby centralizing territorial authority and curtailing feudal fragmentation. The war's exhaustion in precipitated the Wars of the Roses (1455–1487), a protracted dynastic feud between the Lancastrian and Yorkist branches of the Plantagenet house, exacerbated by Henry VI's mental incapacity and noble over-might enabled by bastard feudalism's indentured retinues. Major clashes, such as (1461) with up to 28,000 fatalities and Bosworth Field (1485) where Richard III fell to Henry Tudor's 5,000-strong force, eliminated rival claimants and depleted magnate power bases; Henry VII's Tudor accession unified Yorkist and Lancastrian claims via his mother's lineage, while attainders and marriage alliances like that to in 1486 consolidated the crown's fiscal and judicial dominance, reducing private armies and affirming parliamentary consent for taxation. This internal pacification redirected resources toward Tudor absolutism, marking a shift from baronial confederacies to royal sovereignty over 's insular territory. Parallel processes unfolded elsewhere: in Iberia, the 1469 marriage of to forged a of crowns, enabling joint forces to besiege , the last Nasrid , which surrendered on January 2, 1492 after a ten-year campaign involving 50,000–80,000 troops and naval blockades, thus integrating the peninsula's taifas into a Christian realm while expelling or converting Muslim and Jewish populations to enforce religious homogeneity. In the Holy Roman Empire's patchwork, Habsburg rulers like Frederick III (r. 1452–1493) and Maximilian I (r. 1493–1519) prioritized marital diplomacy—such as Maximilian's 1477 union with , inheriting her domains worth 4 million florins annually—over outright conquest, incrementally aggregating territories like Tyrol (1363) and Austria's stem duchies to buffer against Ottoman incursions and princely autonomies, laying foundations for amid the Empire's elective decentralization. These conflicts, driven by inheritance laws favoring yet prone to female-line disputes, empirically eroded lateral feudal ties, substituting dynastic survival with bureaucratic and military instruments of territorial statehood.

Papal Schisms and Calls for Reform

The , spanning 1309 to 1377, relocated the papal court to under French influence following Pope Clement V's flight from Italian unrest, fostering perceptions of corruption through excessive taxation, , and clerical immorality amid growing administrative centralization. Critics, including figures like , decried the popes' temporal ambitions and dependence on the French , which alienated northern European rulers and intensified demands for purification. Efforts at reform during this period, such as curbing pluralism and , yielded mixed results but failed to restore trust, as the court's opulence—evidenced by annual revenues exceeding 300,000 florins—contrasted sharply with clerical poverty vows. The erupted in 1378 upon the return to under , whose death prompted the cardinals' election of Urban VI; his abrasive reforms and execution threats alienated the electors, who then installed Clement VII in , splitting between Roman and antipapal obediences. By 1409, the situation escalated to three concurrent claimants after the deposed both rivals and elected Alexander V, only for the original popes to persist, dividing loyalties along national lines— backing Avignon, and the supporting . This 39-year crisis eroded papal prestige, as secular monarchs like withdrew obedience and confiscated church properties, reducing papal income by up to 50% in some regions and exposing the institution's vulnerability to political exploitation. Resolution came via the Council of Constance (1414–1418), convened by Emperor Sigismund and initially under Pope John XXIII, which asserted conciliar superiority over the papacy in its Haec Sancta decree of 1415, deposing John XXIII, accepting Gregory XII's resignation, and executing the Avignon claimant Benedict XIII's deposition after his flight. The council elected Martin V in 1417, restoring singular occupancy, but its reform agenda—addressing annates, indulgences, and conciliarism—largely faltered, as Martin V dissolved the assembly without binding changes, prioritizing papal autonomy. Conciliarism, theorizing general councils as infallible and capable of deposing errant popes, gained traction among canonists like Pierre d'Ailly but waned post-Constance, undermined by the decree's later contested status. Parallel reform calls emanated from theologians like (c. 1328–1384), who in works such as De Potestate Papae (1379) argued scripture superseded papal decrees, condemned clerical endowments as corrupting—claiming they amassed wealth rivaling kings'—and urged disendowment to enforce . His English translation (completed c. 1384) and followers, the Lollards, propagated these views through itinerant preaching, criticizing , pilgrimages, and auricular confession as unbiblical, though suppressed by statutes like the 1401 De Haeretico Comburendo, which authorized burnings for heresy. In Bohemia, (c. 1369–1415), influenced by Wycliffe, preached against indulgences and from 1402, advocating communion in both kinds and lay chalice rights, leading to his condemnation and execution at Constance in 1415 despite safe-conduct assurances. These movements highlighted systemic issues—clergy holding 30–50% of in regions like while neglecting pastoral duties—fueling and proto-national churches, yet the schism's chaos arguably amplified reformist voices by demonstrating papal fallibility without immediate schismatic success. Empirical records, including conciliar decrees and trial transcripts, reveal genuine grievances rooted in fiscal overreach rather than mere doctrinal dispute, though reform stalled amid power struggles, presaging 16th-century upheavals.

