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Renaissance
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The Renaissance (UK: /rɪˈneɪsəns/ rin-AY-sənss, US: /ˈrɛnəsɑːns/ ⓘ REN-ə-sahnss)[1][2][a] is a period of history and a European cultural movement covering the 15th and 16th centuries. It marked the transition from the Middle Ages to modernity and was characterized by an effort to revive and surpass the ideas and achievements of classical antiquity. Associated with great social change in most fields and disciplines, including art, architecture, politics, literature, exploration and science, the Renaissance was first centered in the Republic of Florence, then spread to the rest of Italy and later throughout Europe. The term rinascita ("rebirth") first appeared in Lives of the Artists (c. 1550) by Giorgio Vasari, while the corresponding French word renaissance was adopted into English as the term for this period during the 1830s.[4][b]
The Renaissance's intellectual basis was founded in its version of humanism, derived from the concept of Roman humanitas and the rediscovery of classical Greek philosophy, such as that of Protagoras, who said that "man is the measure of all things". Although the invention of metal movable type sped the dissemination of ideas from the later 15th century, the changes of the Renaissance were not uniform across Europe: the first traces appear in Italy as early as the late 13th century, in particular with the writings of Dante and the paintings of Giotto.
As a cultural movement, the Renaissance encompassed innovative flowering of literary Latin and an explosion of vernacular literatures, beginning with the 14th-century resurgence of learning based on classical sources, which contemporaries credited to Petrarch; the development of linear perspective and other techniques of rendering a more natural reality in painting; and gradual but widespread educational reform. It saw myriad artistic developments and contributions from such polymaths as Leonardo da Vinci and Michelangelo, who inspired the term "Renaissance man".[5][6] In politics, the Renaissance contributed to the development of the customs and conventions of diplomacy, and in science to an increased reliance on observation and inductive reasoning. The period also saw revolutions in other intellectual and social scientific pursuits, as well as the introduction of modern banking and the field of accounting.[7]
Period
[edit]The Renaissance period started during the crisis of the Late Middle Ages and conventionally ends with the waning of humanism, and the advents of the Reformation and Counter-Reformation, and in art, the Baroque period. It had a different period and characteristics in different regions, such as the Italian Renaissance, the Northern Renaissance, the Spanish Renaissance, etc.
In addition to the standard periodization, proponents of a "long Renaissance" may put its beginning in the 14th century and its end in the 17th century.[c]
The traditional view focuses more on the Renaissance's early modern aspects and argues that it was a break from the past, but many historians today focus more on its medieval aspects and argue that it was an extension of the Middle Ages.[11][12]
Italian Renaissance
[edit]The beginnings of the period—the early Renaissance of the 15th century and the Italian Proto-Renaissance from around 1250 or 1300—overlap considerably with the Late Middle Ages, conventionally dated to c. 1350–1500, and the Middle Ages themselves were a long period filled with gradual changes, like the modern age; as a transitional period between both, the Renaissance has close similarities to both, especially the late and early sub-periods of either.
The Renaissance began in Florence, one of the many states of Italy.[13] The Italian Renaissance concluded in 1527 when Holy Roman Emperor Charles V launched an assault on Rome during the war of the League of Cognac. Nevertheless, its impact endured in the art of renowned Italian painters like Tintoretto, Sofonisba Anguissola, and Paolo Veronese, who continued their work during the mid-to-late 16th century.[14]
Various theories have been proposed to account for its origins and characteristics, focusing on a variety of factors, including Florence's social and civic peculiarities at the time: its political structure, the patronage of its dominant family, the Medici,[15] and the migration of Greek scholars and their texts to Italy following the fall of Constantinople to the Ottoman Empire.[16][17][18] Other major centers were Venice, Genoa, Milan, Rome during the Renaissance Papacy, and Naples. From Italy, the Renaissance spread throughout Europe and also to American, African and Asian territories ruled by the European colonial powers of the time or where Christian missionaries were active.
The Renaissance has a long and complex historiography, and in line with general skepticism of discrete periodizations, there has been much debate among historians reacting to the 19th-century glorification of the "Renaissance" and individual cultural heroes as "Renaissance men", questioning the usefulness of Renaissance as a term and as a historical delineation.[19]
Some observers have questioned whether the Renaissance was a cultural "advance" from the Middle Ages, instead seeing it as a period of pessimism and nostalgia for classical antiquity,[20] while social and economic historians, especially of the longue durée, have instead focused on the continuity between the two eras,[21] which are linked, as Panofsky observed, "by a thousand ties".[22][d]
The word has also been extended to other historical and cultural movements, such as the Carolingian Renaissance (8th and 9th centuries), Ottonian Renaissance (10th and 11th century), and the Renaissance of the 12th century.[24]
Overview
[edit]The Renaissance was a cultural movement that profoundly affected European intellectual life in the early modern period. Beginning in Italy, and spreading to the rest of Europe by the 16th century, its influence was felt in art, architecture, philosophy, literature, music, science, technology, politics, religion, and other aspects of intellectual inquiry. Renaissance scholars employed the humanist method in study, and searched for realism and human emotion in art.[25]
Renaissance humanists such as Poggio Bracciolini sought out in Europe's monastic libraries the Latin literary, historical, and oratorical texts of antiquity, while the fall of Constantinople (1453) generated a wave of émigré Greek scholars bringing precious manuscripts in ancient Greek, many of which had fallen into obscurity in the West. It was in their new focus on literary and historical texts that Renaissance scholars differed so markedly from the medieval scholars of the Renaissance of the 12th century, who had focused on studying Greek and Arabic works of natural sciences, philosophy, and mathematics, rather than on such cultural texts.[citation needed]

In the revival of neoplatonism, Renaissance humanists did not reject Christianity; on the contrary, many of the Renaissance's greatest works were devoted to it, and the Church patronized many works of Renaissance art.[26] But a subtle shift took place in the way that intellectuals approached religion that was reflected in many other areas of cultural life.[27][better source needed] In addition, many Greek Christian works, including the Greek New Testament, were brought back from Byzantium to Western Europe and engaged Western scholars for the first time since late antiquity. This new engagement with Greek Christian works, and particularly the return to the original Greek of the New Testament promoted by humanists Lorenzo Valla and Erasmus, helped pave the way for the Reformation.[citation needed]
Well after the first artistic return to classicism had been exemplified in the sculpture of Nicola Pisano, Florentine painters led by Masaccio strove to portray the human form realistically, developing techniques to render perspective and light more naturally. Political philosophers, most famously Niccolò Machiavelli, sought to describe political life as it really was, that is to understand it rationally. A critical contribution to Italian Renaissance humanism, Giovanni Pico della Mirandola wrote De hominis dignitate (Oration on the Dignity of Man, 1486), a series of theses on philosophy, natural thought, faith, and magic defended against any opponent on the grounds of reason. In addition to studying classical Latin and Greek, Renaissance authors also began increasingly to use vernacular languages; combined with the introduction of the printing press, this allowed many more people access to books, especially the Bible.[28]
In all, the Renaissance can be viewed as an attempt by intellectuals to study and improve the secular and worldly, both through the revival of ideas from antiquity and through novel approaches to thought. Political philosopher Hans Kohn describes it as an age where "Men looked for new foundations"; some like Erasmus and Thomas More envisioned new reformed spiritual foundations, others. in the words of Machiavelli, una lunga sperienza delle cose moderne ed una continua lezione delle antiche (a long experience with modern life and a continuous learning from antiquity).[29]
Sociologist Rodney Stark plays down the Renaissance in favor of the earlier innovations of the Italian city-states in the High Middle Ages, which married responsive government, Christianity and the birth of capitalism.[30] This analysis argues that, whereas the great European states (France and Spain) were absolute monarchies, and others were under direct Church control, the independent city-republics of Italy took over the principles of capitalism invented on monastic estates and set off a vast unprecedented Commercial Revolution that preceded and financed the Renaissance.[citation needed]
Historian Leon Poliakov offers a critical view in his seminal study of European racist thought: The Aryan Myth. According to Poliakov, the use of ethnic origin myths are first used by Renaissance humanists "in the service of a new born chauvinism".[31][32]
Origins
[edit]
Many argue that the ideas characterizing the Renaissance had their origin in Florence at the turn of the 13th and 14th centuries, in particular with the writings of Dante Alighieri (1265–1321) and Petrarch (1304–1374), as well as the paintings of Giotto di Bondone (1267–1337). Some writers date the Renaissance quite precisely; one proposed starting point is 1401, when the rival geniuses Lorenzo Ghiberti and Filippo Brunelleschi competed for the contract to build the bronze doors for the Baptistery of the Florence Cathedral (Ghiberti won).[33] Others see more general competition between artists and polymaths such as Brunelleschi, Ghiberti, Donatello, and Masaccio for artistic commissions as sparking the creativity of the Renaissance.
Yet it remains much debated why the Renaissance began in Italy, and why it began when it did. Accordingly, several theories have been put forward to explain its origins. Peter Rietbergen posits that various influential Proto-Renaissance movements started from roughly 1300 onwards across many regions of Europe.[34]
Latin and Greek phases of Renaissance humanism
[edit]
In stark contrast to the High Middle Ages, when Latin scholars focused almost entirely on studying Greek and Arabic works of natural science, philosophy and mathematics,[e] Renaissance scholars were most interested in recovering and studying Latin and Greek literary, historical, and oratorical texts. Broadly speaking, this began in the 14th century with a Latin phase, when Renaissance scholars such as Petrarch, Coluccio Salutati (1331–1406), Niccolò de' Niccoli (1364–1437), and Poggio Bracciolini (1380–1459) scoured the libraries of Europe in search of works by such Latin authors as Cicero, Lucretius, Livy, and Seneca.[35] By the early 15th century, the bulk of the surviving such Latin literature had been recovered; the Greek phase of Renaissance humanism was under way, as Western European scholars turned to recovering ancient Greek literary, historical, oratorical and theological texts.[36]
Unlike with Latin texts, which had been preserved and studied in Western Europe since late antiquity, the study of ancient Greek texts was very limited in medieval Western Europe. Ancient Greek works on science, mathematics, and philosophy had been studied since the High Middle Ages in Western Europe and in the Islamic Golden Age (normally in translation), but Greek literary, oratorical and historical works (such as Homer, the Greek dramatists, Demosthenes and Thucydides) were not studied in either the Latin or medieval Islamic worlds; in the Middle Ages these sorts of texts were only studied by Byzantine scholars. Some argue that the Timurid Renaissance in Samarkand and Herat, whose magnificence toned with Florence as the center of a cultural rebirth,[37][38] were linked to the Ottoman Empire, whose conquests led to the migration of Greek scholars to Italian cities.[16][39] One of the greatest achievements of Renaissance scholars was to bring this entire class of Greek cultural works back into Western Europe for the first time since late antiquity.
Muslim logicians, most notably Avicenna and Averroes, had inherited Greek ideas after they had invaded and conquered Egypt and the Levant. Their translations and commentaries on these ideas worked their way through the Arab West into Iberia and Sicily, which became important centers for this transmission of ideas. Between the 11th and 13th centuries, many schools dedicated to the translation of philosophical and scientific works from Classical Arabic to Medieval Latin were established in Iberia, most notably the Toledo School of Translators. This work of translation from Islamic culture, though largely unplanned and disorganized, constituted one of the greatest transmissions of ideas in history.[40]
The movement to reintegrate the regular study of Greek literary, historical, oratorical, and theological texts back into the Western European curriculum is usually dated to the 1396 invitation from Coluccio Salutati to the Byzantine diplomat and scholar Manuel Chrysoloras (c. 1355–1415) to teach Greek in Florence.[41] This legacy was continued by a number of expatriate Greek scholars, from Basilios Bessarion to Leo Allatius.
Social and political structures in Italy
[edit]
The unique political structures of Italy during the Late Middle Ages have led some to theorize that its unusual social climate allowed the emergence of a rare cultural efflorescence. Italy did not exist as a political entity in the early modern period. Instead, it was divided into smaller city-states and territories: the Neapolitans controlled the south, the Florentines and the Romans at the center, the Milanese and the Genoese to the north and west respectively, and the Venetians to the north east. 15th-century Italy was one of the most urbanized areas in Europe.[42] Many of its cities stood among the ruins of ancient Roman buildings; it seems likely that the classical nature of the Renaissance was linked to its origin in the Roman Empire's heartland.[43]
Historian and political philosopher Quentin Skinner points out that Otto of Freising (c. 1114–1158), a German bishop visiting north Italy during the 12th century, noticed a widespread new form of political and social organization, observing that Italy appeared to have exited from feudalism so that its society was based on merchants and commerce. Linked to this was anti-monarchical thinking, represented in the famous early Renaissance fresco cycle The Allegory of Good and Bad Government by Ambrogio Lorenzetti (painted 1338–1340), whose strong message is about the virtues of fairness, justice, republicanism and good administration. Holding both Church and Empire at bay, these city republics were devoted to notions of liberty. Skinner reports that there were many defences of liberty such as the Matteo Palmieri (1406–1475) celebration of Florentine genius not only in art, sculpture and architecture, but "the remarkable efflorescence of moral, social and political philosophy that occurred in Florence at the same time".[44]
Even cities and states beyond central Italy, such as the Republic of Florence at this time, were also notable for their merchant republics, especially the Republic of Venice. Although in practice these were oligarchical, and bore little resemblance to a modern democracy, they did have democratic features and were responsive states, with forms of participation in governance and belief in liberty.[44][45][46] The relative political freedom they afforded was conducive to academic and artistic advancement.[47] Likewise, the position of Italian cities such as Venice as great trading centres made them intellectual crossroads. Merchants brought with them ideas from far corners of the globe, particularly the Levant. Venice was Europe's gateway to trade with the East, and a producer of fine glass, while Florence was a capital of textiles. The wealth such business brought to Italy meant large public and private artistic projects could be commissioned and individuals had more leisure time for study.[47]
Black Death
[edit]
One theory that has been advanced is that the devastation in Florence caused by the Black Death, which hit Europe between 1348 and 1350, resulted in a shift in the world view of people in 14th century Italy. Italy was particularly badly hit by the plague, and it has been speculated that the resulting familiarity with death caused thinkers to dwell more on their lives on Earth, rather than on spirituality and the afterlife.[48] It has also been argued that the Black Death prompted a new wave of piety, manifested in the sponsorship of religious works of art.[49] However, this does not fully explain why the Renaissance occurred specifically in Italy in the 14th century. The Black Death was a pandemic that affected all of Europe in the ways described, not only Italy. The Renaissance's emergence in Italy was most likely the result of the complex interaction of the above factors.[19]
The plague was carried by fleas on sailing vessels returning from the ports of Asia, spreading quickly due to lack of proper sanitation: the population of England, then about 4.2 million, lost 1.4 million people to the bubonic plague. Florence's population was nearly halved in the year 1348. As a result of the decimation in the populace the value of the working class increased, and commoners came to enjoy more freedom. To answer the increased need for labor, workers traveled in search of the most favorable position economically.[50]
The demographic decline due to the plague had economic consequences: the prices of food dropped and land values declined by 30–40% in most parts of Europe between 1350 and 1400.[51] Landholders faced a great loss, but for ordinary men and women it was a windfall. The survivors of the plague found not only that the prices of food were cheaper but also that lands were more abundant, and many of them inherited property from their dead relatives.
The spread of disease was significantly more rampant in areas of poverty. Epidemics ravaged cities, particularly children. Plagues were easily spread by lice, unsanitary drinking water, armies, or by poor sanitation. Children were hit the hardest because many diseases, such as typhus and congenital syphilis, target the immune system, leaving young children without a fighting chance. Children in city dwellings were more affected by the spread of disease than the children of the wealthy.[52]
The Black Death caused greater upheaval to Florence's social and political structure than later epidemics. Despite a significant number of deaths among members of the ruling classes, the government of Florence continued to function during this period. Formal meetings of elected representatives were suspended during the height of the epidemic due to the chaotic conditions in the city, but a small group of officials was appointed to conduct the affairs of the city, which ensured continuity of government.[53]
Cultural conditions in Florence
[edit]
It has long been a matter of debate why the Renaissance began in Florence, and not elsewhere in Italy. Scholars have noted several features unique to Florentine cultural life that may have caused such a cultural movement. Many have emphasized the role played by the Medici, a banking family and later ducal ruling house, in patronizing and stimulating the arts. Some historians have postulated that Florence was the birthplace of the Renaissance as a result of luck, i.e., because "Great Men" were born there by chance:[54] Leonardo, Botticelli and Michelangelo were all born in Tuscany. Arguing that such chance seems improbable, other historians have contended that these "Great Men" were only able to rise to prominence because of the prevailing cultural conditions at the time.[55]
Lorenzo de' Medici (1449–1492) was the catalyst for an enormous amount of arts patronage, encouraging his countrymen to commission works from the leading artists of Florence, including Leonardo da Vinci, Sandro Botticelli, and Michelangelo Buonarroti.[15] Works by Neri di Bicci, Botticelli, Leonardo, and Filippino Lippi had been commissioned additionally by the Convent of San Donato in Scopeto in Florence.[56]
The Renaissance was certainly underway before Lorenzo de' Medici came to power – indeed, before the Medici family itself achieved hegemony in Florentine society.
Characteristics
[edit]Humanism
[edit]In some ways, Renaissance humanism was not a philosophy but a method of learning. In contrast to the medieval scholastic mode, which focused on resolving contradictions between authors, Renaissance humanists would study ancient texts in their original languages and appraise them through a combination of reasoning and empirical evidence. Humanist education was based on the programme of Studia Humanitatis, the study of five humanities: poetry, grammar, history, moral philosophy, and rhetoric. Although historians have sometimes struggled to define humanism precisely, most have settled on "a middle of the road definition... the movement to recover, interpret, and assimilate the language, literature, learning and values of ancient Greece and Rome".[57] Above all, humanists asserted "the genius of man ... the unique and extraordinary ability of the human mind".[58]

Humanist scholars shaped the intellectual landscape throughout the early modern period. Political philosophers such as Niccolò Machiavelli and Thomas More revived the ideas of Greek and Roman thinkers and applied them in critiques of contemporary government, following the Islamic steps of Ibn Khaldun.[60][61] Pico della Mirandola wrote the "manifesto" of the Renaissance, the Oration on the Dignity of Man, a vibrant defence of thinking.[citation needed] Matteo Palmieri (1406–1475), another humanist, is most known for his work Della vita civile ("On Civic Life"; printed 1528), which advocated civic humanism, and for his influence in refining the Tuscan vernacular to the same level as Latin. Palmieri drew on Roman philosophers and theorists, especially Cicero, who, like Palmieri, lived an active public life as a citizen and official, as well as a theorist and philosopher and also Quintilian. Perhaps the most succinct expression of his perspective on humanism is in a 1465 poetic work La città di vita, but an earlier work, Della vita civile, is more wide-ranging. Composed as a series of dialogues set in a country house in the Mugello countryside outside Florence during the plague of 1430, Palmieri expounds on the qualities of the ideal citizen. The dialogues include ideas about how children develop mentally and physically, how citizens can conduct themselves morally, how citizens and states can ensure probity in public life, and an important debate on the difference between that which is pragmatically useful and that which is honest.[citation needed]
The humanists believed that it is important to transcend to the afterlife with a perfect mind and body, which could be attained with education. The purpose of humanism was to create a universal man whose person combined intellectual and physical excellence and who was capable of functioning honorably in virtually any situation.[62] This ideology was referred to as the uomo universale, an ancient Greco-Roman ideal. Education during the Renaissance was mainly composed of ancient literature and history as it was thought that the classics provided moral instruction and an intensive understanding of human behavior.
Humanism and libraries
[edit]A unique characteristic of some Renaissance libraries is that they were open to the public. These libraries were places where ideas were exchanged and where scholarship and reading were considered both pleasurable and beneficial to the mind and soul. As freethinking was a hallmark of the age, many libraries contained a wide range of writers. Classical texts could be found alongside humanist writings. These informal associations of intellectuals profoundly influenced Renaissance culture. An essential tool of Renaissance librarianship was the catalog that listed, described, and classified a library's books.[63] Some of the richest "bibliophiles" built libraries as temples to books and knowledge. A number of libraries appeared as manifestations of immense wealth joined with a love of books. In some cases, cultivated library builders were also committed to offering others the opportunity to use their collections. Prominent aristocrats and princes of the Church created great libraries for the use of their courts, called "court libraries", and were housed in lavishly designed monumental buildings decorated with ornate woodwork, and the walls adorned with frescoes (Murray, Stuart A.P.).
Art
[edit]Renaissance art marks a cultural rebirth at the close of the Middle Ages and rise of the Modern world. One of the distinguishing features of Renaissance art was its development of highly realistic linear perspective. Giotto di Bondone (1267–1337) is credited with first treating a painting as a window into space, but it was not until the demonstrations of architect Filippo Brunelleschi (1377–1446) and the subsequent writings of Leon Battista Alberti (1404–1472) that perspective was formalized as an artistic technique.[64]

The development of perspective was part of a wider trend toward realism in the arts.[65] Painters developed other techniques, studying light, shadow, and, famously in the case of Leonardo da Vinci, human anatomy. Underlying these changes in artistic method was a renewed desire to depict the beauty of nature and to unravel the axioms of aesthetics, with the works of Leonardo, Michelangelo and Raphael representing artistic pinnacles that were much imitated by other artists.[66] Other notable artists include Sandro Botticelli, working for the Medici in Florence, Donatello, another Florentine, and Titian in Venice, among others.