Intellectual Ferment and Proto-Renaissance

In the late , Italian scholars initiated a revival of classical learning that challenged medieval scholastic emphases on , prioritizing and secular texts. Francesco Petrarca (1304–1374), often credited as the originator of this humanistic approach, critiqued contemporary scholarship for neglecting ancient Roman and Greek authors, advocating instead for their direct study to foster moral and rhetorical excellence. His Africa (c. 1338–1342), an epic poem on , and Canzoniere (c. 1350s), a collection of sonnets, exemplified this shift by blending classical imitation with personal introspection, influencing subsequent poets and laying groundwork for individualism. Philosophical debates intensified with William of Ockham's (c. 1287–1347) advocacy of , which posited that universals exist only as mental concepts rather than independent realities, thereby prioritizing empirical observation over metaphysical speculation. This "Ockham's Razor"—the principle of parsimony favoring simpler explanations—undermined realist ontologies dominant in earlier , promoting skepticism toward unsubstantiated abstractions and foreshadowing empirical methodologies in later science. Ockham's ideas, disseminated through his works like the Summa Logicae (c. 1323), contributed to intellectual fragmentation but also encouraged rigorous logical analysis amid the era's crises. The (1347–1351), which killed approximately 30–60% of Europe's population, catalyzed literature's ascendancy, as authors like (1265–1321) and (1313–1375) employed local tongues to broaden access to profound ideas, bypassing Latin's clerical monopoly. Divine Comedy (completed 1321), structured as a allegorical journey through , , and paradise, integrated with personal and , establishing Italian as a literary medium capable of epic scope and influencing Chaucer's English works. Decameron (1348–1353), framing 100 tales of human folly and resilience amid plague isolation, highlighted individual agency against fate, reflecting post-epidemic disillusionment with divine order and fostering proto-secular narratives. These works, born from demographic catastrophe, spurred questioning of ecclesiastical authority and amplified humanistic focus on earthly experience. Universities proliferated and diversified during the 14th and 15th centuries, with foundations like in (1348), (1365), and (1386) extending beyond traditional to , , and , training administrators for emerging bureaucracies. This expansion, partly responsive to papal schisms and state needs, integrated nominalist critiques into curricula, enhancing critical inquiry while generating knowledge networks that bridged medieval and paradigms. By 1500, over 60 such institutions operated across , sustaining intellectual momentum despite recurrent plagues.

Persistent Technological Momentum

Despite the Black Death's devastation, which killed an estimated 25-60% of Europe's population between 1347 and 1351, creating acute labor shortages, accelerated as survivors and elites invested in labor-saving devices to boost productivity. Economic pressures from depopulation shifted resources toward , with real wages for laborers rising by 50-100% in and by the late , enabling for tools and machinery. This momentum built on High Medieval foundations like watermills and heavy plows, but intensified in the Late period, countering notions of stagnation by demonstrating causal links between demographic shocks and inventive responses. In timekeeping and precision instruments, mechanical clocks emerged as a pivotal advance, with the first verified public escapement clock installed in in 1336, followed by installations in (1354) and (1370). These verge-and-foliot mechanisms, powered by weights, divided the day into equal hours, facilitating urban coordination for markets, monasteries, and early factories; by 1400, over 3,000 European cities had clocks, enhancing efficiency despite ongoing wars and famines. Eyeglasses, invented in Italy around 1286 using convex lenses ground from beryl or , proliferated post-plague among scholars and artisans, extending productive lifespans and supporting textual scholarship; production scaled via workshops, with exports reaching by 1326. Metallurgical and industrial techniques advanced markedly, as labor scarcity favored high-output processes. The , refined in the Swedish region of Lapphyttan by the 1340s using water-powered to reach 1,200-1,500°C, enabled production for cannons and tools, supplanting forges and yielding 10-20 times more output per worker. Vertical windmills, adapted for sawing and grinding, multiplied across the and after 1300, grinding grain at rates up to 10 times manual labor and powering mills for textiles; by 1500, thousands operated, contributing to wool export booms. Maritime and military technologies underscored adaptive momentum. Full-rigged ships with combined square and sails, exemplified by Portuguese caravels from the 1430s, reduced crew needs by 30-50% while enabling Atlantic voyages, driven by fishing and trade demands amid inland depopulation. weaponry evolved rapidly, with multi-barrel guns appearing in 1364 and bronze cannons cast via lost-wax methods by 1420, decisively altering sieges like Constantinople's fall in 1453 despite numerical disadvantages. The with , developed by in around 1440 using alloy type and oil-based , epitomized this era's culminative thrust, producing 200-300 pages daily versus a scribe's 20-40. By 1500, over 1,000 presses operated in , disseminating 20 million volumes and amplifying scholastic texts, nautical charts, and mechanical treatises, thus sustaining intellectual continuity through vernacular translations and cheaper access. These developments, empirically tied to post-plague incentives rather than exogenous genius, refuted retrospective dismissals of medieval inertia by evidencing cumulative, crisis-fueled progress.