In the Low Countries, a particularly vibrant artistic culture developed. The work of Hugo van der Goes and Jan van Eyck was particularly influential on the development of painting in Italy, both technically with the introduction of oil paint and canvas, and stylistically in terms of naturalism in representation. Later, the work of Pieter Brueghel the Elder would inspire artists to depict themes of everyday life.[67]
In architecture, Filippo Brunelleschi was foremost in studying the remains of ancient classical buildings. With rediscovered knowledge from the 1st-century writer Vitruvius and the flourishing discipline of mathematics, Brunelleschi formulated the Renaissance style that emulated and improved on classical forms. His major feat of engineering was building the dome of Florence Cathedral.[68] Another building demonstrating this style is the Basilica of Sant'Andrea, Mantua, built by Alberti. The outstanding architectural work of the High Renaissance was the rebuilding of St. Peter's Basilica, combining the skills of Bramante, Michelangelo, Raphael, Sangallo and Maderno.
During the Renaissance, architects aimed to use columns, pilasters, and entablatures as an integrated system. The Roman orders types of columns are used: Tuscan and Composite. These can either be structural, supporting an arcade or architrave, or purely decorative, set against a wall in the form of pilasters. One of the first buildings to use pilasters as an integrated system was in the Old Sacristy (1421–1440) by Brunelleschi.[69] Arches, semi-circular or (in the Mannerist style) segmental, are often used in arcades, supported on piers or columns with capitals. There may be a section of entablature between the capital and the springing of the arch. Alberti was one of the first to use the arch on a monumental. Renaissance vaults do not have ribs; they are semi-circular or segmental and on a square plan, unlike the Gothic vault, which is frequently rectangular.
Renaissance artists were not pagans, although they admired antiquity and kept some ideas and symbols of the medieval past. Nicola Pisano (c. 1220 – c. 1278) imitated classical forms by portraying scenes from the Bible. His Annunciation, from the Pisa Baptistry, demonstrates that classical models influenced Italian art before the Renaissance took root as a literary movement.[70]
Science
[edit]

Applied innovation extended to commerce. At the end of the 15th century, Luca Pacioli published the first work on bookkeeping, making him the founder of accounting.[7]
The rediscovery of ancient texts and the invention of the printing press in about 1440 democratized learning and allowed a faster propagation of more widely distributed ideas. In the first period of the Italian Renaissance, humanists favored the study of humanities over natural philosophy or applied mathematics, and their reverence for classical sources further enshrined the Aristotelian and Ptolemaic views of the universe. Writing around 1450, Nicholas of Cusa anticipated the heliocentric worldview of Copernicus, but in a philosophical fashion.
Science and art were intermingled in the early Renaissance, with polymath artists such as Leonardo da Vinci making observational drawings of anatomy and nature. Leonardo set up controlled experiments in water flow, medical dissection, and systematic study of movement and aerodynamics, and he devised principles of research method that led Fritjof Capra to classify him as the "father of modern science".[g] Other examples of Da Vinci's contribution during this period include machines designed to saw marbles and lift monoliths, and new discoveries in acoustics, botany, geology, anatomy, and mechanics.[73]
A suitable environment had developed to question classical scientific doctrine. The discovery in 1492 of the New World by Christopher Columbus challenged the classical worldview. The works of Ptolemy (in geography) and Galen (in medicine) were found to not always match everyday observations. As the Reformation and Counter-Reformation clashed, the Northern Renaissance showed a decisive shift in focus from Aristotelean natural philosophy to chemistry and the biological sciences (botany, anatomy, and medicine).[74] The willingness to question previously held truths and search for new answers resulted in a period of major scientific advancements.
Some view this as a "Scientific Revolution", heralding the beginning of the modern age,[75] others as an acceleration of a continuous process stretching from the ancient world to the present day.[76] Significant scientific advances were made during this time by Galileo Galilei, Tycho Brahe, and Johannes Kepler.[77] Copernicus, in De revolutionibus orbium coelestium (On the Revolutions of the Heavenly Spheres), posited that the Earth moved around the Sun. De humani corporis fabrica (On the Workings of the Human Body) by Andreas Vesalius, gave a new confidence to the role of dissection, observation, and the mechanistic view of anatomy.[78]
Another important development was in the process for discovery, the scientific method,[78] focusing on empirical evidence and the importance of mathematics, while discarding much of Aristotelian science. Early and influential proponents of these ideas included Copernicus, Galileo, and Francis Bacon.[79][80] The new scientific method led to great contributions in the fields of astronomy, physics, biology, and anatomy.[h][81]
Navigation and geography
[edit]
During the Renaissance, extending from 1450 to 1650,[82] every continent was visited and mostly mapped by Europeans, except the south polar continent now known as Antarctica. This development is depicted in the large world map Nova Totius Terrarum Orbis Tabula made by the Dutch cartographer Joan Blaeu in 1648 to commemorate the Peace of Westphalia.
In 1492, Christopher Columbus sailed across the Atlantic Ocean from Spain seeking a direct route to India of the Delhi Sultanate. He accidentally stumbled upon the Americas, but believed he had reached the East Indies.
In 1606, the Dutch navigator Willem Janszoon sailed from the East Indies in the Dutch East India Company ship Duyfken and landed in Australia. He charted about 300 km of the west coast of Cape York Peninsula in Queensland. More than thirty Dutch expeditions followed, mapping sections of the north, west, and south coasts. In 1642–1643, Abel Tasman circumnavigated the continent, proving that it was not joined to the imagined south polar continent.
By 1650, Dutch cartographers had mapped most of the coastline of the continent, which they named New Holland, except the east coast which was charted in 1770 by James Cook.
The long-imagined south polar continent was eventually sighted in 1820. Throughout the Renaissance it had been known as Terra Australis, or 'Australia' for short. However, after that name was transferred to New Holland in the nineteenth century, the new name of 'Antarctica' was bestowed on the south polar continent.[83]
Music
[edit]From this changing society emerged a common, unifying musical language, in particular the polyphonic style of the Franco-Flemish school. The development of printing made distribution of music possible on a wide scale. Demand for music as entertainment and as an activity for educated amateurs increased with the emergence of a bourgeois class. Dissemination of chansons, motets, and masses throughout Europe coincided with the unification of polyphonic practice into the fluid style that culminated in the second half of the sixteenth century in the work of composers such as Giovanni Pierluigi da Palestrina, Orlande de Lassus, Tomás Luis de Victoria, and William Byrd.
Religion
[edit]
The new ideals of humanism, although more secular in some aspects, developed against a Christian backdrop, especially in the Northern Renaissance. Much, if not most, of the new art was commissioned by or in dedication to the Roman Catholic Church.[27] However, the Renaissance had a profound effect on contemporary theology, particularly in the way people perceived the relationship between man and God.[27] Many of the period's foremost theologians were followers of the humanist method, including Erasmus, Huldrych Zwingli, Thomas More, Martin Luther, and John Calvin.

The Renaissance began in times of religious turmoil. The Late Middle Ages was a period of political intrigue surrounding the Papacy, culminating in the Western Schism, in which three men simultaneously claimed to be true Bishop of Rome.[84] While the schism was resolved by the Council of Constance (1414), a resulting reform movement known as Conciliarism sought to limit the power of the pope. Although the papacy eventually emerged supreme in ecclesiastical matters by the Fifth Council of the Lateran (1511), it was dogged by continued accusations of corruption, most famously in the person of Pope Alexander VI, who was accused variously of simony, nepotism, and fathering children (most of whom were married off, presumably for the consolidation of power) while a cardinal.[85]
Churchmen such as Erasmus and Luther proposed reform to the Church, often based on humanist textual criticism of the New Testament.[27] In October 1517, Luther published the Ninety-five Theses, challenging papal authority and criticizing its perceived corruption, particularly with regard to instances of sold indulgences.[i] The 95 Theses led to the Reformation, a break with the Roman Catholic Church that previously claimed hegemony in Western Europe. Humanism and the Renaissance therefore played a direct role in sparking the Reformation, as well as in many other contemporaneous religious debates and conflicts.
Pope Paul III came to the papal throne (1534–1549) after the sack of Rome in 1527, with uncertainties prevalent in the Catholic Church following the Reformation. Nicolaus Copernicus dedicated De revolutionibus orbium coelestium (On the Revolutions of the Celestial Spheres) to Paul III, who became the grandfather of Alessandro Farnese, who had paintings by Titian, Michelangelo, and Raphael, as well as an important collection of drawings, and who commissioned the masterpiece of Giulio Clovio, arguably the last major illuminated manuscript, the Farnese Hours.
Self-awareness
[edit]
By the 15th century, writers, artists, and architects in Italy were well aware of the transformations that were taking place and were using phrases such as modi antichi (in the antique manner) or alle romana et alla antica (in the manner of the Romans and the ancients) to describe their work. In the 1330s Petrarch referred to pre-Christian times as antiqua (ancient) and to the Christian period as nova (new).[86] From Petrarch's Italian perspective, this new period (which included his own time) was an age of national eclipse.[86] Leonardo Bruni was the first to use tripartite periodization in his History of the Florentine People (1442).[87] Bruni's first two periods were based on those of Petrarch, but he added a third period because he believed that Italy was no longer in a state of decline. Flavio Biondo used a similar framework in Decades of History from the Deterioration of the Roman Empire (1439–1453).
Humanist historians argued that contemporary scholarship restored direct links to the classical period, thus bypassing the Medieval period, which they then named for the first time the "Middle Ages". The term first appears in Latin in 1469 as media tempestas (middle times).[88] The term rinascita (rebirth) first appeared, however, in its broad sense in Giorgio Vasari's Lives of the Artists, 1550, revised 1568.[89][90] Vasari divides the age into three phases: the first phase contains Cimabue, Giotto, and Arnolfo di Cambio; the second phase contains Masaccio, Brunelleschi, and Donatello; the third centers on Leonardo da Vinci and culminates with Michelangelo. It was not just the growing awareness of classical antiquity that drove this development, according to Vasari, but also the growing desire to study and imitate nature.[91]
Spread
[edit]In the 15th century, the Renaissance spread rapidly from its birthplace in Florence to the rest of Italy and soon to the rest of Europe. The invention of the printing press by German printer Johannes Gutenberg allowed the rapid transmission of these new ideas. As it spread, its ideas diversified and changed, being adapted to local culture. In the 20th century, scholars began to break the Renaissance into regional and national movements.
England
[edit]
The Elizabethan era in the second half of the 16th century is usually regarded as the height of the English Renaissance. Many scholars see its beginnings in the early 16th century during the reign of Henry VIII.[92]
The English Renaissance is different from the Italian Renaissance in several ways. The dominant art forms of the English Renaissance were literature and music, which had a rich flowering.[93] Visual arts in the English Renaissance were much less significant than in the Italian Renaissance. The English Renaissance period in art began far later than the Italian, which had moved into Mannerism by the 1530s.[94]
In literature the later part of the 16th century saw the flowering of Elizabethan literature, with poetry heavily influenced by Italian Renaissance literature but Elizabethan theatre a distinctive native style. Writers include William Shakespeare (1564–1616), Christopher Marlowe (1564–1593), Edmund Spenser (1552–1599), Sir Thomas More (1478–1535), and Sir Philip Sidney (1554–1586). English Renaissance music competed with that in Europe with composers such as Thomas Tallis (1505–1585), John Taverner (1490–1545), and William Byrd (1540–1623). Elizabethan architecture produced the large prodigy houses of courtiers, and in the next century Inigo Jones (1573–1652), who introduced Palladian architecture to England.[95]
Elsewhere, Sir Francis Bacon (1561–1626) was the pioneer of modern scientific thought, and is commonly regarded as one of the founders of the Scientific Revolution.[96][97]
France
[edit]
The word "Renaissance" is borrowed from the French language, where it means "re-birth". It was first used in the eighteenth century and was later popularized by French historian Jules Michelet (1798–1874) in his 1855 work, Histoire de France (History of France).[98][99]
In 1495 the Italian Renaissance arrived in France, imported by King Charles VIII after his invasion of Italy. A factor that promoted the spread of secularism was the inability of the Church to offer assistance against the Black Death. Francis I imported Italian art and artists, including Leonardo da Vinci, Primaticcio, Rosso Fiorentino, Niccolò dell'Abbate and Benvenuto Cellini and built ornate palaces at great expense, like the Palace of Fontainebleau and the castle of Chambord. Writers such as François Rabelais, Pierre de Ronsard, Joachim du Bellay, and Michel de Montaigne, painters such as Jean Clouet and François Clouet, and musicians such as Jean Mouton also borrowed from the spirit of the Renaissance. French Renaissance sculptors include Michel Colombe, Jean Goujon, Pierre Bontemps, Ligier Richier and Germain Pilon while important architects of the time were Pierre Lescot, who built the Henri II aisle of the Louvre, Philibert Delorme and Jacques I Androuet du Cerceau.
In 1533, a fourteen-year-old Catherine de' Medici (1519–1589), born in Florence to Lorenzo de' Medici, Duke of Urbino and Madeleine de La Tour d'Auvergne, married Henry II of France, second son of King Francis I and Queen Claude. Though she became famous and infamous for her role in the French Wars of Religion, she made a direct contribution in bringing arts, sciences, and music (including the origins of ballet) to the French court from her native Florence.
Germany
[edit]
In the second half of the 15th century, the Renaissance spirit spread to Germany and the Low Countries, where the development of the printing press (ca. 1450) and Renaissance artists such as Albrecht Dürer (1471–1528) predated the influence from Italy. In the early Protestant areas of the country humanism became closely linked to the turmoil of the Reformation, and the art and writing of the German Renaissance frequently reflected this dispute.[100] However, the Gothic style and medieval scholastic philosophy remained exclusively until the turn of the 16th century. Emperor Maximilian I of Habsburg (ruling 1493–1519) was the first truly Renaissance monarch of the Holy Roman Empire.
Hungary
[edit]After Italy, Hungary was the first European country where the Renaissance appeared.[101] The Renaissance style came directly from Italy during the Quattrocento (1400s) to Hungary first in the Central European region, thanks to the development of early Hungarian-Italian relationships — not only in dynastic connections, but also in cultural, humanistic and commercial relations – growing in strength from the 14th century. The relationship between Hungarian and Italian Gothic styles was a second reason – exaggerated breakthrough of walls is avoided, preferring clean and light structures. Large-scale building schemes provided ample and long term work for the artists, for example, the building of the Friss (New) Castle in Buda, the castles of Visegrád, Tata, and Várpalota. In Sigismund's court there were patrons such as Pippo Spano, a descendant of the Scolari family of Florence, who invited Manetto Ammanatini and Masolino da Pannicale to Hungary.[102]
The new Italian trend combined with existing national traditions to create a particular local Renaissance art. Acceptance of Renaissance art was furthered by the continuous arrival of humanist thought in the country. Many young Hungarians studying at Italian universities came closer to the Florentine humanist center, so a direct connection with Florence evolved. The growing number of Italian traders moving to Hungary, specially to Buda, helped this process. New thoughts were carried by the humanist prelates, among them Vitéz János, archbishop of Esztergom, one of the founders of Hungarian humanism.[103] During the long reign of Emperor Sigismund of Luxemburg the Royal Castle of Buda became probably the largest Gothic palace of the late Middle Ages. King Matthias Corvinus (r. 1458–1490) rebuilt the palace in early Renaissance style and further expanded it.[104][105]
After the marriage in 1476 of King Matthias to Beatrice of Naples, Buda became one of the most important artistic centers of the Renaissance north of the Alps.[106] The most important humanists living in Matthias' court were Antonio Bonfini and the famous Hungarian poet Janus Pannonius.[106] András Hess set up a printing press in Buda in 1472. Matthias Corvinus's library, the Bibliotheca Corviniana, was Europe's greatest collections of secular books: historical chronicles, philosophic and scientific works in the 15th century. His library was second only in size to the Vatican Library. (However, the Vatican Library mainly contained Bibles and religious materials.)[107] In 1489, Bartolomeo della Fonte of Florence wrote that Lorenzo de' Medici founded his own Greek-Latin library encouraged by the example of the Hungarian king. Corvinus's library is part of UNESCO World Heritage.[108]
Matthias started at least two major building projects.[109] The works in Buda and Visegrád began in about 1479.[110] Two new wings and a hanging garden were built at the royal castle of Buda, and the palace at Visegrád was rebuilt in Renaissance style.[110][111] Matthias appointed the Italian Chimenti Camicia and the Dalmatian Giovanni Dalmata to direct these projects.[110] Matthias commissioned the leading Italian artists of his age to embellish his palaces: for instance, the sculptor Benedetto da Majano and the painters Filippino Lippi and Andrea Mantegna worked for him.[112] A copy of Mantegna's portrait of Matthias survived.[113] Matthias also hired the Italian military engineer Aristotele Fioravanti to direct the rebuilding of the forts along the southern frontier.[114] He had new monasteries built in Late Gothic style for the Franciscans in Kolozsvár, Szeged and Hunyad, and for the Paulines in Fejéregyháza.[115][116] In the spring of 1485, Leonardo da Vinci travelled to Hungary on behalf of Sforza to meet King Matthias Corvinus, and was commissioned by him to paint a Madonna.[117]
Matthias enjoyed the company of Humanists and had lively discussions on various topics with them.[118] The fame of his magnanimity encouraged many scholars—mostly Italian—to settle in Buda.[119] Antonio Bonfini, Pietro Ranzano, Bartolomeo Fonzio, and Francesco Bandini spent many years in Matthias's court.[120][118] This circle of educated men introduced the ideas of Neoplatonism to Hungary.[121][122] Like all intellectuals of his age, Matthias was convinced that the movements and combinations of the stars and planets exercised influence on individuals' life and on the history of nations.[123] Martius Galeotti described him as "king and astrologer", and Antonio Bonfini said Matthias "never did anything without consulting the stars".[124] Upon his request, the famous astronomers of the age, Johannes Regiomontanus and Marcin Bylica, set up an observatory in Buda and installed it with astrolabes and celestial globes.[125] Regiomontanus dedicated his book on navigation that was used by Christopher Columbus to Matthias.[119]
Other important figures of Hungarian Renaissance include Bálint Balassi (poet), Sebestyén Tinódi Lantos (poet), Bálint Bakfark (composer and lutenist), and Master MS (fresco painter).
Low Countries
[edit]
Culture in the Netherlands at the end of the 15th century was influenced by the Italian Renaissance through trade via Bruges, which made Flanders wealthy. Its nobles commissioned artists who became known across Europe.[126] In science, the anatomist Andreas Vesalius led the way; in cartography, Gerardus Mercator's map assisted explorers and navigators. In art, Dutch and Flemish Renaissance painting ranged from the strange work of Hieronymus Bosch[127] to the everyday life depictions of Pieter Brueghel the Elder.[126]
Erasmus was arguably the Netherlands' best known humanist and Catholic intellectual during the Renaissance.[34]
Northern Europe
[edit]The Renaissance in Northern Europe has been termed the "Northern Renaissance". While Renaissance ideas were moving north from Italy, there was a simultaneous southward spread of some areas of innovation, particularly in music.[128] The music of the 15th-century Burgundian School defined the beginning of the Renaissance in music, and the polyphony of the Netherlanders, as it moved with the musicians themselves into Italy, formed the core of the first true international style in music since the standardization of Gregorian Chant in the 9th century.[128] The culmination of the Netherlandish school was in the music of the Italian composer Giovanni Pierluigi da Palestrina. At the end of the 16th century Italy again became a center of musical innovation, with the development of the polychoral style of the Venetian School, which spread northward into Germany around 1600. In Denmark, the Renaissance sparked the translation of the works of Saxo Grammaticus into Danish as well as Frederick II and Christian IV ordering the redecoration or construction of several important works of architecture, i.e. Kronborg, Rosenborg and Børsen.[129] Danish astronomer Tycho Brahe greatly contributed to turn astronomy into the first modern science and also helped launch the Scientific Revolution.[130][131]
The paintings of the Italian Renaissance differed from those of the Northern Renaissance. Italian Renaissance artists were among the first to paint secular scenes, breaking away from the purely religious art of medieval painters. Northern Renaissance artists initially remained focused on religious subjects, such as the contemporary religious upheaval portrayed by Albrecht Dürer. Later, the works of Pieter Bruegel the Elder influenced artists to paint scenes of daily life rather than religious or classical themes. It was also during the Northern Renaissance that Flemish brothers Hubert and Jan van Eyck perfected the oil painting technique, which enabled artists to produce strong colors on a hard surface that could survive for centuries.[132] A feature of the Northern Renaissance was its use of the vernacular in place of Latin or Greek, which allowed greater freedom of expression. This movement had started in Italy with the decisive influence of Dante Alighieri on the development of vernacular languages; in fact the focus on writing in Italian has neglected a major source of Florentine ideas expressed in Latin.[133] The spread of the printing press technology boosted the Renaissance in Northern Europe as elsewhere, with Venice becoming a world center of printing.
Poland
[edit]The Polish Renaissance lasted from the late 15th to the late 16th century and was the Golden Age of Polish culture. Ruled by the Jagiellonian dynasty, the Kingdom of Poland (from 1569 known as the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth) actively participated in the broad European Renaissance. An early Italian humanist who came to Poland in the mid-15th century was Filippo Buonaccorsi, who was employed as royal advisor and councillor. The tomb of John I Albert, completed in 1505 by Francesco Fiorentino, is the first example of a Renaissance composition in the country.[134][135] Many Italian artists subsequently came to Poland with Bona Sforza of Milan, when she married King Sigismund I in 1518.[136] This was supported by temporarily strengthened monarchies in both areas, as well as by newly established universities.[137]
The Renaissance was a period when the multi-national Polish state experienced a substantial period of cultural growth thanks in part to a century without major wars, aside from conflicts in the sparsely populated eastern and southern borderlands. Architecture became more refined and decorative. Mannerism played an important part in shaping what is now considered to be the truly Polish architectural style – high attics above the cornice with pinnacles and pilasters.[138] It was also the time when the first major works of Polish literature were published, particularly those of Mikołaj Rey and Jan Kochanowski, and the Polish language became the lingua franca of East-Central Europe.[139] The Jagiellonian University transformed into a major institution of higher education for the region and hosted many notable scholars, chiefly Nicolaus Copernicus and Conrad Celtes. Three more academies were founded at Königsberg (1544), Vilnius (1579), and Zamość (1594). The Reformation spread peacefully throughout the country, giving rise to the Nontrinitarian Polish Brethren.[140] Living conditions improved, cities grew, and exports of agricultural products enriched the population, especially the nobility (szlachta) and magnates. The nobles gained dominance in the new political system of Golden Liberty, a counterweight to monarchical absolutism.[141]
Portugal
[edit]
Although Italian Renaissance had a modest impact in Portuguese arts, Portugal was influential in broadening the European worldview,[142] stimulating humanist inquiry. Renaissance arrived through the influence of wealthy Italian and Flemish merchants who invested in the profitable commerce overseas. As the pioneer headquarters of European exploration, Lisbon flourished in the late 15th century, attracting experts who made several breakthroughs in mathematics, astronomy and naval technology, including Pedro Nunes, João de Castro, Abraham Zacuto, and Martin Behaim. Cartographers Pedro Reinel, Lopo Homem, Estêvão Gomes, and Diogo Ribeiro made crucial advances in mapping the world. Apothecary Tomé Pires and physicians Garcia de Orta and Cristóvão da Costa collected and published works on plants and medicines, soon translated by Flemish pioneer botanist Carolus Clusius.
In architecture, the huge profits of the spice trade financed a sumptuous composite style in the first decades of the 16th century, the Manueline, incorporating maritime elements.[143] The primary painters were Nuno Gonçalves, Gregório Lopes, and Vasco Fernandes. In music, Pedro de Escobar and Duarte Lobo produced four songbooks, including the Cancioneiro de Elvas.

In literature, Luís de Camões inscribed the Portuguese feats overseas in the epic poem Os Lusíadas. Sá de Miranda introduced Italian forms of verse and Bernardim Ribeiro developed pastoral romance, while plays by Gil Vicente fused it with popular culture, reporting the changing times. Travel literature especially flourished: João de Barros, Fernão Lopes de Castanheda, António Galvão, Gaspar Correia, Duarte Barbosa, and Fernão Mendes Pinto, among others, described new lands and were translated and spread with the new printing press.[142] After joining the Portuguese exploration of Brazil in 1500, Amerigo Vespucci coined the term New World,[144] in his letters to Lorenzo di Pierfrancesco de' Medici.
The intense international exchange produced several cosmopolitan humanist scholars, including Francisco de Holanda, André de Resende, and Damião de Góis, a friend of Erasmus who wrote with rare independence on the reign of King Manuel I. Diogo de Gouveia and André de Gouveia made relevant teaching reforms via France. Foreign news and products in the Portuguese factory in Antwerp attracted the interest of Thomas More[145] and Albrecht Dürer to the wider world.[146] There, profits and know-how helped nurture the Dutch Renaissance and Golden Age, especially after the arrival of the wealthy cultured Jewish community expelled from Portugal.
Spain
[edit]
The Renaissance arrived in the Iberian peninsula through the Mediterranean possessions of the Crown of Aragon and the city of Valencia. Many early Spanish Renaissance writers come from the Crown of Aragon, including Ausiàs March and Joanot Martorell. In the Crown of Castile, the early Renaissance was heavily influenced by the Italian humanism, starting with writers and poets such as Íñigo López de Mendoza, marqués de Santillana, who introduced the new Italian poetry to Spain in the early 15th century. Other writers, such as Jorge Manrique, Fernando de Rojas, Juan del Encina, Juan Boscán Almogáver, and Garcilaso de la Vega, kept a close resemblance to the Italian canon. Miguel de Cervantes's masterpiece Don Quixote is credited as the first Western novel. Renaissance humanism flourished in the early 16th century, with influential writers such as philosopher Juan Luis Vives, grammarian Antonio de Nebrija and natural historian Pedro de Mexía. The poet and philosopher Luisa de Medrano, celebrated among her Renaissance contemporaries as one of the puellae doctae ("learned girls"), was the first female professor in Europe at the University of Salamanca.
Later Spanish Renaissance tended toward religious themes and mysticism, with poets such as Luis de León, Teresa of Ávila, and John of the Cross, and treated issues related to the exploration of the New World, with chroniclers and writers such as Inca Garcilaso de la Vega and Bartolomé de las Casas, giving rise to a body of work, now known as Spanish Renaissance literature. The late Renaissance in Spain produced political and religious authors such as Tomás Fernández de Medrano and artists such as El Greco and composers such as Tomás Luis de Victoria and Antonio de Cabezón.
Further countries
[edit]Historiography
[edit]Conception
[edit]
The Italian artist and critic Giorgio Vasari (1511–1574) first used the term rinascita in his book The Lives of the Artists (published 1550). In the book Vasari attempted to define what he described as a break with the barbarities of Gothic art: the arts (he held) had fallen into decay with the collapse of the Roman Empire and only the Tuscan artists, beginning with Cimabue (1240–1301) and Giotto (1267–1337) began to reverse this decline in the arts. Vasari saw ancient art as central to the rebirth of Italian art.[147]
However, only in the 19th century did the French word renaissance achieve popularity in describing the self-conscious cultural movement based on revival of Roman models that began in the late 13th century. French historian Jules Michelet (1798–1874) defined "The Renaissance" in his 1855 work Histoire de France as an entire historical period, whereas previously it had been used in a more limited sense.[24] For Michelet, the Renaissance was more a development in science than in art and culture. He asserted that it spanned the period from Columbus to Copernicus to Galileo; that is, from the end of the 15th century to the middle of the 17th century.[98] Moreover, Michelet distinguished between what he called, "the bizarre and monstrous" quality of the Middle Ages and the democratic values that he, as a vocal Republican, chose to see in its character.[19] A French nationalist, Michelet also sought to claim the Renaissance as a French movement.[19]
The Swiss historian Jacob Burckhardt (1818–1897) in his The Civilization of the Renaissance in Italy (1860), by contrast, defined the Renaissance as the period between Giotto and Michelangelo in Italy, that is, the 14th to mid-16th centuries. He saw in the Renaissance the emergence of the modern spirit of individuality, which the Middle Ages had stifled.[148] His book was widely read and became influential in the development of the modern interpretation of the Italian Renaissance.[149]
More recently, some historians have been much less keen to define the Renaissance as a historical age, or even as a coherent cultural movement. The historian Randolph Starn, of the University of California Berkeley, stated in 1998:
Rather than a period with definitive beginnings and endings and consistent content in between, the Renaissance can be (and occasionally has been) seen as a movement of practices and ideas to which specific groups and identifiable persons variously responded in different times and places. It would be in this sense a network of diverse, sometimes converging, sometimes conflicting cultures, not a single, time-bound culture.[21]
Debates about progress
[edit]There is debate about the extent to which the Renaissance improved on the culture of the Middle Ages. Both Michelet and Burckhardt were keen to describe the progress made in the Renaissance toward the modern age. Burckhardt likened the change to a veil being removed from man's eyes, allowing him to see clearly.[54]
In the Middle Ages both sides of human consciousness – that which was turned within as that which was turned without – lay dreaming or half awake beneath a common veil. The veil was woven of faith, illusion, and childish prepossession, through which the world and history were seen clad in strange hues.[150]
— Jacob Burckhardt, The Civilization of the Renaissance in Italy

On the other hand, many historians now point out that most of the negative social factors popularly associated with the medieval period – poverty, warfare, religious and political persecution, for example – seem to have worsened in this era, which saw the rise of Machiavellian politics, the Wars of Religion, the corrupt Borgia Popes, and the intensified witch-hunts of the 16th century. Many people who lived during the Renaissance did not view it as the "golden age" imagined by certain 19th-century authors, but were concerned by these social maladies.[151] Significantly, though, the artists, writers, and patrons involved in the cultural movements in question believed they were living in a new era that was a clean break from the Middle Ages.[89] Some Marxist historians prefer to describe the Renaissance in material terms, holding the view that the changes in art, literature, and philosophy were part of a general economic trend from feudalism toward capitalism, resulting in a bourgeois class with leisure time to devote to the arts.[152]
Johan Huizinga (1872–1945) acknowledged the existence of the Renaissance but questioned whether it was a positive change. In his book The Autumn of the Middle Ages, he argued that the Renaissance was a period of decline from the High Middle Ages, destroying much that was important.[20] The Medieval Latin language, for instance, had evolved greatly from the classical period and was still a living language used in the church and elsewhere. The Renaissance obsession with classical purity halted its further evolution and saw Latin revert to its classical form. This view is however somewhat contested by recent studies. Robert S. Lopez has contended that it was a period of deep economic recession.[153] Meanwhile, George Sarton and Lynn Thorndike have both argued that scientific progress was perhaps less original than has traditionally been supposed.[154] Finally, Joan Kelly argued that the Renaissance led to greater gender dichotomy, lessening the agency women had had during the Middle Ages.[155]
Some historians have begun to consider the word Renaissance to be unnecessarily loaded, implying an unambiguously positive rebirth from the supposedly more primitive "Dark Ages", the Middle Ages. Most political and economic historians now prefer to use the term "early modern" for this period (and a considerable period afterwards), a designation intended to highlight the period as a transitional one between the Middle Ages and the modern era.[156] Others such as Roger Osborne have come to consider the Italian Renaissance as a repository of the myths and ideals of western history in general, and instead of rebirth of ancient ideas as a period of great innovation.[157]
The art historian Erwin Panofsky observed of this resistance to the concept of "Renaissance":
It is perhaps no accident that the factuality of the Italian Renaissance has been most vigorously questioned by those who are not obliged to take a professional interest in the aesthetic aspects of civilization – historians of economic and social developments, political and religious situations, and, most particularly, natural science – but only exceptionally by students of literature and hardly ever by historians of Art.[158]
Other Renaissances
[edit]The term Renaissance has also been used to define periods outside of the 15th and 16th centuries in the earlier Medieval period. Charles H. Haskins (1870–1937), for example, made a case for a Renaissance of the 12th century.[159] Other historians have argued for a Carolingian Renaissance in the 8th and 9th centuries, Ottonian Renaissance in the 10th century and for the Timurid Renaissance of the 14th century. The Islamic Golden Age has been also sometimes termed with the Islamic Renaissance.[160] The Macedonian Renaissance is a term used for a period in the Roman Empire in the 9th-11th centuries CE.
Other periods of cultural rebirth in Modern times have also been termed "renaissances", such as the Bengal Renaissance, Tamil Renaissance, Nepal Bhasa renaissance, al-Nahda or the Harlem Renaissance. The term can also be used in cinema. In animation, the Disney Renaissance is a period that spanned the years from 1989 to 1999 which saw the studio return to the level of quality not witnessed since their Golden Age of Animation. The San Francisco Renaissance was a vibrant period of exploratory poetry and fiction writing in San Francisco in the mid-20th century.
See also
[edit]References
[edit]Explanatory notes
[edit]- ^ French: [ʁənɛsɑ̃s] ⓘ, meaning 'rebirth', from renaître 'to be born again'; Italian: Rinascimento [rinaʃʃiˈmento], from rinascere, with the same meanings.[3]
- ^ The Oxford English Dictionary cites W Dyce and C H Wilson's Letter to Lord Meadowbank (1837): "A style possessing many points of rude resemblance with the more elegant and refined character of the art of the renaissance in Italy." And the following year in Civil Engineer & Architect's Journal: "Not that we consider the style of the Renaissance to be either pure or good per se." See Oxford English Dictionary, "Renaissance"
- ^ "Historians of different kinds will often make some choice between a long Renaissance (say, 1300–1600), a short one (1453–1527), or somewhere in between (the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, as is commonly adopted in music histories)."[8] Or between Petrarch and Jonathan Swift, an even longer period.[9] Another source dates it from 1350 to 1620.[10]
- ^ Some scholars have called for an end to the use of the term, which they see as a product of presentism – the use of history to validate and glorify modern ideals.[23]
- ^ For information on this earlier, very different approach to a different set of ancient texts (scientific texts rather than cultural texts) see Latin translations of the 12th century, and Islamic contributions to Medieval Europe.
- ^ It is thought that Leonardo da Vinci may have painted the rhombicuboctahedron.[71]
- ^ Exhaustive 2007 study by Fritjof Capra shows that Leonardo was a much greater scientist than previously thought, and not just an inventor. Leonardo was innovative in science theory and in conducting actual science practice. In Capra's detailed assessment of many surviving manuscripts, Leonardo's science in tune with holistic non-mechanistic and non-reductive approaches to science, which are becoming popular today.[72]
- ^ Joseph Ben-David wrote:
Rapid accumulation of knowledge, which has characterized the development of science since the 17th century, had never occurred before that time. The new kind of scientific activity emerged only in a few countries of Western Europe, and it was restricted to that small area for about two hundred years. (Since the 19th century, scientific knowledge has been assimilated by the rest of the world).
- ^ It is sometimes thought that the Church, as an institution, formally sold indulgences at the time. This, however, was not the practice. Donations were often received, but only mandated by individuals that were condemned.
Citations
[edit]- ^ "renaissance". Cambridge Dictionary. Retrieved 4 April 2024.
- ^ Wells, John (2008). Longman Pronunciation Dictionary (3rd ed.). Pearson Longman. ISBN 978-1405881180.
- ^ "Online Etymology Dictionary: "Renaissance"". Etymonline.com. Retrieved 31 July 2009.
- ^ Brotton, Jerry (2006). The Renaissance: a very short introduction (1. publ ed.). Oxford: Oxford Univ. Press. p. 9. ISBN 978-0-19-280163-0.
- ^ "BBC Science | Learn about Leonardo da Vinci". www.bbc.co.uk. Retrieved 26 October 2025.
- ^ "BBC - History - Michelangelo". www.bbc.co.uk. Retrieved 26 October 2025.
- ^ a b Diwan, Jaswith. Accounting Concepts & Theories. London: Morre. pp. 1–2. id# 94452.
- ^ The Cambridge History of Seventeenth-Century Music: Volume 1, p. 4, 2005, Cambridge University Press, Google Books.
- ^ See Rosalie L. Colie, quoted in Hageman, Elizabeth H., in Women and Literature in Britain, 1500–1700, p. 190, 1996, ed. Helen Wilcox, Cambridge University Press, ISBN 978-0521467773, Google Books.
- ^ "Renaissance Era Dates". encyclopedia.com.
- ^ Monfasani, John (2016). Renaissance Humanism, from the Middle Ages to Modern Times. Taylor & Francis. ISBN 978-1351904391.
- ^ Boia, Lucian (2004). Forever Young: A Cultural History of Longevity. Reaktion Books. ISBN 978-1861891549.
- ^ Burke, P., The European Renaissance: Centre and Peripheries 1998
- ^ "The Renaissance: At a Glance | Britannica". www.britannica.com. Retrieved 14 March 2025.
- ^ a b Strathern, Paul The Medici: Godfathers of the Renaissance (2003)
- ^ a b Encyclopædia Britannica, "Renaissance", 2008, O.Ed.
- ^ Harris, Michael H. History of Libraries in the Western World, Scarecrow Press Incorporate, 1999, p. 69, ISBN 0810837242
- ^ Norwich, John Julius, A Short History of Byzantium, 1997, Knopf, ISBN 0679450882
- ^ a b c d Brotton, J., The Renaissance: A Very Short Introduction, OUP, 2006 ISBN 0192801635.
- ^ a b Huizanga, Johan, The Waning of the Middle Ages (1919, trans. 1924)
- ^ a b Starn, Randolph (1998). "Renaissance Redux". The American Historical Review. 103 (1): 122–124. doi:10.2307/2650779. ISSN 0002-8762. JSTOR 2650779.
- ^ Panofsky 1969:6.
- ^ Trinkaus, Charles; Rabil, Albert; Purnell, Frederick (1990). "Renaissance Ideas and the Idea of the Renaissance". Journal of the History of Ideas. 51 (4): 667–684. doi:10.2307/2709652. ISSN 0022-5037. JSTOR 2709652.
- ^ a b Murray, P. and Murray, L. (1963) The Art of the Renaissance. London: Thames & Hudson (World of Art), p. 9. ISBN 978-0500200087. "...in 1855 we find, for the first time, the word 'Renaissance' used – by the French historian Michelet – as an adjective to describe a whole period of history and not confined to the rebirth of Latin letters or a classically inspired style in the arts."
- ^ Perry, M. Humanities in the Western Tradition Archived 29 April 2009 at the Wayback Machine, Ch. 13
- ^ Kennedy, Lesley (27 September 2021). "How the Renaissance Challenged the Church and Influenced the Reformation". HISTORY. Retrieved 26 October 2025.
- ^ a b c d Open University, Looking at the Renaissance: Religious Context in the Renaissance (Retrieved 10 May 2007)
- ^ "The Open University". fass.open.ac.uk. 12 October 2025. Retrieved 26 October 2025.
- ^ Kohn, Hans (1944). The Idea of Nationalism: A Study in Its Origins and Background. New York: Macmillan.
- ^ Stark, Rodney, The Victory of Reason, Random House, NY: 2005
- ^ Fernandez-Armesto, Felipe (2017). The Medieval Frontiers of Latin Christendom. United Kingdom: Taylor & Francis.
- ^ Leon Poliakov, The Aryan Myth: A History of Racist and Nationalist Ideas in Europe, trans. E. Howard (Basic Books, 1974), pp. 21–22, cited in Fernandez-Armesto (2017)
- ^ Walker, Paul Robert, The Feud that sparked the Renaissance: How Brunelleschi and Ghiberti Changed the Art World (New York, Perennial-Harper Collins, 2003)
- ^ a b Rietbergen, P. J. A. N. (2000). A Short History of the Netherlands: From Prehistory to the Present Day (4th ed.). Amersfoort: Bekking. p. 59. ISBN 90-6109-440-2. OCLC 52849131.
- ^ Reynolds & Wilson 1974, pp. 113–123
- ^ Reynolds & Wilson 1974, pp. 123, 130–137
- ^ Truxillo, Charles A. (2008). Periods of World History: A Latin American Perspective. Jain Publishing Company. ISBN 978-0-89581-863-8.
- ^ Grousset, René (1970). The Empire of the Steppes: A History of Central Asia. Rutgers University Press. ISBN 978-0-8135-1304-1.
- ^ Harris, Michael H. History of Libraries in the Western World, Scarecrow Press, 1999, p. 145, ISBN 0810837242.
- ^ Western Civilization: Ideas, Politics, and Society, Marvin Perry, Myrna Chase, Margaret C. Jacob, James R. Jacob, 2008, pp. 261–262.
- ^ Reynolds & Wilson 1974, pp. 119, 131
- ^ Kirshner, Julius, Family and Marriage: A socio-legal perspective, Italy in the Age of the Renaissance: 1300–1550, ed. John M. Najemy (Oxford University Press, 2004) p. 89 (Retrieved 10 May 2007)
- ^ Burckhardt, Jacob, The Revival of Antiquity, The Civilization of the Renaissance in Italy Archived 7 April 2007 at the Wayback Machine (trans. by S.G.C. Middlemore, 1878)
- ^ a b Skinner, Quentin, The Foundations of Modern Political Thought, vol I: The Renaissance; vol II: The Age of Reformation, Cambridge University Press, p. 69
- ^ Stark, Rodney, The Victory of Reason, New York, Random House, 2005
- ^ Martin, J. and Romano, D., Venice Reconsidered, Baltimore, Johns Hopkins University, 2000
- ^ a b Burckhardt, Jacob, The Republics: Venice and Florence, The Civilization of the Renaissance in Italy Archived 7 April 2007 at the Wayback Machine, translated by S.G.C. Middlemore, 1878.
- ^ Barbara Tuchman (1978) A Distant Mirror, Knopf ISBN 0394400267.
- ^ The End of Europe's Middle Ages: The Black Death Archived 9 March 2013 at the Wayback Machine University of Calgary website. (Retrieved 5 April 2007)
- ^ Netzley, Patricia D. Life During the Renaissance. San Diego: Lucent Books, Inc., 1998.