Legacy and Historiography

Enduring Contributions to Western Institutions

The medieval period established several institutional frameworks that underpin modern Western governance, , and social welfare, including the , principles of and , representative assemblies, and organized charity through ecclesiastical networks. These developments arose from decentralized feudal structures and ecclesiastical initiatives, which emphasized corporate autonomy, contractual obligations, and communal responsibility, contrasting with the centralized Roman imperial model that had collapsed in the West by 476 AD. from charters, legal texts, and architectural remnants demonstrates continuity, as these institutions adapted to post-Roman fragmentation while preserving and innovating upon classical and Christian traditions. Universities originated as self-governing guilds (universitas) of masters and students, with the University of Bologna emerging around 1088 as the first in continuous operation, initially focused on reviving Roman civil law through glosses on Justinian's Corpus Juris Civilis. This model spread northward, as the University of Paris (c. 1150) emphasized theology and arts, and Oxford (c. 1167) followed suit, seceding scholars forming new centers like Cambridge from Oxford and Padua from Bologna. By 1300, over a dozen such institutions dotted Europe, standardizing curricula in the seven liberal arts—trivium (grammar, rhetoric, logic) and quadrivium (arithmetic, geometry, music, astronomy)—which structured Western higher education for centuries, prioritizing disputation and empirical inquiry over rote memorization. Monastic and cathedral schools provided precursors, but universities' corporate charters granted legal autonomy, enabling intellectual independence that fueled scholasticism and later scientific revolutions. Legal institutions evolved through canon law's systematization under Gratian's Decretum (c. 1140) and the integration of , creating adversarial procedures and appellate systems still evident in civil and traditions. In , the of 1215 compelled King John to affirm that no free man could be imprisoned or expropriated except by lawful judgment of peers or the law of the land (clauses 39–40), establishing and precursors that restrained monarchical absolutism. These principles influenced parliamentary development, as baronial councils evolved into the English Parliament by 1295, requiring consent for taxation and embodying representative consent over feudal summons. Feudalism's vassalage contracts, meanwhile, transitioned to centralized bureaucracies; by the , monarchs like France's Philip IV built standing armies (e.g., 15,000–20,000 professional by 1328) and fiscal systems, supplanting knightly levies and laying groundwork for nation-states with defined territories and . The Church pioneered enduring welfare institutions, reviving hospitals (xenodocheia) from late antique Christian models; Benedictine monasteries from the 6th century onward integrated infirmaries for the sick and poor, with orders like the Knights Hospitaller (founded 1099) expanding during the to manage facilities treating thousands annually. By 1200, urban hospices in cities like and provided systematic care, funded by s and bequests, predating secular state welfare and influencing modern hospitals' charitable ethos. courts and systems also fostered accountability, as papal legates enforced uniform practices across fragmented polities, contributing to supranational legal norms that paralleled emerging state cohesion. These contributions, rooted in Christian imperatives for almsgiving (e.g., Matthew 25:35–40), sustained and record-keeping via scriptoria, preserving texts that enabled amid invasions and plagues.

Debunking Persistent Myths of Backwardness

The characterization of the Middle Ages as an era of unrelenting backwardness, epitomized by the "Dark Ages" label, emerged in the with Italian scholar , who contrasted the perceived cultural decline after the fall of with the classical past, a view amplified by Enlightenment thinkers seeking to justify their own advancements. Modern , drawing on archaeological and , rejects this as an oversimplification, highlighting institutional continuity, technological adaptations, and incremental progress that laid foundations for later European development. While the early medieval period (c. 500–1000) experienced disruptions from invasions and economic contraction following the Roman collapse, evidence of in , , and learning counters claims of total stagnation. Agricultural advancements exemplify this dynamism. The heavy plow, with its wheeled frame and moldboard for turning heavy clay soils, appeared in Frankish territories by the , enabling cultivation of northern Europe's marginal lands and contributing to surplus production. Complementing this, the three-field system, documented from the onward, replaced the less efficient two-field method, allowing more land under cultivation and yield increases estimated at up to 50% in some regions. These innovations underpinned demographic expansion: Europe's population grew from approximately 35 million around 1000 CE to 80 million by 1340, reflecting sustained absent in a truly backward society. Hydraulic engineering further demonstrates practical ingenuity. By 1086, the recorded over 5,600 mills—mostly water-powered—in alone, harnessing rivers for grinding grain at scales surpassing late Roman capacities in the region. Windmills, first attested in in the 1180s, extended this mechanization to areas lacking reliable water flow, powering not only milling but later also drainage and forging. Such technologies supported , with towns like 12th-century and expanding beyond Roman precedents, fostering trade networks evidenced by the revival of fairs in Champagne from the . Intellectual and structural achievements refute notions of universal superstition stifling inquiry. Universities emerged as organized centers of learning, with Bologna founded in 1088 for law, followed by Paris (c. 1150) and Oxford (c. 1167), where curricula preserved and expanded Roman and Aristotelian texts through Scholastic methods. Gothic architecture, pioneered in the Île-de-France region from the 1130s, employed pointed arches, ribbed vaults, and flying buttresses to erect cathedrals like Notre-Dame de Paris (1163–1345), structures taller and lighter than Roman basilicas, requiring precise geometric knowledge and load-bearing calculations. These feats, sustained over centuries without modern tools, underscore engineering sophistication often dismissed in favor of anachronistic comparisons to antiquity or the Renaissance. Persistent myths of medieval backwardness often stem from sources biased toward classical revivalism or modern exceptionalism, such as 19th-century Whig historians who projected linear narratives, yet empirical reassessments—incorporating mill counts, proxies from pollen analysis, and manuscript survivals—reveal a period of adaptive resilience rather than wholesale regression. While challenges like feudal fragmentation existed, the era's contributions in mechanized production, legal codification (e.g., 1215), and proto-scientific studies by figures like (c. 1175–1253) affirm a trajectory of causal driven by necessity and empirical trial, not obscured by dogmatic inertia as popularly alleged.

Modern Revisions and Empirical Reassessments

Since the mid-20th century, empirical has dismantled the Enlightenment-era depiction of the Middle Ages as uniformly regressive, employing archaeological , fiscal records, and paleodemographic analysis to reveal phases of demographic expansion, technological adaptation, and institutional maturation. Disruptions following the Western Roman Empire's collapse in 476 AD were real but regionally varied, with Carolingian reforms under (r. 768–814) fostering scriptoria that preserved Latin texts and initiated administrative standardization, as evidenced by over 7,000 surviving manuscripts from the period. Modern reassessments, informed by and pollen analysis, attribute recovery to climatic amelioration during the (c. 950–1250), which extended growing seasons and supported surplus agriculture, rather than attributing stagnation to ideological factors like , a claim rooted in unsubstantiated 18th-century polemics. Quantitative reconstructions of population dynamics, drawn from surveys (1086) and papal tithe records, indicate Europe's inhabitants roughly doubled from 38–40 million in 1000 AD to 70–75 million by 1300, reflecting caloric surpluses from innovations such as the rigid (adopted c. 9th–10th centuries) and three-field rotation, which increased arable output by 30–50% in northern soils. accompanied this, with over 100 towns exceeding 10,000 residents by 1300, corroborated by excavation yields of imported ceramics and coins signaling transregional commerce. The (c. 950–1350) amplified this through credit instruments like bills of exchange, pioneered by Genoese and Florentine bankers, enabling trade volumes in spices and textiles that generated annual fair revenues in Champagne exceeding 100,000 pounds of silver by the . These patterns, quantified via merchant account books, refute overreliance on anecdotal chronicles prone to elite biases, highlighting instead market-driven efficiencies. Technological momentum is empirically traced through patent-like guild regulations and artifact typologies: windmills proliferated post-1180 for drainage and milling, mechanical clocks emerged c. 1270–1300 in monasteries for precise horology, and convex lenses for vision correction appeared in by 1286, as documented in friar manuscripts. Intellectual reassessments credit the 12th-century translation movement—importing over 400 Arabic-compiled Greek works via Toledo—with fueling proto-empirical methods, evident in Robert Grosseteste's (c. 1175–1253) optical experiments using controlled variables, precursors to modern . Such findings, bolstered by Bryan Ward-Perkins' of fineware distribution showing no absolute decline in production post-500 AD, counter academic traditions that minimized medieval agency to exalt novelty, often reflecting 19th-century nationalist agendas. Causal analysis prioritizes resource constraints and diffusion lags over cultural pathologies, affirming the era's role in foundational Western advancements like representative assemblies (e.g., English 1265) and (c. 1340).

References

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