- ^ Hause, S. & Maltby, W. (2001). A History of European Society. Essentials of Western Civilization (Vol. 2, p. 217). Belmont, CA: Thomson Learning, Inc.
- ^ "Renaissance And Reformation France" Mack P. Holt pp. 30, 39, 69, 166
- ^ Hatty, Suzanne E.; Hatty, James (1999). Disordered Body: Epidemic Disease and Cultural Transformation. SUNY Press. p. 89. ISBN 978-0791443651.
- ^ a b Burckhardt, Jacob, The Development of the Individual, The Civilization of the Renaissance in Italy Archived 3 October 2008 at the Wayback Machine, translated by S.G.C. Middlemore, 1878.
- ^ Stephens, J., Individualism and the cult of creative personality, The Italian Renaissance, New York, 1990 p. 121.
- ^ Guido Carocci, I dintorni di Firenze, Vol. II, Galletti e Cocci, Firenze, 1907, pp. 336–337
- ^ Burke, P., "The spread of Italian humanism", in The Impact of Humanism on Western Europe, ed. A. Goodman and A. MacKay, London, 1990, p. 2.
- ^ As asserted by Gianozzo Manetti in On the Dignity and Excellence of Man, cited in Clare, J., Italian Renaissance.
- ^ Pico Della Mirandola. "Oration on the Dignity of Man". Reading About the World, Volume 1. Translated by Hooker, Richard. Archived from the original on 4 January 2011 – via World Civilizations at Washington State University.
- ^ Miller, John H. Ibn Khaldun and Machiavelli : an examination of paradigms. OCLC 11117374.
- ^ Religion and Political Development: Some Comparative Ideas on Ibn Khaldun and Machiavelli by Barbara Freyer Stowasser
- ^ Hause, S. & Maltby, W. (2001). A History of European Society. Essentials of Western Civilization (Vol. 2, pp. 245–246). Belmont, CA: Thomson Learning, Inc.
- ^ Murray, Stuart (2009). The Library: An Illustrated History. Skyhorse Publishing. p. 88.
- ^ Clare, John D. & Millen, Alan, Italian Renaissance, London, 1994, p. 14.
- ^ Stork, David G. Optics and Realism in Renaissance Art Archived 14 June 2007 at the Wayback Machine (Retrieved 10 May 2007)
- ^ Vasari, Giorgio, Lives of the Artists, translated by George Bull, Penguin Classics, 1965, ISBN 0140441646.
- ^ Peter Brueghel Biography, Web Gallery of Art (Retrieved 10 May 2007)
- ^ Hooker, Richard, Architecture and Public Space Archived 22 May 2007 at the Wayback Machine (Retrieved 10 May 2007)
- ^ Saalman, Howard (1993). Filippo Brunelleschi: The Buildings. Zwemmer. ISBN 978-0271010670.
- ^ Hause, S. & Maltby, W. (2001). A History of European Society. Essentials of Western Civilization (Vol. 2, pp. 250–251). Belmont, CA: Thomson Learning, Inc.
- ^ MacKinnon, Nick (1993). "The Portrait of Fra Luca Pacioli". The Mathematical Gazette. 77 (479): 143. doi:10.2307/3619717. JSTOR 3619717. S2CID 195006163.
- ^ Capra, Fritjof, The Science of Leonardo; Inside the Mind of the Great Genius of the Renaissance, New York, Doubleday, 2007.
- ^ "Columbus and Vesalius – The Age of Discoverers". JAMA. 2015;313(3):312. doi:10.1001/jama.2014.11534
- ^ Allen Debus, Man and Nature in the Renaissance (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1978).
- ^ Butterfield, Herbert, The Origins of Modern Science, 1300–1800, p. viii
- ^ Shapin, Steven. The Scientific Revolution, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1996, p. 1.
- ^ "Scientific Revolution" in Encarta. 2007. [1]
- ^ a b Brotton, J., "Science and Philosophy", The Renaissance: A Very Short Introduction, Oxford University Press, 2006 ISBN 0192801635.
- ^ Van Doren, Charles (1991) A History of Knowledge Ballantine, New York, pp. 211–212, ISBN 0345373162
- ^ Burke, Peter (2000) A Social History of Knowledge: From Gutenberg to Diderot Polity Press, Cambridge, Massachusetts, p. 40, ISBN 0745624847
- ^ Hunt, Shelby D. (2003). Controversy in marketing theory: for reason, realism, truth, and objectivity. M.E. Sharpe. p. 18. ISBN 978-0765609328.
- ^ Woodward, David (2007). The History of Cartography, Volume Three: Cartography in the European Renaissance. Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press. ISBN 978-0226907338.
- ^ Cameron-Ash, M. (2018). Lying for the Admiralty: Captain Cook's Endeavour Voyage. Sydney: Rosenberg. pp. 19–20. ISBN 978-0648043966.
- ^ Catholic Encyclopedia, Western Schism (Retrieved 10 May 2007)
- ^ Catholic Encyclopedia, Alexander VI (Retrieved 10 May 2007)
- ^ a b Mommsen, Theodore E. (1942). "Petrarch's Conception of the 'Dark Ages'". Speculum. 17 (2): 226–242. doi:10.2307/2856364. JSTOR 2856364. S2CID 161360211.
- ^ Leonardo Bruni, James Hankins, History of the Florentine people, Volume 1, Books 1–4 (2001), p. xvii.
- ^ Albrow, Martin, The Global Age: state and society beyond modernity (1997), Stanford University Press, p. 205 ISBN 0804728704.
- ^ a b Panofsky, Erwin. Renaissance and Renascences in Western Art, New York: Harper and Row, 1960.
- ^ The Open University Guide to the Renaissance, Defining the Renaissance Archived 21 July 2009 at the Wayback Machine (Retrieved 10 May 2007)
- ^ Sohm, Philip. Style in the Art Theory of Early Modern Italy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001) ISBN 0521780691.
- ^ Foundation, Poetry (16 January 2024). "The English Renaissance". Poetry Foundation. Retrieved 17 January 2024.
- ^ Best, Michael. "Art in England: Life and Times - Internet Shakespeare Editions". internetshakespeare.uvic.ca. Retrieved 18 January 2024.
- ^ "Art in Renaissance England". obo. Retrieved 18 January 2024.
- ^ "A Brief History of Architecture in Britain" (PDF). University of Southampton.
- ^ "The Scientific Revolution". Historic UK. Retrieved 17 January 2024.
- ^ Klein, Jürgen (2012), "Francis Bacon", in Zalta, Edward N. (ed.), The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Winter 2016 ed.), Metaphysics Research Lab, Stanford University, archived from the original on 22 October 2019, retrieved 17 January 2020
- ^ a b Michelet, Jules. History of France, trans. G.H. Smith (New York: D. Appleton, 1847)
- ^ Vincent Cronin (2011). The Florentine Renaissance. Random House. ISBN 978-1446466544.
- ^ Strauss, Gerald (1965). "The Religious Renaissance of the German Humanists". English Historical Review. 80 (314): 156–157. doi:10.1093/ehr/LXXX.CCCXIV.156. JSTOR 560776.
- ^ Louis A. Waldman; Péter Farbaky; Louis Alexander Waldman (2011). Italy & Hungary: Humanism and Art in the Early Renaissance. Villa I Tatti. ISBN 978-0674063464.
- ^ Hungary (4th ed.) Authors: Zoltán Halász / András Balla (photo) / Zsuzsa Béres (translation) Published by Corvina, in 1998 ISBN 9631341291, 9631347273
- ^ "the influences of the florentine renaissance in hungary". Fondazione-delbianco.org. Archived from the original on 21 March 2009. Retrieved 31 July 2009.
- ^ History section: Miklós Horler: Budapest műemlékei I, Bp: 1955, pp. 259–307
- ^ Post-war reconstruction: László Gerő: A helyreállított budai vár, Bp, 1980, pp. 11–60.
- ^ a b Czigány, Lóránt, A History of Hungarian Literature, "The Renaissance in Hungary" (Retrieved 10 May 2007)
- ^ Marcus Tanner, The Raven King: Matthias Corvinus and the Fate of his Lost Library (New Haven: Yale U.P., 2008)
- ^ Documentary heritage concerning Hungary and recommended for inclusion in the Memory of the World International Register. portal.unesco.org
- ^ E. Kovács 1990, pp. 177, 180–181.
- ^ a b c Engel 2001, p. 319.
- ^ E. Kovács 1990, pp. 180–181.
- ^ Kubinyi 2008, pp. 171–172.
- ^ Kubinyi 2008, p. 172.
- ^ E. Kovács 1990, p. 181.
- ^ Klaniczay 1992, p. 168.
- ^ Kubinyi 2008, p. 183.
- ^ Franz-Joachim Verspohl, Michelangelo Buonarroti und Leonardo Da Vinci: Republikanischer Alltag und Künstlerkonkurrenz in Florenz zwischen 1501 und 1505 (Wallstein Verlag, 2007), p. 151.
- ^ a b Klaniczay 1992, p. 166.
- ^ a b Cartledge 2011, p. 67.
- ^ E. Kovács 1990, p. 185.
- ^ Klaniczay 1992, p. 167.
- ^ Engel 2001, p. 321.
- ^ Hendrix 2013, p. 59.
- ^ Hendrix 2013, pp. 63, 65.
- ^ Tanner 2009, p. 99.
- ^ a b Heughebaert, H.; Defoort, A.; Van Der Donck, R. (1998). Artistieke opvoeding. Wommelgem, Belgium: Den Gulden Engel bvba. ISBN 978-9050352222.
- ^ Janson, H.W.; Janson, Anthony F. (1997). History of Art (5th, rev. ed.). New York: Harry N. Abrams, Inc. ISBN 978-0810934429.
- ^ a b Láng, Paul Henry (1939). "The So Called Netherlands Schools". The Musical Quarterly. 25 (1): 48–59. doi:10.1093/mq/xxv.1.48. JSTOR 738699.
- ^ "Renæssance i Europa og Danmark". Nationalmuseet (in Danish). Retrieved 24 November 2023.
- ^ Wootton, David (2015). The Invention of Science: A New History of the Scientific Revolution (First U.S. ed.). New York, NY: HarperCollins. ISBN 978-0-06-175952-9. OCLC 883146361.
- ^ "Tycho Brahe, 1546-1601". danmarkshistorien.dk (in Danish). Retrieved 24 November 2023.
- ^ Painting in Oil in the Low Countries and Its Spread to Southern Europe, Metropolitan Museum of Art website. (Retrieved 5 April 2007)
- ^ Celenza, Christopher (2004), The Lost Italian Renaissance: Humanists, Historians, and Latin's Legacy. Baltimore, Johns Hopkins University Press
- ^ Rundle, David (2012). Humanism in fifteenth-century Europe. Oxford: The Society for the Study of Medieval Languages and Literature. p. 143. ISBN 9780907570400.
- ^ Suchodolski, Bogdan (1973). Poland, the Land of Copernicus. Wrocław: Ossolineum, Polska Akademia Nauk PAN. p. 150. OCLC 714705.
- ^ Bona Sforza (1494–1557) Archived 6 May 2014 at the Wayback Machine. poland.gov.pl (Retrieved 4 April 2007)
- ^ For example, the re-establishment of Jagiellonian University in 1364. Waltos, Stanisław (31 October 2002). "The Past and the Present". Uniwersytet Jagielloński. Archived from the original on 20 November 2002.
- ^ "HISTORIA ARCHITEKTURY EUROPEJSKIEJ TYLKO DLA ORŁÓW - SKRÓT". www.historiasztuki.com.pl.
- ^ Koyama, Satoshi (2007). "Chapter 8: The Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth as a Political Space: Its Unity and Complexity" (PDF). In Hayashi, Tadayuki; Fukuda, Hiroshi (eds.). Regions in Central and Eastern Europe: Past and Present. Slavic Research Center, Hokkaido University. pp. 137–153. ISBN 978-4-938637-43-9. Archived from the original on 25 February 2020. Retrieved 23 May 2019.
- ^ Phillip Hewett, Racovia: An Early Liberal Religious Community, Providence, Blackstone Editions, 2004, p.20-21.
- ^ Norman Davies, God's Playground: A History of Poland in Two Volumes, Oxford University Press, 2005, ISBN 0-19-925339-0, p.262
- ^ a b "Portuguese Overseas Travels and European Readers". Portugal and Renaissance Europe. The John Carter Brown Library Exhibitions, Brown University. Archived from the original on 12 November 2011. Retrieved 19 July 2011.
- ^ Bergin, Thomas G.; Speake, Jennifer, eds. (2004). Encyclopedia of the Renaissance and the Reformation. Infobase Publishing. ISBN 978-0816054510.
- ^ Bergin, Thomas G.; Speake, Jennifer (2004). Encyclopedia of the Renaissance and the Reformation. Infobase Publishing. p. 490. ISBN 978-0816054510.
- ^ Bietenholz, Peter G.; Deutscher, Thomas Brian (2003). Contemporaries of Erasmus: a biographical register of the Renaissance and Reformation, Volumes 1–3. University of Toronto Press. p. 22. ISBN 978-0802085771.
- ^ Lach, Donald Frederick (1994). Asia in the making of Europe: A century of wonder. The literary arts. The scholarly disciplines. University of Chicago Press. ISBN 978-0226467337. Retrieved 15 July 2011.
- ^ "Defining the Renaissance, Open University". Open.ac.uk. Archived from the original on 18 December 2008. Retrieved 31 July 2009.
- ^ Burckhardt, Jacob. The Civilization of the Renaissance in Italy Archived 21 September 2008 at the Wayback Machine (trans. S.G.C. Middlemore, London, 1878)
- ^ Gay, Peter, Style in History, New York: Basic Books, 1974.
- ^ Burckhardt, Jacob. "The Civilization of the Renaissance in Italy". Archived from the original on October 3, 2008. Retrieved August 31, 2008.
- ^ Girolamo Savonarola's popularity is a prime example of the manifestation of such concerns. Other examples include Philip II of Spain's censorship of Florentine paintings, noted by Edward L. Goldberg, "Spanish Values and Tuscan Painting", Renaissance Quarterly (1998) p. 914
- ^ Renaissance Forum Archived 14 June 2012 at the Wayback Machine at Hull University, Autumn 1997 (Retrieved 10 May 2007)
- ^ Lopez, Robert S. & Miskimin, Harry A. (1962). "The Economic Depression of the Renaissance". Economic History Review. 14 (3): 408–426. doi:10.1111/j.1468-0289.1962.tb00059.x. JSTOR 2591885.
- ^ Thorndike, Lynn; Johnson, F.R.; Kristeller, P. O.; Lockwood, D.P.; Thorndike, L. (1943). "Some Remarks on the Question of the Originality of the Renaissance". Journal of the History of Ideas. 4 (1): 49–74. doi:10.2307/2707236. JSTOR 2707236.
- ^ Kelly-Gadol, Joan. "Did Women Have a Renaissance?" Becoming Visible: Women in European History. Edited by Renate Bridenthal and Claudia Koonz. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1977.
- ^ Stephen Greenblatt Renaissance Self-Fashioning: From More to Shakespeare, University of Chicago Press, 1980.
- ^ Osborne, Roger (2006). Civilization: a new history of the Western world. Pegasus Books. pp. 180–. ISBN 978-1933648194. Retrieved 10 December 2011.
- ^ Panofsky, Renaissance and Renascences in Western Art 1969:38; Panofsky's chapter "'Renaissance – self-definition or self-deception?" succinctly introduces the historiographical debate, with copious footnotes to the literature.
- ^ Haskins, Charles Homer, The Renaissance of the Twelfth Century, Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1927 ISBN 0674760751.
- ^ Hubert, Jean, L'Empire carolingien (English: The Carolingian Renaissance, translated by James Emmons, New York: G. Braziller, 1970).
General sources
[edit]- Burckhardt, Jacob, The Civilization of the Renaissance in Italy (1860), a famous classic; excerpt and text search 2007 edition; also complete text online.
- Cartledge, Bryan (2011). The Will to Survive: A History of Hungary. C. Hurst & Co. ISBN 978-1849041126.
- E. Kovács, Péter (1990). Matthias Corvinus (in Hungarian). Officina Nova. ISBN 9637835490.
- Engel, Pál (2001). The Realm of St Stephen: A History of Medieval Hungary, 895–1526. I.B. Tauris Publishers. ISBN 1860640613.
- Hendrix, Scott E. (2013). "Astrological forecasting and the Turkish menace in the Renaissance Balkans" (PDF). Anthropology. 13 (2). Universitatis Miskolciensis: 57–72. ISSN 1452-7243. Archived from the original (PDF) on 4 July 2022. Retrieved 18 March 2020.
- Klaniczay, Tibor (1992). "The age of Matthias Corvinus". In Porter, Roy; Teich, Mikuláš (eds.). The Renaissance in National Context. Cambridge University Press. pp. 164–179. ISBN 0521369703.
- Kubinyi, András (2008). Matthias Rex. Balassi Kiadó. ISBN 978-9635067671.
- Reynolds, L. D.; Wilson, Nigel (1974). Scribes and Scholars: A Guide to the Transmission of Greek and Latin Literature. Oxford: Clarendon Press. ISBN 978-0199686339. OL 26919731M.
- Tanner, Marcus (2009). The Raven King: Matthias Corvinus and the Fate of his Lost Library. Yale University Press. ISBN 978-0300158281.
Further reading
[edit]- Cronin, Vincent (1969), The Flowering of the Renaissance, ISBN 0712698841
- Cronin, Vincent (1992), The Renaissance, ISBN 0002154110
- Campbell, Gordon. The Oxford Dictionary of the Renaissance. (2003). 862 pp. online at OUP
- Davis, Robert C. and Beth Lindsmith. Renaissance People: Lives that Shaped the Modern Age. (2011). ISBN 978-1606060780
- Ergang, Robert (1967), The Renaissance, ISBN 0442023197
- Ferguson, Wallace K. (1962), [Europe in Transition, 1300–1500], ISBN 0049400088
- Fisher, Celia. Flowers of the Renaissance. (2011). ISBN 978-1606060629
- Fletcher, Stella. The Longman Companion to Renaissance Europe, 1390–1530. (2000). 347 pp.
- Grendler, Paul F., ed. The Renaissance: An Encyclopedia for Students. (2003). 970 pp.
- Hale, John. The Civilization of Europe in the Renaissance. (1994). 648 pp.; a magistral survey, heavily illustrated; excerpt and text search
- Hall, Bert S. Weapons and Warfare in Renaissance Europe: Gunpowder, Technology, and Tactics (2001); excerpt and text search
- Hattaway, Michael, ed. A Companion to English Renaissance Literature and Culture. (2000). 747 pp.
- Jensen, De Lamar (1992), Renaissance Europe, ISBN 0395889472
- Johnson, Paul. The Renaissance: A Short History. (2000). 197 pp. excerpt and text search; also online free
- Keene, Bryan C. Gardens of the Renaissance. (2013). ISBN 978-1606061435
- King, Margaret L. Women of the Renaissance (1991) excerpt and text search
- Kristeller, Paul Oskar, and Michael Mooney. Renaissance Thought and its Sources (1979); excerpt and text search
- Nauert, Charles G. Historical Dictionary of the Renaissance. (2004). 541 pp.
- Patrick, James A., ed. Renaissance and Reformation (5 vol 2007), 1584 pages; comprehensive encyclopedia
- Plumb, J.H. The Italian Renaissance (2001); excerpt and text search
- Paoletti, John T. and Gary M. Radke. Art in Renaissance Italy (4th ed. 2011)
- Potter, G.R. ed. The New Cambridge Modern History: Volume 1: The Renaissance, 1493–1520 (1957) online; major essays by multiple scholars. Summarizes the viewpoint of the 1950s.
- Robin, Diana; Larsen, Anne R.; and Levin, Carole, eds. Encyclopedia of Women in the Renaissance: Italy, France, and England (2007) 459 pp.
- Rowse, A.L. The Elizabethan Renaissance: The Life of the Society (2000); excerpt and text search
- Ruggiero, Guido. The Renaissance in Italy: A Social and Cultural History of the Rinascimento (Cambridge University Press, 2015). 648 pp. online review
- Rundle, David, ed. The Hutchinson Encyclopedia of the Renaissance. (1999). 434 pp.; numerous brief articles online edition
- Turner, Richard N. Renaissance Florence (2005); excerpt and text search
- Ward, A. The Cambridge Modern History. Vol 1: The Renaissance (1902); older essays by scholars; emphasis on politics
Historiography
[edit]- Bouwsma, William J. "The Renaissance and the drama of Western history." American Historical Review (1979): 1–15. in JSTOR
- Caferro, William. Contesting the Renaissance (2010); excerpt and text search
- Ferguson, Wallace K. "The Interpretation of the Renaissance: Suggestions for a Synthesis." Journal of the History of Ideas (1951): 483–495. online in JSTOR
- Ferguson, Wallace K. "Recent trends in the economic historiography of the Renaissance." Studies in the Renaissance (1960): 7–26.
- Ferguson, Wallace Klippert. The Renaissance in historical thought (AMS Press, 1981)
- Grendler, Paul F. "The Future of Sixteenth Century Studies: Renaissance and Reformation Scholarship in the Next Forty Years", Sixteenth Century Journal Spring 2009, Vol. 40 Issue 1, pp. 182+
- Murray, Stuart A.P. The Library: An Illustrated History. American Library Association, Chicago, 2012.
- Ruggiero, Guido, ed. A Companion to the Worlds of the Renaissance. (2002). 561 pp.
- Starn, Randolph. "A Postmodern Renaissance?" Renaissance Quarterly 2007 60(1): 1–24 in Project MUSE
- Summit, Jennifer. "Renaissance Humanism and the Future of the Humanities". Literature Compass (2012) 9#10 pp: 665–678.
- Trivellato, Francesca. "Renaissance Italy and the Muslim Mediterranean in Recent Historical Work", Journal of Modern History (March 2010), 82#1 pp: 127–155.
- Woolfson, Jonathan, ed. Palgrave advances in Renaissance historiography (Palgrave Macmillan, 2005)
Primary sources
[edit]- Bartlett, Kenneth, ed. The Civilization of the Italian Renaissance: A Sourcebook (2nd ed., 2011)
- Ross, James Bruce, and Mary M. McLaughlin, eds. The Portable Renaissance Reader (1977); excerpt and text search
External links
[edit]- "The Renaissance" episode of In Our Time, a BBC Radio 4 discussion with Francis Ames-Lewis, Peter Burke and Evelyn Welch (8 June 2000).
- Symonds, John Addington (1911). . Encyclopædia Britannica. Vol. 23 (11th ed.). pp. 83–93.
- Renaissance Philosophy entry in the Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy
- Official website of the Society for Renaissance Studies
Renaissance
View on GrokipediaHistoriographical Foundations
Invention and Evolution of the "Renaissance" Concept
The concept of the Renaissance as a distinct historical period emerged gradually, with its terminological foundation laid in the 16th century by Italian writer Giorgio Vasari. In his 1550 work Le Vite de' più eccellenti pittori, scultori, e architettori (Lives of the Most Excellent Painters, Sculptors, and Architects), Vasari introduced the Italian term rinascita (rebirth) to characterize the revival of classical artistic principles that he traced from the late 13th century through figures like Cimabue and Giotto, positioning it as a break from what he viewed as the decline of medieval "Greek manner" styles.[8] Vasari's usage was primarily art-historical, framing the rinascita as an artistic progression toward naturalism and proportion inspired by antiquity, rather than a comprehensive cultural epoch.[9] The term did not immediately gain traction as a broad period label among contemporaries or early historians. Italian humanists preceding Vasari, such as Petrarch in the 14th century, had expressed similar sentiments of cultural renewal by contrasting their era's admiration for classical texts against the "dark ages" of prior centuries, but without coining a specific term like rinascita.[10] It was not until the 19th century that the French equivalent renaissance was popularized in historiography. French historian Jules Michelet employed it in his 1855 lectures and subsequent Histoire de France (Volume 7, 1855), portraying the Renaissance as a discovery of the world, man, and beauty, emphasizing its role in awakening national spirit and secular inquiry after medieval constraints.[11] Swiss historian Jacob Burckhardt solidified the concept in 1860 with Die Cultur der Renaissance in Italien (The Civilization of the Renaissance in Italy), expanding it beyond art to encompass political, social, and intellectual transformations, including the rise of the modern state, individualism, and secular realism in Italian city-states from the 14th to 16th centuries.[12] Burckhardt's influential thesis depicted the Renaissance as the origin of modernity, drawing on Michelet's term but grounding it in empirical analysis of Italian sources, though critics later noted his idealization overlooked economic continuities and regional variations.[13] This framework dominated 19th- and early 20th-century scholarship, evolving the "Renaissance" from Vasari's artistic revival into a periodizing category that contrasted sharply with the Middle Ages, influencing educational curricula and cultural narratives across Europe.[14] Subsequent evolution in the 20th century refined and challenged Burckhardt's model, with scholars like Wallace Ferguson in The Renaissance in Historical Thought (1948) tracing its historiographical development and highlighting how nationalistic biases shaped interpretations, such as French emphasis on literary humanism versus Italian focus on visual arts.[15] While the core idea of a "rebirth" persisted, debates emerged over its boundaries and uniqueness, incorporating economic factors like post-plague urbanization and the printing press's role in disseminating classical knowledge, yet retaining the period's identification with innovation in humanism, science, and patronage from circa 1300 to 1600.[16]Jacob Burckhardt's Individualism Thesis
Swiss historian Jacob Burckhardt articulated his individualism thesis in The Civilization of the Renaissance in Italy, first published in 1860, positing that the Renaissance era in Italy witnessed the emergence of modern individuality as a profound break from medieval collectivism and theocentric constraints.[17][18] Burckhardt argued that by the late 13th century, particularly in the fragmented city-states of Italy, the "ban laid upon human personality" dissolved, allowing individuals to assert autonomous spiritual and worldly identities.[19] He contrasted this with the Middle Ages, where human figures in historical records appeared shrouded in anonymity and deference to divine or communal authority, claiming that in Renaissance Italy, "man became a spiritual individual, and recognized himself as such."[20] Central to Burckhardt's view was the political environment of Italian despotisms and republics, which fostered self-reliant personalities through constant intrigue, warfare, and the need for personal prowess.[21] Figures like condottieri (mercenary captains) and tyrants exemplified this, cultivating charisma and strategic acumen as personal attributes rather than feudal obligations; for instance, leaders such as Francesco Sforza rose from humble origins to ducal power through individual agency.[17] In society, Burckhardt highlighted diverse roles—from humanists and artists to courtesans and eccentrics—where personal traits defined status, enabling "a thousand figures" to emerge with distinct peculiarities across provinces of life.[19][22] Burckhardt extended individualism to cultural and intellectual spheres, asserting that Renaissance humanists achieved its zenith by prioritizing classical antiquity over Christian dogma, fostering self-conscious exploration of human potential.[18] This manifested in self-portraits, biographies, and treatises emphasizing personal genius, as seen in the works of figures like Leon Battista Alberti, whom Burckhardt cited as embodying multifaceted talents in architecture, ethics, and mechanics.[21] He viewed this development as enabling an "objective treatment" of the state and world, unmediated by theological veils, thus laying groundwork for secular modernity.[20] Burckhardt's thesis framed the Renaissance not merely as artistic revival but as a crucible for autonomous selfhood, influencing subsequent historiography despite later qualifications on its exclusivity to Italy.[23][24]Challenges to Periodization: Continuity with Medieval Era
Historians such as Wallace K. Ferguson have argued that the Renaissance emerged gradually from the Middle Ages rather than representing an abrupt rupture, with many of its defining features—such as renewed interest in classical antiquity and institutional innovations—exhibiting roots in twelfth- and thirteenth-century developments.[15] Ferguson's analysis traces this transitional character back to the vitality of late medieval society, where economic expansion in Italian city-states like Florence and Venice built directly on communal governance structures established by the eleventh century, including guilds and merchant associations that persisted without fundamental reinvention into the fifteenth century.[25] This perspective counters earlier nineteenth-century narratives, like Jacob Burckhardt's, by emphasizing empirical evidence of incremental evolution over mythic rebirth. A key pillar of continuity lies in intellectual history, exemplified by the "Renaissance of the Twelfth Century" identified by Charles Homer Haskins, which involved widespread recovery of Greek and Roman texts through translations from Arabic sources, alongside advancements in jurisprudence, historiography, and vernacular literature around 1100–1200.[26] Institutions like the University of Bologna, founded circa 1088, and the University of Paris, formalized by 1200, fostered scholastic inquiry that synthesized Aristotelian logic with Christian theology, laying groundwork for later humanist methods without discarding medieval frameworks—figures like Thomas Aquinas (1225–1274) integrated classical philosophy into theology, a practice echoed in Renaissance scholars such as Erasmus.[27] Haskins documented this era's cultural flourishing, including the shift from Romanesque to Gothic architecture by the mid-twelfth century and the emergence of proto-humanist poetry in figures like John of Salisbury (c. 1115–1180), who critiqued tyranny using Ciceronian rhetoric centuries before Petrarch.[26] Artistic and scientific continuities further undermine strict periodization: Gothic cathedrals, such as Chartres (begun 1194), demonstrated optical and structural sophistication comparable to Renaissance engineering, while medieval astronomers like Nicole Oresme (c. 1320–1382) anticipated Copernican ideas through graphical representations of latitude and longitude.[28] Politically, the Italian signorie evolved from medieval podestà systems, with families like the Visconti in Milan consolidating power from the thirteenth century onward through alliances and fiscal policies unchanged in essence from feudal precedents.[28] These threads illustrate that while intensified classical revival occurred post-1400, causal drivers—urban commerce, clerical reforms, and textual dissemination—stemmed from medieval dynamics, rendering the Renaissance less a revolutionary pivot than an acceleration within enduring trajectories.[15]Contemporary Debates on Eurocentrism and Global Contexts
Contemporary scholarship has increasingly questioned the traditional framing of the Renaissance as a predominantly European phenomenon, labeling it Eurocentric for allegedly overlooking parallel cultural revivals and external influences from non-Western civilizations. Critics argue that this perspective marginalizes the role of Islamic scholars in preserving and transmitting ancient Greek texts to Europe via translations in centers like Baghdad and Toledo during the 12th-13th centuries, which laid groundwork for later humanistic studies.[29] [30] However, empirical analysis reveals that while such transmissions occurred, the Renaissance's distinctive synthesis—integrating classical antiquity with empirical observation in fields like anatomy and perspective—occurred uniquely in Italian city-states amid post-plague economic resurgence, without equivalent systemic transformations elsewhere.[31] Proponents of a "Global Renaissance" framework emphasize interconnected trade networks, citing artifacts like Chinese porcelain depicted in 15th-16th century Italian paintings as evidence of early globalization influencing European aesthetics and markets.[32] [33] This view posits that wealth from Asian commerce fueled Italian patronage, challenging narratives of isolated European ingenuity. Yet, causal realism underscores that these imports stimulated demand rather than originating core innovations; for instance, Europe's adoption of Arabic numerals and Indian-originated algorithms via Fibonacci's 1202 Liber Abaci enhanced commerce but did not spawn the period's artistic or philosophical breakthroughs independently.[29] Academic pushes for decolonization often stem from broader critiques of Western hegemony, potentially overstating diffuse influences to diminish Europe's institutional advantages, such as competitive city-states and ecclesiastical reforms enabling secular inquiry.[34] [35] Debates also highlight purported non-European "renaissances," such as the Timurid cultural flourishing in 15th-century Central Asia under Ulugh Beg, featuring astronomical observatories and Persianate arts, or the Ming dynasty's 1368-1644 economic vitality with voyages like Zheng He's 1405-1433 fleets.[36] These examples are invoked to relativize Europe's achievements, suggesting contemporaneous global dynamism. Nevertheless, rigorous comparison shows lacks of analogous humanist reevaluation of antiquity, widespread printing dissemination (Gutenberg's 1450s press revolutionized Europe uniquely), or transitions to experimental science; Timurid advances built on prior Islamic traditions without the rupture toward modernity seen in Europe by 1600.[37] Such critiques, while highlighting valid exchanges, risk anachronistic projection of modern multicultural ideals onto historical causal chains, where Europe's divergence owed more to internal contingencies like the 1347-1351 Black Death's demographic reset than exogenous stimuli alone.[38][39]Chronological and Geographical Framework
Italian Trecento and Quattrocento (c. 1300–1500)
The Trecento, spanning roughly 1300 to 1400, marked initial departures from medieval artistic conventions in Italy, particularly in Florence and Siena, with painters like Giotto di Bondone (c. 1267–1337) introducing greater naturalism and emotional depth in frescoes, such as those in the Scrovegni Chapel completed around 1305.[40] Literature saw vernacular innovations through Dante Alighieri (1265–1321), whose Divine Comedy, finished in 1320, employed Tuscan Italian to explore human psychology and theology, laying groundwork for secular inquiry.[41] Francesco Petrarch (1304–1374), often termed the father of humanism, systematically collected and studied classical Latin manuscripts, emphasizing individual moral introspection in works like his Canzoniere sonnets, while critiquing scholasticism's rigidity.[42] Giovanni Boccaccio (1313–1375) complemented this with the Decameron (1353), a collection of 100 realist tales framed by the Black Death's 1348 outbreak, which killed an estimated 30–60% of Europe's population and spurred economic realignments favoring urban merchants.[43] These efforts reflected causal pressures from post-plague labor shortages and trade growth, fostering proto-humanist focus on human agency over divine predestination. Transitioning into the Quattrocento (1400–1500), Florence emerged as the epicenter due to its wool and banking guilds, with the Medici family's de facto rule from 1434 enabling lavish patronage amid republican facades.[44] Humanism intensified under figures like Coluccio Salutati (1331–1406), Florence's chancellor, who promoted civic virtue drawn from Cicero and advocated studying antiquity for practical governance. Architectural feats symbolized this revival: Filippo Brunelleschi (1377–1446) engineered the Florence Cathedral's octagonal dome (1420–1436), spanning 45 meters without centering scaffolding, by adapting Roman techniques like herringbone brickwork.[45] His demonstrations of linear perspective around 1415 influenced painting, enabling spatial realism. In painting, Masaccio (1401–1428) applied this in the Brancacci Chapel's Tribute Money fresco (c. 1425), using atmospheric perspective and chiaroscuro to depict biblical scenes with volumetric figures, marking a shift from Gothic flatness.[46] Sculpture advanced through Donatello (c. 1386–1466), whose bronze David (c. 1440s), the first freestanding nude since antiquity, captured contrapposto pose and emotional intensity, commissioned likely by the Medici. Sandro Botticelli (c. 1445–1510) synthesized classical mythology with Christian themes in Primavera (c. 1482) and The Birth of Venus (c. 1485), both for Medici villas, blending graceful linework with Neoplatonic allegory under humanist tutor Marsilio Ficino's influence. These innovations stemmed from empirical observation and mathematical rigor, countering medieval symbolism, though continuity with Gothic persisted in regional variations like Sienese persistence. Economic data underscores causation: Florence's 1427 catasto tax records show wealth concentration enabling such commissions, with guild revenues funding public works.[47] By 1500, these foundations propelled Italy's cultural preeminence, though political fragmentation—evident in the 1494 French invasion—exposed vulnerabilities.[48]High Renaissance and Cinquecento in Italy (c. 1490–1527)
The High Renaissance in Italy, spanning approximately from the early 1490s to 1527, represented the culmination of Renaissance artistic principles, emphasizing balanced composition, anatomical precision, and harmonious proportions inspired by classical antiquity while integrating empirical observation of nature.[49] This period saw the convergence of major talents in central Italy, particularly Florence, Milan, and Rome, under influential patronage from figures like Ludovico Sforza in Milan and Popes Julius II and Leo X in Rome. Artists achieved unprecedented realism through techniques such as Leonardo da Vinci's sfumato for subtle tonal transitions and Michelangelo's mastery of contrapposto in sculpture.[50] In Florence and Milan, Leonardo da Vinci exemplified High Renaissance innovation with works like The Last Supper (1495–1498), a mural depicting the biblical scene with dynamic perspectival lines converging on Christ, and the Mona Lisa (c. 1503–1506), renowned for its enigmatic expression and atmospheric landscape background.[51] Michelangelo Buonarroti, working primarily in Florence, sculpted the massive David (1501–1504), a 17-foot marble statue symbolizing republican virtue through its idealized male form and tense musculature derived from anatomical studies.[52] These creations reflected a shift toward monumental scale and emotional depth, prioritizing human potential over medieval symbolism. The period's apex occurred in Rome under Pope Julius II (r. 1503–1513), who summoned artists to the Vatican, fostering competition and collaboration. Raphael Sanzio executed frescoes in the Stanza della Segnatura, including The School of Athens (1509–1511), portraying ancient philosophers in a grand architectural setting that unified diverse figures through rational perspective and graceful poses.[53] Simultaneously, Michelangelo painted the Sistine Chapel ceiling (1508–1512), featuring over 300 figures in scenes from Genesis, with prophetic Sibyls and ignudi showcasing dynamic torsion and luminous color to convey divine creation.[52] Architect Donato Bramante initiated the rebuilding of St. Peter's Basilica in 1506, designing a centralized Greek cross plan influenced by ancient Roman baths, though later modified.[49] The Cinquecento, encompassing the 16th century's early decades, built on these foundations with heightened expressiveness and emotional intensity, as seen in Leonardo's late anatomical drawings and Raphael's portraits like that of Julius II (1511–1512), which captured psychological introspection through stark lighting and simplified forms.[54] Yet, political instability loomed; the 1527 Sack of Rome by mutinous troops of Holy Roman Emperor Charles V resulted in approximately 12,000 deaths, widespread looting of artworks, and dispersal of artists, effectively terminating the High Renaissance's centralized patronage and ushering in Mannerism's stylistic distortions.[55] This event underscored the fragility of Italy's city-states amid European power struggles, redirecting Renaissance impulses northward.[56]Northern Renaissance Expansion (c. 1450–1600)
![Holbein-erasmus.jpg][float-right] The Northern Renaissance, emerging around 1450, represented the adaptation and expansion of Italian humanistic and artistic innovations beyond the Alps, particularly in the Low Countries, Germany, France, and England, where they intertwined with local traditions emphasizing empirical observation, religious reform, and technological advancements. Unlike the Italian focus on classical antiquity and idealized forms, Northern developments prioritized meticulous detail in representation, oil painting techniques for depth and realism, and themes drawn from daily life and Christian devotion. This phase was catalyzed by increased trade contacts, scholarly exchanges, and the migration of ideas facilitated by itinerant artists and intellectuals.[57] A pivotal catalyst was the invention of the movable-type printing press by Johannes Gutenberg in Mainz, Germany, around 1440, with the first major production being the Gutenberg Bible completed by 1455, which enabled the mass reproduction of texts and accelerated the dissemination of humanistic scholarship across Europe. By 1500, printers had produced an estimated 20 million books, compared to a mere handful copied by hand previously, fostering higher literacy rates—reaching perhaps 10-20% in urban Northern areas—and allowing vernacular translations of classical works and the Bible to reach broader audiences. This technological leap not only preserved and spread Italian texts but also amplified Northern critiques of ecclesiastical corruption, laying groundwork for the Protestant Reformation.[58][59] Northern humanism, often termed "Christian humanism," adapted Italian philological methods to biblical and patristic studies, aiming to purify church practices through education and moral philosophy rather than pagan revival. Desiderius Erasmus of Rotterdam (1466–1536), a leading figure, published Enchiridion militis Christiani in 1503 and In Praise of Folly in 1511, satirizing clerical abuses while advocating ad fontes ("to the sources") study of original texts; his works, printed in multiple editions, influenced thousands via the press. Similarly, Thomas More (1478–1535) in England penned Utopia in 1516, envisioning an ideal society grounded in reason and communal ethics, reflecting Northern emphasis on social critique over aesthetic individualism. These thinkers, supported by patrons like the Habsburgs, emphasized ethical application of antiquity to contemporary piety, diverging from Italian secularism.[60][61] In the arts, Albrecht Dürer (1471–1528) bridged Italian and Northern styles after visits to Venice in 1494 and 1505–1507, incorporating linear perspective and proportion into engravings like Melencolia I (1514), which explored intellectual melancholy with precise symbolism, influencing generations through reproducible prints. Hans Holbein the Younger (1497–1543), active in Basel and London, excelled in portraiture, as in his 1523 depiction of Erasmus, capturing psychological depth and material textures via oil glazes, serving Tudor court patrons like Henry VIII. Flemish and German painters, building on earlier masters like Jan van Eyck, advanced oil techniques for hyper-realistic details in works depicting religious narratives and peasant life, contrasting Italian monumental frescoes. By 1600, these innovations had permeated royal courts, such as Francis I's Fontainebleau under Italian imports but with Northern infusions, marking a synthesis that extended Renaissance vitality amid religious upheavals.[57][62]Peripheral and Late Developments (e.g., Iberian, Eastern Europe)
In the Iberian Peninsula, Renaissance influences arrived later than in Italy, arriving primarily through trade, conquests, and royal patronage after the 1492 fall of Granada, which unified Christian kingdoms and ended Muslim rule. Portugal's version, tied to maritime expansion, featured the Manueline style under King Manuel I (r. 1495–1521), an ornate late Gothic-Renaissance hybrid incorporating nautical ropes, anchors, and exotic motifs symbolizing voyages like Vasco da Gama's 1498 route to India; exemplary structures include the Belém Tower (construction 1515–1521) and Jerónimos Monastery (begun 1502).[63][64] In literature, Luís de Camões epitomized this era with Os Lusíadas (1572), an epic celebrating Portuguese discoveries in classical style.[65] Spain's Renaissance blended Italian classicism with Hispano-Flemish painting traditions and a fervent Catholic piety shaped by the Inquisition and Counter-Reformation. Under Philip II (r. 1556–1598), the austere El Escorial complex was built from 1563 to 1584 by Juan Bautista de Toledo and Juan de Herrera, serving as palace, church, and monastery while emphasizing geometric order over ornamentation.[66] Artists like Pedro Berruguete (active c. 1480s–1500s) introduced Italian perspective in works such as Beheading of Saint John the Baptist (c. 1490), while sculptors advanced polychromed wood figures, as in Juan de Juni's Burial of Christ (c. 1541–1544).[66] In Eastern Europe, Renaissance elements spread via dynastic ties and Italian émigrés, adapting to local Gothic frameworks amid Ottoman threats and feudal structures. Hungary's brief flourishing occurred under Matthias Corvinus (r. 1458–1490), whose Buda court hosted humanists and amassed the Bibliotheca Corviniana, a collection of over 2,000 illuminated manuscripts rivaling Italy's, with acquisitions from Florence and Venice funding classical scholarship.[67][68] Poland-Lithuania saw its Renaissance peak in the 16th century under the Jagiellonians, particularly Sigismund I the Old (r. 1506–1548), who employed Italian architects like Bartolomeo Berrecci for the Sigismund Chapel at Wawel Cathedral (built 1517–1533), featuring domed rotundas and classical friezes integrated into Gothic walls.[69] Intellectual advances included Nicolaus Copernicus (1473–1543), whose De revolutionibus orbium coelestium (1543) proposed heliocentrism based on empirical observations, fostering ties to Paduan astronomy.[69] In Bohemia, late developments under Rudolf II (r. 1576–1612) centered on Prague's alchemical court, blending Mannerism with scientific inquiry, though overshadowed by impending religious wars.[70]Economic and Material Underpinnings
Post-Plague Recovery and Demographic Shifts
The Black Death, peaking between 1347 and 1351, resulted in mortality rates estimated at 30–50% across Europe, with some regions experiencing up to 60% losses, fundamentally altering demographic structures through massive depopulation.[71][72][73] In Italy, particularly Florence, the population plummeted from approximately 120,000 in 1338 to 50,000 by 1351, reflecting acute urban vulnerability due to high densities and trade connectivity.[74] This catastrophe disrupted inheritance patterns, elevated surviving women's economic roles through dowries and property access, and spurred migration from rural areas to cities seeking opportunities amid labor scarcity.[75] Recovery was protracted and uneven, with European populations stagnating for decades before gradual rebound; pre-plague levels were not regained until the mid-1500s in many areas, and in some cases extending into the 17th century.[76][77] In Italy, post-1348 Florence saw initial stabilization around 60,000–70,000 by the late 14th century, but recurrent outbreaks and slow natural increase delayed full demographic restoration, fostering lower population densities and higher per capita land and resource availability.[78] These shifts reduced pressure on arable land, enabling transitions toward pastoral economies and intensified commercialization in surviving urban centers like Italian city-states.[79] Demographically, the plague induced structural changes including elevated marriage ages, smaller household sizes, and increased social mobility for lower classes, as labor shortages eroded feudal ties and compelled lords to offer incentives like cash rents over labor services.[80] Real wages for unskilled laborers rose sharply—often doubling in England and comparable regions within a generation—reflecting supply-demand imbalances that empowered workers and fueled proto-capitalist investments in trade and finance, particularly in Tuscany.[81][82] While institutional responses, such as wage caps in 1349 England, aimed to suppress these gains, enforcement proved ineffective, cementing a legacy of heightened inequality alongside broader prosperity for survivors that underpinned later economic dynamism.[83][84]Commercial Revolution: Banking, Trade, and Capitalism's Roots
The Commercial Revolution, spanning the late medieval and early modern periods but intensifying during the Renaissance in Italian city-states, marked a surge in international trade volumes and financial innovations that facilitated capital accumulation and risk management. Italian merchants in centers like Florence, Venice, and Genoa developed tools such as bills of exchange—negotiable instruments allowing payment deferral across distances without transporting coinage—and marine insurance to mitigate losses from shipwrecks, enabling larger-scale ventures into Eastern spices, silks, and dyes. By the 15th century, trade networks extended from the Mediterranean to emerging Atlantic routes, with Genoa specializing in shipbuilding and finance while Venice controlled key Levantine outposts, collectively boosting Europe's bullion inflows and laying groundwork for profit-oriented enterprise.[85] Banking emerged as a pivotal innovation, with Florentine institutions like the Medici Bank exemplifying the shift toward centralized financial operations. Founded in 1397 by Giovanni di Bicci de' Medici, the bank expanded to branches in Venice, Rome, and beyond by the mid-15th century, handling papal revenues and loans to monarchs such as Edward IV of England, amassing wealth through interest-bearing deposits and currency exchange at rates reflecting market arbitrage. This model separated ownership from management via sedentary partnerships, allowing family partners to oversee distant agents and diversify risks across wool trade, alum mining, and ecclesiastical tithes, which by 1420s generated annual profits exceeding 10,000 florins in Florence alone. Double-entry bookkeeping, formalized in Luca Pacioli's 1494 Summa de arithmetica, recorded debits and credits simultaneously to balance ledgers, a practice rooted in Venetian merchant customs that enhanced auditability and scaled commercial trusts.[86][87][88] These developments seeded proto-capitalist structures by prioritizing reinvested profits over subsistence, fostering joint ventures like the commenda—limited-liability contracts pairing investor capital with seafaring expertise—and promoting a money-based economy detached from feudal land ties. In Genoa and Venice, state-backed debt instruments, such as Venice's forced loans yielding 4-5% annually, funded galley fleets and warehouses, while Florentine guilds regulated quality to sustain export competitiveness in textiles, which by 1450 comprised over 70% of the city's output value. Empirical records show per capita wealth in these republics doubling from 1300 to 1500 levels, driven by causal links between secure property rights, enforceable contracts, and demographic recovery post-Black Death, though vulnerabilities like the 1460s Mediterranean piracy waves underscored reliance on naval monopolies. Critics attributing modern capitalism solely to these origins overlook continuity with earlier Hanseatic or Islamic precedents, yet the Italian synthesis uniquely integrated accounting rigor with competitive city-state incentives.[89][90][91]Urbanization, Guilds, and Class Dynamics
The recovery from the Black Death (1347–1351), which reduced Europe's population by 30–60%, facilitated urban expansion in Italy through labor shortages that increased rural-to-urban migration and elevated wages, drawing workers to commercial centers.[92] By the late 15th century, major Italian cities like Florence and Venice each supported populations of approximately 100,000 residents, while others such as Milan, Genoa, and Naples ranged from 55,000 to 80,000, reflecting concentrations driven by trade networks rather than uniform demographic rebound.[93] This urbanization stemmed causally from intensified Mediterranean and overland commerce, including wool, silk, and spice trades, which amplified demand for urban-based banking, shipping, and manufacturing, outpacing rural agricultural constraints.[94] Guilds, or arti in Italian city-states, structured urban economies by regulating crafts, trades, and professions through monopolistic controls on entry, pricing, and quality standards. In Florence, seven Arti Maggiori (major guilds) dominated, encompassing elite sectors like wool (Arte della Lana), banking (Arte del Cambio), and silk, while five middle and fourteen lesser guilds covered artisans such as butchers and bakers; membership required apprenticeships lasting years, enforcing skill transmission but restricting competition.[95] Venetian guilds, numbering 40 to 120 focused on maritime and luxury trades, similarly enforced training and representation to patrons, integrating economic oversight with civic duties like infrastructure maintenance.[96] These organizations wielded political influence, as in Florence where guild enrollment determined eligibility for republican offices, yet their oligarchic tendencies—favoring masters over journeymen—fostered internal hierarchies that prioritized stability over expansive growth.[97] Class dynamics in Renaissance cities pivoted on the ascent of a merchant burgher elite, who leveraged trade wealth to eclipse hereditary nobility, forming a patriciate that intermarried with old elites while excluding lower strata. In Florence, society stratified into nobles (often co-opted merchants), affluent traders and bankers, skilled guild artisans, and unskilled laborers or popolo minuto, with the latter comprising the urban poor vulnerable to economic fluctuations.[98] Guilds amplified tensions by barring non-members from markets and suppressing wage demands, culminating in events like the 1378 Ciompi Revolt, where wool carders and dyers—disenfranchised day laborers—overthrew guild dominance temporarily, exposing fractures between prosperous masters and dependent workers.[99] Such conflicts underscored causal realities: while guilds buffered against feudal fragmentation by standardizing production and fostering collective bargaining, their exclusionary practices entrenched inequality, limiting social mobility for artisans below the master level and correlating with episodic urban unrest amid commercial booms.[100] In Venice, analogous divides between noble merchant families and artisan guilds persisted, though maritime prosperity muted revolts, highlighting how guild-enforced class barriers both stabilized and constrained urban dynamism.[101]Social and Political Structures
Italian City-States: Republicanism vs. Princely Rule
During the Renaissance, the Italian peninsula fragmented into independent city-states, many governed as republics or under princely rule known as signorie, reflecting diverse political experiments amid economic prosperity and interstate rivalries. Republics, such as Venice and Florence, emphasized collective governance through elected councils and guilds, fostering a culture of civic participation and humanism tied to public virtue.[102] In contrast, princely states like Milan and Ferrara concentrated power in hereditary or appointed lords, often former condottieri, prioritizing stability through centralized authority and dynastic alliances.[103] These forms coexisted from the 14th to 16th centuries, with republics generally in maritime or guild-dominated centers and principalities in inland territories vulnerable to imperial claims. Venice exemplified enduring republicanism, maintaining a stable oligarchic system since its refounding in 697 AD, where the Doge, elected for life by noble families, was checked by the Great Council and Senate to prevent autocracy.[104] Power derived from a closed nobility listed in the Golden Book since 1315, enabling consistent maritime expansion and trade dominance without major internal upheavals until the 16th century. Florence, however, experienced turbulent republicanism, with a guild-based constitution established by 1293 under Giano della Bella's Ordinances of Justice, limiting noble power and promoting popolo participation, though frequent signori interregnums and Medici influence from 1434 undermined pure republican ideals.[105] Humanists like Coluccio Salutati (1331–1406), Florence's chancellor, defended republican liberty through active citizenship and classical emulation, arguing self-governance preserved virtue against tyranny. Princely rule emerged where communes failed to balance factions, as in Milan, where Matteo Visconti assumed lordship in 1277, evolving into ducal authority under Gian Galeazzo Visconti (1351–1402), who expanded territory through conquest and diplomacy, ruling over 1 million subjects by 1400. The Sforza dynasty, founded by condottiere Francesco Sforza's marriage to Visconti heiress Bianca in 1450, perpetuated this model, blending military prowess with patronage to legitimize absolutism. In Ferrara, the Este family held signoria from 1240, transforming it into a cultured court under figures like Niccolò III (1393–1441), emphasizing dynastic continuity over electoral processes.[106] These regimes often justified rule via mirror for princes literature, contrasting republican civic humanism by focusing on rulerly prudence rather than collective deliberation.[107] Comparisons reveal republics promoted ideological flexibility and innovation, as Florence's volatile politics inspired Machiavelli's Discourses on Livy (c. 1517), praising mixed government for liberty, while princely states offered administrative efficiency, evident in Milan's centralized taxation funding grand projects.[108] Yet both systems fueled Renaissance patronage: republican Venice supported Bellini and Titian through state commissions, while Sforza Milan hosted Leonardo da Vinci from 1482. Interstate conflicts, like the Milan-Florence wars (1390–1402), highlighted republican resilience against princely aggression, but ultimate vulnerabilities—Florence's Medici restoration as dukes in 1532—underscored how economic elites eroded pure republicanism.[109] Princely courts, conversely, projected magnificence to mask illegitimacy origins, with humanists like Pontano serving Aragonese Naples to reconcile absolutism with virtue.[110] This duality drove political realism, prioritizing survival over ideology amid constant warfare.[103]Northern Monarchies and Centralized Power
In northern Europe during the Renaissance era, monarchs pursued centralization to consolidate authority amid recovering from prolonged conflicts such as the Hundred Years' War and the Wars of the Roses, leveraging increased revenues from trade and taxation to diminish feudal nobility's influence and establish bureaucracies.[111][112] This process contrasted with the fragmented Italian city-states, fostering stronger national states through standing armies, permanent taxation systems, and royal councils that bypassed traditional estates.[113] France under Louis XI (r. 1461–1483) exemplified early centralization, as the king reformed taxation by creating the estates généraux for revenue approval while curbing noble privileges through judicial reorganization and promoting trade via universal coinage.[114] He dismantled Burgundian power after the 1477 death of Charles the Bold, annexing territories like Burgundy and Picardy, which expanded royal domains and funded a proto-standing army of francs-archers numbering around 16,000 by 1480.[115] These measures laid foundations for absolutism, though resisted by the League of the Public Weal in 1465, where nobles rebelled against his fiscal exactions.[116] In England, Henry VII (r. 1485–1509) centralized Tudor rule post-Bosworth Field by confiscating noble lands from Yorkist adherents, amassing a crown treasury exceeding £1.25 million by his death through benevolences and feudal incidents enforced via the Court of Star Chamber.[117] He curtailed private armies by ordinances against retainers and integrated former rivals into royal councils, stabilizing governance after decades of civil war while fostering commerce through acts like the 1489 navigation improvements.[118] This fiscal prudence and legal centralization reduced baronial autonomy, setting precedents for later Tudor sovereignty.[119] The Holy Roman Empire under Maximilian I (r. 1493–1519) saw attempted reforms toward centralization, including the 1495 Reichstag's establishment of the Imperial Chamber Court (Reichskammergericht) for uniform justice and the Ewiger Landfriede peace perpetual to curb private feuds, alongside common penny taxation proposals.[120] However, princely opposition limited success, as diets rejected full fiscal centralization, though Habsburg dynastic unions via marriages expanded personal domains, with Maximilian's Aulic Council (Reichshofrat) handling appeals to bolster imperial oversight.[121] These efforts modernized administration but failed to forge a unified state, reflecting the Empire's federal constraints.[122]Patronage Networks and Elite-Driven Change
Patronage networks in the Renaissance consisted of financial support from wealthy elites, including merchants, bankers, nobility, and clergy, to artists, architects, and scholars, enabling cultural production while serving patrons' interests in prestige, political legitimacy, and religious devotion. This system was elite-driven, with innovations emerging from competition among patrons rather than broad societal demand, as evidenced by the concentration of major commissions in urban centers like Florence and Rome where fortunes from trade and banking accumulated.[123] In Florence, the Medici banking family exemplified this model, rising to de facto rule after Cosimo de' Medici's consolidation of power in 1434 through strategic loans and civic benefactions. Cosimo (1389–1464) commissioned Filippo Brunelleschi's dome for Florence Cathedral, completed in 1436, and supported Donatello's sculptures, using these projects to enhance family influence amid republican facades. His grandson Lorenzo de' Medici (1449–1492) extended patronage to Sandro Botticelli, Leonardo da Vinci, and Michelangelo Buonarroti, funding works like Botticelli's Birth of Venus (c. 1485) and establishing a Platonic Academy that promoted humanist scholarship, thereby linking artistic revival to Medici political dominance.[124][125] Papal patronage amplified elite-driven change in Rome, where popes leveraged Church wealth for monumental projects that asserted spiritual and temporal authority. Pope Julius II (r. 1503–1513) hired Michelangelo in 1508 to paint the Sistine Chapel ceiling, completed by 1512, and commissioned Donato Bramante to redesign St. Peter's Basilica starting in 1506, alongside Raphael's Vatican Stanze frescoes (1508–1511), transforming Rome into a Renaissance artistic hub through centralized Vatican funding. His successor, Leo X (r. 1513–1521), a Medici pope, continued this by employing Raphael until the artist's death in 1520 and financing lavish expenditures exceeding 4.5 million ducats on arts and indulgences, though critics like Martin Luther highlighted fiscal strains from such patronage.[126][123][127] In Northern Europe, merchant-bankers and courts formed analogous networks, with the Fugger family of Augsburg providing loans to Habsburg rulers while commissioning art to symbolize their ascent. Jakob Fugger (1459–1525) funded the Fugger Chapel in St. Anne's Church (1512–1518), incorporating designs influenced by Albrecht Dürer, and supported humanist endeavors, intertwining economic power with cultural patronage. Habsburg Emperor Maximilian I (r. 1493–1519) patronized Dürer for woodcuts and manuscripts like the Triumphal Arch (1515), using art to propagate imperial ideology amid fragmented feudal structures, demonstrating how northern elites adapted Italian models to consolidate authority through visual propaganda and scholarly courts.[128][129] These networks propelled change by incentivizing artistic excellence through rivalry—such as Medici-Sforza competitions in Italy or papal-imperial displays—fostering technical advances like linear perspective and anatomical precision, grounded in patrons' demands for grandeur rather than abstract humanism alone. Empirical evidence from surviving contracts and ledgers shows commissions tied to specific elite agendas, like lineage glorification, underscoring causal links between concentrated wealth and cultural output, distinct from later democratized arts.[125][123]Warfare, Diplomacy, and Interstate Rivalries
The Italian city-states of the Renaissance era, including Milan, Venice, Florence, Naples, and the Papal States, were locked in persistent interstate rivalries driven by territorial expansion, trade route control, and dynastic ambitions. These conflicts, spanning the 14th and 15th centuries, often involved shifting alliances and proxy warfare to avoid direct annihilation of rival powers. Warfare relied heavily on condottieri, professional mercenary captains who commanded private armies hired by city-states for their expertise in cavalry charges and infantry maneuvers, prioritizing economic sustainability over total victory to preserve forces for future contracts.[130][131] This system incentivized tactical caution, as evidenced in battles like the 1440 Battle of Anghiari, where Florentine-Venetian forces under condottiero Francesco Sforza defeated Milanese troops but refrained from pursuit to limit casualties. The condottieri's unreliability, however, bred distrust; captains like Sigismondo Malatesta frequently switched sides for higher pay, exacerbating Florence's military vulnerabilities as noted by contemporaries. Diplomacy emerged as a counterbalance, with Italian states pioneering resident ambassadors—permanent envoys in foreign courts—to gather intelligence and negotiate treaties, fostering a proto-balance-of-power system.[132] The 1454 Peace of Lodi formalized this equilibrium among Milan, Venice, Florence, Naples, and the Papal States, establishing mutual recognition of territories and collective defense against external threats, which curtailed major inter-state wars for nearly four decades. Niccolò Machiavelli, serving as a Florentine diplomat from 1498, critiqued the overreliance on mercenaries and disunity in his The Prince (1513) and The Art of War (1521), arguing for citizen militias and pragmatic alliances to secure state survival amid rivalries. This diplomatic framework collapsed in 1494 when Ludovico Sforza, Duke of Milan, invited French King Charles VIII to invade Naples over dynastic claims, triggering the Italian Wars (1494–1559).[131][133][134] Charles VIII's rapid conquest of Naples with artillery-equipped armies exposed Italian vulnerabilities to gunpowder tactics, prompting the 1495 League of Venice—an anti-French coalition of the Papal States, Holy Roman Empire, Spain, and Italian powers—that forced his retreat but invited prolonged foreign intervention. Subsequent phases involved Spanish forces under Gonzalo de Córdoba defeating France at Cerignola (1503) and Garigliano (1503), shifting dominance southward, while Habsburg-Valois rivalries overlaid Italian theaters, culminating in the 1559 Treaty of Cateau-Cambrésis that entrenched Spanish hegemony over much of the peninsula. These wars, costing hundreds of thousands of lives and devastating economies, underscored the fragility of Italy's fragmented politics against unified monarchies.[133][133][135] Beyond Italy, Renaissance-era rivalries extended to northern Europe, where emerging monarchies like France and the Habsburg Empire clashed in conflicts such as the 1477 Battle of Nancy, where Swiss pikemen decisively defeated Burgundian forces, influencing mercenary adoption continent-wide. Diplomatic innovations spread northward, with figures like England's Thomas Cromwell employing Italian-style envoys, though interstate dynamics remained dominated by feudal levies transitioning to professional standing armies amid the Ottoman threat post-1453 Constantinople fall.[136][137]Intellectual and Scientific Transformations
Humanism: Ad Fontes and Classical Revival
Renaissance humanism initiated a movement to return directly to ancient sources, encapsulated in the principle ad fontes ("to the sources"), which urged scholars to bypass medieval scholastic interpretations and engage original Greek and Roman texts for authentic understanding. This approach, rooted in 14th-century Italy, emphasized the recovery and study of classical literature to revive human-centered learning, focusing on eloquence, ethics, and civic virtue derived from antiquity. Francesco Petrarch (1304-1374), often regarded as the movement's progenitor, exemplified this by discovering Cicero's letters to Atticus, Quintus, and Brutus in Verona in 1345, providing unprecedented insight into the Roman orator's personal thoughts and style.[138] These finds inspired a broader quest for lost manuscripts, shifting intellectual priorities from theological abstraction to empirical engagement with historical human experience.[139] The classical revival accelerated in the early 15th century through systematic manuscript hunts in monastic libraries across Europe. Poggio Bracciolini (1380-1459), a Florentine humanist and papal secretary, rediscovered key works including Quintilian's Institutio Oratoria in 1416 at St. Gallen Abbey and Lucretius's De Rerum Natura around 1417, texts that had been obscured for centuries and offered fresh perspectives on rhetoric and Epicurean philosophy.[140] Coluccio Salutati (1331-1406), as Chancellor of Florence from 1375, actively promoted this revival by collecting classical manuscripts, corresponding with scholars, and defending the active civic life inspired by Cicero against contemplative monasticism.[141] His efforts fostered an environment where humanism intertwined with republican governance, arguing that classical study equipped citizens for moral and political excellence.[142] By the mid-15th century, the studia humanitatis formalized humanism's educational framework, comprising grammar, rhetoric, poetry, history, and moral philosophy drawn from classical authors to cultivate virtuous individuals. This curriculum, distinct from medieval trivium and quadrivium, prioritized Latin and Greek proficiency to access originals, influencing universities and courts across Italy.[143] The influx of Byzantine scholars after the 1439 Council of Florence further enriched this revival, introducing Greek texts like Plato's dialogues, which humanists translated and integrated into Latin scholarship.[144] Printing's advent post-1450 amplified dissemination, enabling wider scrutiny of sources and embedding ad fontes as a methodological cornerstone that challenged authoritative traditions with textual evidence.[145]Empirical Science and Technological Innovations
The Renaissance fostered a growing emphasis on empirical observation in natural philosophy, as scholars and practitioners began systematically challenging ancient authorities through direct examination of nature. This approach contrasted with medieval scholastic reliance on textual exegesis, driven by practical demands in medicine, engineering, and astronomy. Dissections, once rare and regulated, became more common, enabling corrections to classical errors.[146] In anatomy, Leonardo da Vinci exemplified empirical rigor by dissecting approximately 30 human cadavers between the late 15th and early 16th centuries, producing over 200 detailed drawings that revealed inaccuracies in Galen's descriptions, such as the structure of the heart and uterus.[146][147] His studies, conducted primarily in Florence and Milan, integrated artistic perspective with physiological insight, anticipating modern scientific illustration. Building on such work, Andreas Vesalius published De humani corporis fabrica in 1543, a comprehensive atlas based on personal dissections of executed criminals, which systematically refuted Galenic anatomy through empirical evidence and precise woodcut illustrations.[148][149] Astronomy saw parallel developments, with Nicolaus Copernicus proposing a heliocentric model in De revolutionibus orbium coelestium, published in 1543, grounded in mathematical calculations and observations that simplified planetary motions compared to Ptolemaic epicycles.[150] This work, though not immediately overturning geocentrism, prioritized empirical data over philosophical presuppositions of Earth-centered cosmos. In mathematics, Luca Pacioli's Summa de arithmetica, geometria, proportioni et proportionalita (1494) codified double-entry bookkeeping, a practical innovation for verifying commercial transactions through balanced debits and credits, reflecting empirical accounting methods honed in Venetian trade.[151][152] Technological innovations complemented these scientific advances, enhancing precision and dissemination. Johannes Gutenberg's movable-type printing press, operational by 1450, enabled rapid production of texts like Vesalius's and Copernicus's works, multiplying access to empirical findings beyond manuscript scarcity. Mechanical clocks, refined from 14th-century prototypes with escapement mechanisms, provided accurate timekeeping by the 15th century, supporting astronomical observations and urban scheduling.[153] Advances in gunpowder weaponry, including cast-iron cannons by the mid-15th century, demanded empirical testing of metallurgy and ballistics, altering fortifications and warfare tactics.[154] These innovations, rooted in iterative experimentation, laid groundwork for later scientific revolutions, though adoption varied by region and faced resistance from entrenched traditions.[155]Navigation, Cartography, and Exploratory Drives
Advancements in navigational instruments during the Renaissance facilitated long-distance voyages by enabling more precise determination of position at sea. The magnetic compass, refined with better pivots and cards by the 15th century, allowed sailors to maintain direction independently of landmarks.[156] The astrolabe, adapted for maritime use, measured the altitude of celestial bodies to estimate latitude, with improvements in design by Portuguese navigators around 1450.[157] The quadrant and cross-staff, developed in the 14th and 15th centuries, provided simpler alternatives for angle measurement, reducing errors in open-ocean navigation.[158] Shipbuilding innovations, such as the caravel with lateen sails for windward sailing and the larger carrack for cargo and artillery, extended range and capacity, as seen in Portuguese expeditions from the 1440s.[157] Cartographic progress integrated empirical observation with classical knowledge, producing maps that supported exploratory planning. Portolan charts, originating in the Mediterranean by the late 13th century and refined in the Renaissance, featured rhumb lines and coastal details derived from sailor reports, aiding precise coastal navigation without latitude-longitude grids.[159] The rediscovery of Ptolemy's Geographia in 1400, translated and printed in 1477, introduced systematic coordinates and projections, influencing maps like those by Henricus Martellus in 1491 that incorporated new Atlantic findings.[160] By 1502, the Cantino planisphere depicted Portuguese routes around Africa to India, blending portolan accuracy with Ptolemaic frameworks and recent discoveries, though it contained distortions due to secrecy and incomplete data.[161] Exploratory drives stemmed from economic imperatives to access Asian spices and African gold, circumventing Ottoman control of land routes after Constantinople's fall in 1453, alongside religious motives to counter Islam and spread Christianity.[162] Portugal, under Prince Henry the Navigator from 1415, sponsored voyages along Africa, capturing Ceuta in 1415, rounding Cape Bojador in 1434, and establishing forts like Elmina in 1482 for slave and gold trade.[163] Bartolomeu Dias reached the Cape of Good Hope in 1488, and Vasco da Gama arrived in Calicut, India, in 1498, opening direct sea routes that boosted Lisbon's economy with pepper imports rising tenfold by 1503.[164] Spain, seeking western alternatives, funded Christopher Columbus's 1492 voyage, landing in the Bahamas and initiating American colonization, driven by Ferdinand and Isabella's unification in 1479 and rivalry with Portugal.[165] These efforts, fueled by Renaissance curiosity and state monopolies, expanded European knowledge but prioritized profit, with treaties like Tordesillas in 1494 dividing spheres to avert conflict.[166]Philosophical Realism vs. Scholastic Legacies
Scholasticism, the dominant philosophical methodology of the Middle Ages, integrated Aristotelian logic with Christian theology through systematic disputation and quaestio format, as exemplified in the works of Thomas Aquinas (c. 1225–1274), who synthesized faith and reason in his Summa Theologica completed by 1274.[167] This approach emphasized metaphysical universals and deductive reasoning from authoritative texts, maintaining influence in Renaissance universities, particularly in faculties of theology and arts, where it structured curricula around commentaries on Aristotle and Averroes.[167] Despite its endurance, scholasticism faced criticism for prioritizing verbal subtleties over practical ethics and empirical engagement, with detractors arguing it fostered arid speculation disconnected from observable reality.[167] Renaissance humanists initiated a philosophical counter-movement by advocating ad fontes—a direct return to classical sources—over layered scholastic interpretations, promoting rhetoric and moral philosophy as tools for understanding human nature and civic life.[167] Francesco Petrarca (1304–1374) lambasted scholastic dialecticians in his Invectives against a Detractor of the Study of Poetry (c. 1340s) for their barbarous Latin and obsession with insoluble quaestiones, favoring instead the eloquent realism of Cicero and Virgil to guide virtuous action.[167] Lorenzo Valla (1407–1457) extended this critique linguistically in On the Donation of Constantine (1440), dismantling scholastic reliance on forged documents through philological analysis, thus privileging historical and textual evidence over deductive authority.[167] This shift toward philosophical realism manifested in revived ancient doctrines emphasizing the independent reality of forms and direct causal inquiry into the world. Marsilio Ficino (1433–1499), under Medici patronage, founded the Florentine Platonic Academy around 1462 and completed translations of Plato's complete works between 1463 and 1469, positing eternal Ideas as ontologically real intermediaries between God and matter, which enabled a harmonious Christian Platonism focused on the soul's ascent through contemplative knowledge.[168] Ficino's Platonic Theology (1482) argued for the immortality of the soul via rational demonstration from natural effects, critiquing overly theological scholastic proofs while retaining metaphysical realism against nominalist reductions.[169] In northern Italy, Aristotelian naturalism provided another vector for realism, as Pietro Pomponazzi (1462–1525) contended in On the Immortality of the Soul (1516) that reason alone yields only probable arguments for personal immortality, aligning philosophical conclusions with observable human capacities rather than ecclesiastical mandates, which provoked papal condemnation in 1518 but underscored a commitment to causal explanations grounded in experience.[167] Giovanni Pico della Mirandola (1463–1494) synthesized these strands in his Oration on the Dignity of Man (1486), portraying humans as indeterminate beings capable of self-fashioning through free will and intellectual ascent, rejecting deterministic scholastic frameworks for a dynamic realism of potentiality realized in action.[167] Though humanist critiques portrayed scholasticism as obsolete, the tradition persisted robustly, with figures like Juan Luis Vives (1493–1540) incorporating empirical methods into educational reform while engaging scholastic logic, indicating continuity rather than rupture; modern historiographical narratives sometimes exaggerate the divide to fit progressive teleologies, overlooking hybrid syntheses in Renaissance thought.[170][167] This tension between inherited scholastic rigor and emergent realistic orientations—prioritizing primary texts, observation, and ethical applicability—fostered philosophical pluralism, laying groundwork for later scientific methodologies without fully supplanting medieval legacies.[167]Artistic and Literary Expressions
Innovations in Painting, Sculpture, and Perspective
The development of linear perspective marked a pivotal innovation in Renaissance art, enabling artists to depict three-dimensional space on a two-dimensional surface with mathematical precision. Filippo Brunelleschi devised the technique around 1415 through experiments involving peepholes, mirrors, and painted panels of Florentine architecture, such as the Baptistery, to demonstrate vanishing points and depth.[171] Leon Battista Alberti formalized these principles in his 1435 treatise Della pittura, describing how parallel lines converge at a single vanishing point on the horizon, a method rooted in optical observation rather than medieval symbolic conventions.[172] Masaccio applied this innovation in his Holy Trinity fresco (c. 1427) at Santa Maria Novella in Florence, where architectural elements recede convincingly into space, creating an illusion of barrel vaulting that integrates the viewer into the sacred scene.[173] In painting, artists shifted toward naturalistic representation, emphasizing anatomical accuracy, light effects, and emotional depth over stylized medieval forms. Techniques like chiaroscuro, using stark contrasts between light and shadow to model volume, emerged to enhance realism; Leonardo da Vinci mastered this in works like the Mona Lisa (1503–1506), where subtle tonal gradations suggest form and atmosphere.[174] Leonardo further pioneered sfumato, a method of blending colors without harsh lines to achieve smoky transitions, as seen in the Mona Lisa's hazy backgrounds and facial contours, allowing for greater subtlety in expressing mood and distance.[174] In the North, Jan van Eyck advanced oil painting in the 1420s–1430s by refining glazing techniques, which permitted luminous details and layered transparency unattainable in tempera, as exemplified in the Arnolfini Portrait (1434).[175] Sculpture innovations revived classical ideals of proportion, movement, and humanism, departing from Gothic rigidity. Donatello's bronze David (c. 1440s), the first freestanding nude male figure since antiquity, employed contrapposto—a pose shifting weight to one leg for natural contrapposto and dynamic tension—demonstrating precise anatomy and bronze-casting expertise.[176] Michelangelo elevated this in his marble David (1501–1504), a 17-foot colossus carved from a flawed block, featuring exaggerated contrapposto, tensed musculature, and intense gaze to convey heroic resolve, influencing subsequent grand-scale public monuments.[177] These advances, grounded in dissection studies and antique study, prioritized empirical observation of the human form, fostering sculptures that appeared lifelike and psychologically engaging.[176]Literature, Vernacular Languages, and Printing's Role
The Renaissance witnessed a significant shift toward vernacular languages in literature, beginning in Italy during the 14th century, where authors increasingly composed works in Tuscan Italian rather than Latin to reach broader audiences beyond clerical elites.[178] Dante Alighieri's Divine Comedy, completed around 1320, exemplified this trend by employing Tuscan dialect to narrate a theological and moral journey, thereby elevating vernacular Italian as a vehicle for profound philosophical and poetic expression.[179] Francesco Petrarch, active from the early 14th century, further advanced vernacular poetry through his Canzoniere, a collection of over 300 sonnets and songs in Italian that drew on classical forms while exploring personal emotion and humanism.[180] Giovanni Boccaccio's Decameron, published in 1353, used prose in Tuscan to depict realistic human stories amid the Black Death, blending classical influences with everyday vernacular speech and influencing narrative techniques across Europe.[181] This vernacular momentum extended northward, fostering national literatures that reflected local cultures while engaging Renaissance ideals of individualism and antiquity. In England, Geoffrey Chaucer's The Canterbury Tales, composed in Middle English around 1400, satirized society through diverse vernacular voices, predating but aligning with Renaissance humanism by prioritizing accessible language over Latin universality.[182] In France, François Villon's poetry in the late 15th century employed Old French vernacular to confront mortality and urban life, bridging medieval traditions with emerging secular themes.[179] These works democratized literary participation, as vernacular composition allowed non-Latin speakers—merchants, courtiers, and emerging middle classes—to engage with and produce texts, though Latin persisted among humanists for scholarly precision.[178] The invention of the movable-type printing press by Johannes Gutenberg in Mainz, Germany, around 1440 profoundly amplified the dissemination of vernacular literature, enabling rapid, cost-effective reproduction of texts.[58] Gutenberg's press produced the first major printed book, the 42-line Bible, by 1455, using metal type cast from alloys to create durable, reusable characters that surpassed handwritten manuscripts in speed and accuracy.[59] By 1500, European presses had output an estimated 20 million volumes, slashing book costs from months of scribal labor to days of mechanical printing, which broadened access to literature for universities, courts, and urban readers.[183] Printing's causal role in Renaissance literature lay in its standardization and propagation of vernacular works, fixing dialects into authoritative forms that accelerated linguistic unification—such as Tuscan becoming standard Italian through reprints of Dante and Boccaccio—and fueling cultural exchange across borders.[58] Presses in Venice and Florence, hubs of Italian publishing by the 1470s, churned out editions of Petrarch's poetry and Boccaccio's tales, reaching audiences in Germany and France, while also printing humanist tracts that intertwined classical revival with native tongues.[59] This technological leap not only preserved fragile manuscripts but also amplified literary innovation, as authors like Niccolò Machiavelli composed The Prince in 1513 Italian, anticipating print's role in political discourse, though it initially circulated in manuscript before wider dissemination.[180] Empirical evidence from incunabula records shows vernacular titles comprising up to 40% of early prints by 1500, underscoring how printing causally linked literary vernacularization to broader intellectual currents without inventing Renaissance humanism itself.[58]Architecture and Urban Design
Renaissance architecture marked a departure from the verticality and ornate tracery of Gothic styles toward a revival of classical Roman principles, emphasizing symmetry, proportion, geometric clarity, and the use of orders such as Doric, Ionic, and Corinthian columns. This shift began in Florence around 1400, driven by architects who studied ancient ruins and Vitruvius's De architectura, applying mathematical ratios and linear perspective to create harmonious structures that reflected humanist ideals of balance and human scale. Key innovations included the centralized plan for churches, rounded arches over pointed ones, and domes without extensive scaffolding, prioritizing structural rationality over medieval mysticism.[45][184] Filippo Brunelleschi (1377–1446), trained as a goldsmith before turning to architecture, pioneered these techniques with the dome of Florence's Cathedral of Santa Maria del Fiore, begun in 1420 and completed in 1436 without wooden centering, using a double-shell design with herringbone brickwork and iron chains for tension. Spanning 45.5 meters in diameter, it remains the largest masonry dome ever built, demonstrating empirical engineering that influenced subsequent designs by distributing weight through octagonal ribs and avoiding the collapse risks seen in ancient Roman examples like the Pantheon.[185] Leon Battista Alberti (1404–1472) formalized these principles in his treatise De re aedificatoria (c. 1452, first printed 1485), advocating for buildings to embody concinnitas—aesthetic harmony derived from numerical proportions—and integrating architecture with urban context through classical facades and pilasters. His designs, such as the facade of Santa Maria Novella in Florence (completed 1470), superimposed superimposed orders to unify disparate Gothic elements with Renaissance clarity, while Palazzo Rucellai (c. 1446–1451) introduced rusticated stonework progressing from rough at the base to smooth at the top, symbolizing social ascent and classical solidity.[186][187] Urban design during the Renaissance extended these ideals to city planning, promoting rational layouts with wide streets, piazzas for civic assembly, and defensive walls integrated with aesthetic symmetry, as theorized in treatises envisioning "ideal cities" centered on human welfare and defensible geometry. In Ferrara, urban expansions under the Este family from the late 15th century created gridded districts with orthogonal streets and balanced public spaces, earning recognition as an exemplar of planned Renaissance urbanism that subordinated medieval irregularity to proportional order. Michelangelo's Piazza del Campidoglio in Rome (begun 1536) exemplified this by trapezoidal paving and radiating facades converging on a central equestrian statue, fostering a sense of enclosure and perspective that manipulated space for perceptual harmony.[188][189][190] These developments were patron-driven, with merchant republics like Florence funding palazzi and churches to assert status, while papal commissions in Rome, such as Donato Bramante's initial plans for St. Peter's Basilica (1506), adapted classical temples to Christian liturgy, blending empirical observation of ruins with Vitruvian theory to prioritize durability and visual unity over Gothic excess.[191]Music, Theater, and Performance Arts
Renaissance music emphasized polyphonic textures, with composers employing imitation and controlled dissonance to enhance textual clarity in sacred works like masses and motets.[192] Early figures such as Guillaume Dufay (c. 1397–1474) advanced cyclic masses unifying sections thematically, while the Franco-Flemish school, including Josquin des Prez (c. 1450–1521), refined imitative counterpoint in motets and chansons, influencing courts across Europe.[193] Giovanni Pierluigi da Palestrina (c. 1525–1594) composed over 100 masses, adhering to Counter-Reformation guidelines from the Council of Trent (1545–1563) that prioritized intelligibility of liturgy over dense polyphony.[192] Secular forms evolved with the Italian madrigal in the 1520s, featuring expressive word-painting by composers like Luca Marenzio, spreading to England by 1588 with publications of works by Thomas Morley.[194] Theater in Renaissance Italy revived classical models through erudite comedies, such as Machiavelli's Mandragola (1518), performed in private settings with rudimentary staging of curtained booths before 1500.[195] Innovations included perspectival scenery and the proscenium arch, exemplified by the Teatro Olimpico in Vicenza, completed in 1584 by Andrea Palladio to evoke ancient Roman theaters.[196] Commedia dell'arte emerged around the mid-16th century as a professional, improvised form using stock characters like Harlequin and Pantalone, performed by touring troupes without scripts but with lazzi (comic routines), originating in northern Italy and documented in performances as early as 1551 in Rome.[197] [198] This contrasted with scripted neoclassical tragedy, though both drew from rediscovered texts like Terence's comedies, fostering ensemble acting and masks for archetype portrayal.[199] Performance arts integrated music, dance, and spectacle in courtly masques, which combined allegorical poetry, choreographed dances, and lavish costumes to glorify patrons, developing from Italian intermedii into English forms under Ben Jonson from 1605.[200] Dances such as the pavane (a processional in duple meter) and galliard (lively triple-meter jumps) structured social and theatrical events, often notated in manuals like Thoinot Arbeau's Orchésographie (1589), emphasizing measured steps derived from medieval basse danse but refined for Renaissance humanism's bodily proportion ideals.[201] Late developments blurred lines with opera's emergence; the Florentine Camerata's experiments in monody around 1600 culminated in Claudio Monteverdi's L'Orfeo (1607), the first surviving opera, integrating recitative, arias, and orchestral continuo to dramatize ancient myths with emotional immediacy.[202] These forms relied on aristocratic and ecclesiastical patronage, prioritizing aesthetic harmony over medieval moralism.[203]Religious and Theological Dimensions
Catholic Church's Patronage and Internal Reforms
The Catholic Church, as a central institution in Renaissance Europe, extended substantial patronage to artists, architects, and scholars, funding projects that blended classical antiquity with Christian iconography to enhance its prestige and doctrinal messaging. Popes during the early 16th century, in particular, transformed Rome into a hub of artistic innovation, commissioning works that exemplified Renaissance mastery in perspective, anatomy, and humanism. This support derived from papal revenues, including tithes and indulgences, which financed monumental endeavors amid the Church's temporal power in the Papal States.[204][205] Pope Julius II (r. 1503–1513), often termed the "Warrior Pope" for his military campaigns, allocated resources to architectural and pictorial projects that symbolized papal authority. In 1506, he authorized the demolition of the old St. Peter's Basilica and its reconstruction, initially designed by Donato Bramante in a centralized Greek-cross plan inspired by ancient Roman baths. Julius also contracted Michelangelo Buonarroti in 1508 to fresco the Sistine Chapel ceiling, a project completed by 1512 featuring over 300 figures depicting Genesis scenes and prophets, integrating pagan-inspired musculature with biblical narrative. These commissions not only employed leading talents but also positioned the Vatican as a rival to secular courts like those in Florence and Mantua.[206][207] Under Pope Leo X (r. 1513–1521), a Medici scion educated in humanism, patronage intensified, emphasizing literature and visual arts to cultivate an image of cultured piety. Leo employed Raphael Sanzio for the decoration of the Vatican Stanze (Apostolic Palace rooms) from 1508 onward, including the School of Athens fresco (completed c. 1511), which portrayed philosophers like Plato and Aristotle in a harmonious classical setting, subtly endorsing Church-sanctioned intellectual synthesis. He further supported printing of classical texts and theological works, fostering a papal library that amassed thousands of manuscripts. Such investments, totaling millions of ducats, advanced techniques like oil glazing and linear perspective while reinforcing ecclesiastical orthodoxy through themed commissions.[208][205][209] Parallel to this artistic munificence, the Church confronted endemic internal issues—simony, clerical concubinage, absenteeism, and nepotism—that undermined its moral authority and fueled demands for reform from within. Popes like Pius II (r. 1458–1464) issued bulls against simony in 1460, prohibiting the sale of benefices, yet enforcement faltered due to reliance on familial networks for stability. The pontificate of Alexander VI (r. 1492–1503) exemplified excesses, with allegations of multiple mistresses, children elevated to cardinalships (including Cesare and Giovanni Borgia), and political machinations that prioritized dynastic gain over spiritual oversight. These practices, documented in contemporary accounts like those of Johannes Burchard, eroded trust and amplified critiques from humanists such as Giovanni Pico della Mirandola, who advocated scriptural purity over ritualistic abuses.[210] Efforts at systemic reform materialized in councils like the Fifth Lateran (1512–1517), convened by Julius II and continued under Leo X, which decreed measures against indulgences abuses, mandated better clerical education, and prohibited printing without ecclesiastical approval to curb heterodox ideas. Comprised of 115 sessions and involving bishops from across Europe, the council aimed to restore discipline without doctrinal upheaval, yet its edicts largely went unenforced, hampered by papal resistance to curial curtailment and the sale of offices for revenue. This limited efficacy stemmed from causal factors including the Church's entanglement in Italian wars, which diverted funds from reform to military needs, and the absence of mechanisms for accountability beyond papal whim. Consequently, while patronage elevated cultural output, unresolved corruptions sowed seeds for broader schisms, as evidenced by rising anticlerical sentiment in the 1520s.[210][211]Heterodox Currents and Anticlericalism
Heterodox currents in the Renaissance emerged from the humanist emphasis on returning to original sources, fostering critical scrutiny of established ecclesiastical doctrines. Lorenzo Valla's 1440 treatise On the Donation of Constantine employed philological analysis to prove that the document, allegedly granting the Pope temporal authority over the Western Roman Empire, was an 8th-century forgery composed around 750 AD, thus eroding the basis for papal secular power claims.[212][213] This work, written under the patronage of King Alfonso V of Naples amid tensions with Pope Eugenius IV, exemplified the application of classical learning to dismantle medieval fabrications.[214] Anticlericalism gained traction amid widespread perceptions of clerical corruption, including simony, nepotism, and moral laxity during the Renaissance papacy. Popes such as Alexander VI (r. 1492–1503), a member of the Borgia family, exemplified these abuses through favoritism toward relatives and involvement in political intrigues, fueling public disillusionment with the Church hierarchy.[215] Literary works amplified these critiques; Giovanni Boccaccio's Decameron (completed 1353) featured numerous tales satirizing hypocritical monks, licentious friars, and corrupt priests, reflecting lay skepticism toward monastic vows and ecclesiastical privileges. Such narratives drew from observed realities of clerical misconduct, contributing to a cultural undercurrent of distrust without yet advocating schism. Philosophers like Giovanni Pico della Mirandola pushed heterodox boundaries by synthesizing disparate traditions. In 1486, Pico announced 900 theses for public debate in Rome, incorporating Kabbalistic, Hermetic, and Zoroastrian elements alongside Christian theology, which prompted Pope Innocent VIII to condemn 13 of them as heretical and cancel the disputation.[216] Pico's subsequent Apology defended his syncretism as compatible with orthodoxy, but it highlighted tensions between Renaissance eclecticism and dogmatic constraints. Similarly, Girolamo Savonarola, a Dominican preacher in Florence, denounced papal and Medici corruption from 1490 onward, organizing the 1497 Bonfire of the Vanities against secular excesses and prophesying divine judgment, actions that led to his excommunication in 1497 and execution for heresy in 1498. These figures embodied challenges to institutional authority, prioritizing moral reform and intellectual freedom over unquestioned obedience, though their efforts often provoked ecclesiastical backlash rather than systemic change.[217]Renaissance Thought's Compatibility with Christianity
Renaissance humanism demonstrated significant compatibility with Christianity through the development of Christian humanism, which integrated classical learning with biblical theology and patristic traditions. Thinkers viewed ancient pagan philosophy not as antithetical to faith but as containing partial truths that anticipated or harmonized with Christian revelation, a perspective rooted in the concept of prisca theologia—the idea of a primordial theology shared across traditions.[216] This approach allowed humanists to revive Greek and Roman texts while subordinating them to Christian doctrine, emphasizing moral reform, education in virtue, and a return to scriptural sources over scholastic abstraction.[218] Desiderius Erasmus exemplified this synthesis in his Philosophia Christi, advocating a "philosophy of Christ" that prioritized inner piety, ethical living, and critical study of the New Testament over ritualistic or dogmatic excesses. Born in 1466 and active until 1536, Erasmus promoted ad fontes—"to the sources"—urging direct engagement with original Greek texts of Scripture to purify doctrine and practice, thereby aligning humanist philology with evangelical zeal.[218] His works, such as the 1516 Novum Instrumentum omne, corrected Vulgate errors and influenced reforms within Catholicism, demonstrating how Renaissance textual criticism reinforced rather than undermined Christian orthodoxy.[218] Erasmus explicitly described his thought as Christian humanism, blending classical rhetoric and ethics with devotion to Christ as the model of human dignity and freedom.[218] Giovanni Pico della Mirandola further illustrated compatibility by attempting a grand synthesis of disparate traditions in his 900 Theses of 1486, drawing from Plato, Aristotle, Kabbalah, and Zoroastrianism to affirm core Christian doctrines like the Trinity and Incarnation.[216] Pico argued that all authentic philosophies converged on truth, with pagan wisdom serving as preparatory for Christianity, as seen in his Heptaplus (1489), an allegorical commentary on Genesis integrating Neoplatonism with Mosaic revelation.[216] Though condemned by papal decree for some theses, Pico's project as founder of Christian Kabbalah aimed to deepen faith through esoteric interpretation, positioning Renaissance eclecticism as a tool for theological enrichment rather than heresy.[216] The influence of medieval synthesizers like Thomas Aquinas persisted into the Renaissance, providing a model for reconciling Aristotelian reason with theology, which humanists adapted to emphasize human potential within a divine order.[219] Aquinas's Summa Theologica (completed 1274) demonstrated faith's harmony with natural philosophy, inspiring Renaissance figures to pursue empirical inquiry and classical revival without abandoning providence or grace.[219] This compatibility fostered patronage from the Church, including popes like Nicholas V (1447–1455), who funded translations of Plato and Aristotle, viewing them as compatible with Augustinian and Thomistic frameworks. Overall, Renaissance thought's emphasis on human dignity imago Dei—as articulated in Pico's Oration on the Dignity of Man (1486)—aligned closely with Christian anthropology, portraying humanity's freedom and creativity as gifts from God rather than autonomous secular ideals.[216]Foreshadowing the Protestant Reformation
Renaissance humanism's emphasis on returning to original sources (ad fontes) extended to biblical texts, promoting critical examination of scripture that prioritized textual accuracy over scholastic interpretations and church traditions. This approach, exemplified by scholars like Lorenzo Valla who in 1440 exposed the Donation of Constantine as a forgery, undermined claims of papal authority derived from fabricated documents.[220] Humanists' linguistic expertise in Greek and Hebrew facilitated fresh translations, challenging the Vulgate's dominance and fostering a view of scripture as accessible authority rather than mediated solely through clergy.[144] Such intellectual tools equipped reformers to question doctrines not explicitly supported by early Christian writings.[221] Desiderius Erasmus, a leading Northern humanist, advanced this trend with his 1516 edition of the Greek New Testament, which highlighted discrepancies with the Latin Vulgate and influenced Martin Luther's 1522 German translation.[222] Erasmus' Praise of Folly (1511) satirized clerical abuses, including monastic idleness and theological hairsplitting, amplifying anticlerical sentiments without directly advocating schism.[223] The invention of the printing press around 1440 by Johannes Gutenberg accelerated the dissemination of these critiques, enabling widespread access to reformist pamphlets and biblical editions that eroded confidence in ecclesiastical intermediaries.[224] Papal corruption during the Renaissance, such as Pope Alexander VI's (r. 1492–1503) nepotism—elevating family members like Cesare Borgia to cardinalates—and involvement in political intrigue, fueled moral outrage and calls for internal purification.[225] Figures like Girolamo Savonarola in Florence denounced simony and immorality in sermons from 1491, leading to his 1498 execution by the church, yet highlighting growing demands for clerical reform. These elements—textual scrutiny, satirical exposure, technological diffusion, and evident abuses—created a cultural milieu primed for Luther's 1517 Ninety-Five Theses, which echoed humanistic critiques while escalating to doctrinal rupture.[226][227]Criticisms, Limitations, and Counterarguments
Elitism, Exclusivity, and Limited Popular Impact
The Renaissance's cultural and intellectual advancements were largely confined to urban elites in city-states like Florence and Venice, where patronage networks funded by mercantile wealth and banking families—such as the Medici, who expended vast sums on artists like Botticelli and Michelangelo between 1434 and 1494—prioritized displays of status and political allegiance over broad dissemination.[228] This system relied on personal or collective commissions from nobles, merchants, and civic leaders, excluding rural majorities who lacked the economic means or geographic proximity to participate.[5] Peasants, forming over 80% of Italy's population in the 15th century, sustained feudal-like obligations such as sharecropping on noble lands, with daily labors in agriculture leaving no surplus for cultural engagement.[98] Humanism, emphasizing classical antiquity and individual potential, was structured as an educational program for aristocratic males with leisure and resources, often delivered via Latin texts inaccessible to vernacular speakers or the unlettered.[229] Literacy hovered below 20% across Europe by 1550, including Italy, restricting printed works' influence to a narrow stratum of scholars, clergy, and prosperous traders in urban centers; rural commoners, reliant on oral traditions, encountered Renaissance ideas only peripherally through church sermons or market fairs.[230] Schools and universities, such as those in Bologna or Padua, catered to elite sons, perpetuating exclusivity as enrollment data from 1300–1600 indicate minimal expansion beyond patrician and merchant offspring.[231] The divide between learned elites and popular strata persisted, with commoners' lives marked by rigid hierarchies where workers and unskilled laborers in cities fared marginally better than peasants but still prioritized survival over artistic or philosophical pursuits.[232] While urban middling classes occasionally accessed abridged humanistic texts by the late 15th century, empirical evidence from wills, inventories, and guild records shows negligible adoption of Renaissance motifs in rural or lower-class material culture, underscoring the era's limited diffusion beyond patrician circles.[233] This elitism stemmed causally from the concentration of wealth in trade hubs, where fiscal records from Florence reveal that by 1427, only about 10% of households held taxable assets sufficient for cultural sponsorship.[123]Persistence of Medieval Superstitions and Irrationalities
Despite the Renaissance emphasis on classical antiquity and humanism, medieval beliefs in astrology, alchemy, and supernatural causation persisted among scholars, rulers, and the populace, often integrated with emerging scientific inquiry. Astrologers cast horoscopes to guide medical treatments, such as timing bloodletting according to zodiac signs, reflecting the enduring microcosm-macrocosm analogy that linked celestial bodies to human affairs.[234][235] Prominent figures like Johannes Kepler supplemented astronomical work by producing astrological almanacs for income, while even Galileo Galilei consulted astrologers and faced ecclesiastical scrutiny partly over horoscopic predictions.[235] This syncretism arose from the Renaissance revival of Hermetic texts, which blended ancient philosophy with occult practices, convincing intellectuals that stellar influences operated through natural sympathies rather than divine whim alone.[236] Alchemy, pursued as both material and spiritual transformation, exemplified the era's fusion of empirical experimentation with irrational goals like transmuting base metals into gold via the philosopher's stone. Physicians such as Paracelsus (1493–1541) advocated alchemical remedies, viewing metals and minerals as animated by vital forces akin to medieval vitalism, and conducted assays that prefigured chemistry but were entangled with mystical correspondences.[237] English mathematician John Dee (1527–1608/9) combined alchemy with angelic conversations through scrying, influencing Elizabethan policy while exemplifying how occult pursuits attracted court patronage despite their speculative foundations.[238] These endeavors persisted because alchemists framed them as pious quests for divine secrets, aligning with Christian esotericism rather than rejecting medieval precedents outright. Belief in witchcraft and demonic agency intensified during the late 15th and 16th centuries, culminating in widespread hunts that executed an estimated 40,000 to 50,000 individuals across Europe, predominantly women, from circa 1450 to 1750.[239] The 1486 publication of the Malleus Maleficarum by Heinrich Kramer codified inquisitorial methods against supposed pacts with Satan, drawing on late-medieval folklore and theology that portrayed witches as causing storms, impotence, and crop failures through maleficium.[240] Trials peaked amid Reformation tensions, as both Catholic and Protestant authorities vied for legitimacy by purging perceived diabolical threats, with events like the Würzburg executions (1626–1631) claiming over 900 victims in a single principality.[241] Popular superstitions, including omens from animal behaviors and ghostly apparitions, further entrenched these fears, as documented in contemporary almanacs and sermons, underscoring that Renaissance rationalism coexisted with—and sometimes amplified—pre-Enlightenment credulity.[242]Gender Roles, Slavery, and Social Hierarchies
Social hierarchies in Renaissance Italy and broader Europe retained strong feudal and medieval characteristics, with limited social mobility despite the rise of merchant wealth in urban centers like Florence. Society was stratified into nobles, who held hereditary privileges and land-based power; an emerging merchant class, enriched by trade and banking; skilled tradesmen organized into guilds; and unskilled laborers or peasants at the bottom.[98][243] In Florence by the early 15th century, these divisions were evident in governance and economy, where nobles and merchants dominated councils, while guilds regulated trades but excluded women and the poor from full participation.[244] This structure emphasized paternal authority and corporate identities over individual merit, with wealth from commerce allowing some families to purchase nobility but rarely elevating commoners en masse.[245] Gender roles reinforced these hierarchies, confining most women to domestic spheres under male guardianship from childhood through marriage. Girls were controlled by fathers and then husbands, with expectations centered on household management, child-rearing, and moral exemplarity rather than public or intellectual pursuits; political rights were absent, and legal autonomy minimal outside rare elite contexts.[246][247] Education for women was sporadic and class-dependent, often limited to vernacular literacy or religious instruction for elites, while humanism occasionally enabled figures like noblewomen in courts to engage in letters, though such cases were exceptional and did not challenge patriarchal norms.[248] In Venice around 1500, women symbolized Catholic domestic virtue but lacked guild membership or independent economic agency, with marriages arranged for family alliances rather than personal choice.[249] Slavery persisted as a subordinate layer within these hierarchies, particularly in Mediterranean city-states, where it supplied domestic labor and galleys amid revived trade after the Black Death. In Florence, slaveholding surged post-1350, prompting 1363 statutes regulating imports—primarily women and children from the Black Sea, Caucasus, and Ottoman territories—and taxing owners, with estimates of thousands enslaved by 1400 for household service.[250][251] This Mediterranean network exchanged captives bidirectionally: European powers like Venice and Genoa enslaved Muslims via piracy and warfare, while importing Tatar, Circassian, and African slaves, often baptized upon arrival but retained as property without hereditary status in most cases.[252][253] Unlike later Atlantic chattel systems, Renaissance slavery frequently served as a transitional condition, with manumission possible through service or purchase, yet it underscored the era's tolerance for coerced labor amid economic expansion, even as papal bulls sporadically condemned it without halting institutional ownership.[254][255]Violence, Exploitation, and Moral Ambiguities
The Italian Wars, spanning from 1494 to 1559, exemplified the era's pervasive violence as foreign powers like France and Spain vied for dominance over the fragmented Italian city-states, resulting in widespread looting, massacres, and destruction of urban centers.[256] Troops entering towns routinely committed atrocities, including rape and plunder, which decimated populations and economies in places like Naples and Rome.[257] These conflicts, fueled by dynastic ambitions and mercenary armies, led to the sack of cities such as Prato in 1512, where thousands were killed or enslaved, underscoring how Renaissance political fragmentation invited external predation.[258] Condottieri, professional mercenary captains, embodied tactical cunning but also betrayal and opportunism, often switching allegiances for higher pay and prolonging wars to maximize profits rather than seeking decisive victories.[259] Figures like Francesco Sforza seized Milan in 1450 after marrying into power, exemplifying how these leaders exploited feuds among patrons, contributing to endemic instability despite claims of relatively low casualties in pre-1494 skirmishes.[260] Such practices eroded trust in military contracts and perpetuated cycles of vendettas, as seen in the frequent assassinations and ambushes that marked inter-city rivalries in Florence and Venice. Exploitation extended to human bondage, with slavery resurging in Renaissance Europe, particularly in Italian ports where thousands of captives from the Ottoman wars, Black Sea regions, and later Africa were traded as domestic servants and laborers.[261] In Florence, after the Black Death's labor shortages, slave imports surged post-1350, prompting 1364 statutes to regulate ownership, often of young women for household roles, though manumission was possible, slavery remained a profitable institution tied to Mediterranean commerce.[250] Portuguese explorations from the 1440s intensified trans-Saharan slave flows into Europe, blending economic gain with racial hierarchies that prefigured colonial systems, as elites justified enslavement through religious and legal rationales despite canon law's ambiguities on Christian captives.[262] Moral ambiguities permeated elite conduct, as illustrated by the Borgia family under Pope Alexander VI (r. 1492–1503), whose nepotism and simony elevated relatives like Cesare to power amid credible charges of bribery, though sensational tales of incest and routine poisonings form part of an exaggerated "black legend" propagated by rivals.[263] Cesare's ruthless campaigns, including the 1502 murder of allies like Alfonso of Aragon, prioritized territorial consolidation over ethical restraint, mirroring Niccolò Machiavelli's counsel in The Prince (1532) that rulers must emulate the lion's ferocity and fox's deceit, abandoning virtue when fortune demands to secure the state.[264][265] Even artists like goldsmith Benvenuto Cellini (1500–1571) confessed to multiple killings, including stabbing rivals in 1523 and 1534, yet received papal pardons, highlighting how talent and connections often shielded perpetrators in a culture valuing personal honor over consistent justice.[266] Punishments reflected this ethical flexibility, with Renaissance Venice employing torture like the quaranta (waterboarding variant) and mutilations such as tongue extraction for slander, alongside executions by decapitation or hanging, applied variably based on class and confession extraction.[267] These methods, inherited from medieval precedents, served deterrence but were criticized internally for excess, as in Savonarola's 1497 laments against Florentine cruelties, revealing tensions between humanistic ideals and pragmatic brutality in maintaining order amid factional strife.[268]Long-Term Legacy and Causal Impacts
Foundations of Modern Science and Rational Inquiry
The Renaissance initiated a pivotal shift toward empirical observation and mathematical rigor, challenging medieval deference to textual authority in natural philosophy. Humanist recovery of ancient Greek works, including Euclid's Elements around 1482 in printed form, revived geometric methods essential for precise modeling of physical phenomena.[269] Luca Pacioli's Summa de arithmetica, geometria, proportioni et proportionalita (1494) compiled arithmetic, algebra, and geometry, bridging commercial calculation with theoretical pursuits and influencing Leonardo da Vinci's applications in perspective and engineering.[270] These developments emphasized quantifiable relations over qualitative assertions, fostering causal explanations grounded in measurable data. Leonardo da Vinci (1452–1519) embodied this empirical turn through systematic dissections of over 30 cadavers, yielding detailed studies of musculature, organs, and the cardiovascular system that surpassed Galen's second-century descriptions.[271] His 7,200 surviving notebook pages document experiments in optics, hydrodynamics, and mechanics, such as tensile tests on materials and analyses of bird flight for aerial machine designs, prioritizing direct sensory evidence and iterative testing.[272] [273] Similarly, in anatomy, Andreas Vesalius's De humani corporis fabrica (1543) integrated firsthand dissections with illustrations to correct over 200 errors in Galenic texts, establishing dissection as a standard for verifying anatomical claims.[274] In astronomy, Nicolaus Copernicus (1473–1543) advanced rational inquiry by proposing a heliocentric system in De revolutionibus orbium coelestium (1543), where mathematical simplicity—reducing epicycles from 80 in Ptolemaic models to 34—supported Earth's rotation and orbit around the Sun, prioritizing predictive accuracy over sensory intuition.[275] This quantitative approach, building on Renaissance translations of Ptolemy and Aristarchus, encouraged hypothesis testing against observations. The printing press, operational by 1440, multiplied these texts' availability—producing millions of volumes by 1500—enabling widespread scrutiny and refinement of ideas, thus accelerating collective empirical progress.[59]
These strands converged in a proto-scientific ethos: prioritizing evidence over dogma, mathematics for causation, and dissemination for verification, directly causal to the seventeenth-century Scientific Revolution's formalized methods.[276]