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Michael Scanlon
Michael Scanlon
from Wikipedia

Michael Scanlon (also known as Sean Scanlon[1]) is a former communications director for Rep. Tom DeLay, lobbyist, and public relations executive who has pleaded guilty to corruption charges related to the Jack Abramoff lobbying scandal. He is currently assisting in the investigation of his former partners Abramoff, Grover Norquist and Ralph Reed by separate state and federal grand jury investigations related to the defrauding of American Indian tribes and corruption of public officials.

In addition to the allegation of dishonest dealing arising from the consulting contracts themselves, Abramoff and Scanlon are accused of illegally giving favors to senior Republicans Tom DeLay, Conrad Burns, John Doolittle, and Bob Ney. In 2005, Scanlon pleaded guilty to conspiring to bribe a member of Congress and other public officials. On February 11, 2011, he was sentenced to 20 months in federal prison and 300 hours of community service.[2]

Early career

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In 1994, Scanlon worked as press secretary for Republican U.S. Senate candidate Ross Pierpont of Maryland. Pierpont failed to gain the party's nomination. Scanlon later acted as a press secretary to Michael Patrick Flanagan (R-IL), who was elected to the former congressional seat of Dan Rostenkowski (D-IL) in 1994, Fred Heineman (R-NC) in 1996, and then Bob Riley (R-AL), who later became Governor of Alabama. Scanlon later became an aide to congressman Tom DeLay (R-TX), and rose in the ranks to become the Majority Whip's communication director.

Scanlon leaves Capitol Hill

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Michael Scanlon resigned his position as communication director for Tom DeLay in March 2000, while DeLay was being lobbied by Abramoff to vote against the Internet Gambling Prohibition Act. Shortly thereafter, Scanlon was hired by the Washington law firm of Preston Gates Ellis and Rouvelas Meeds, and joined Abramoff's lobbying team.[citation needed]

Scanlon, Abramoff and SunCruz Casinos

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In February 2000, Abramoff became involved in the purchase of SunCruz Casinos, a Florida-based cruise line which ran "cruises to nowhere" into international waters, where gambling was allowed on board. Scanlon was not a partner in the deal but assisted in the purchase, by contacting Neil G. Volz, an old friend from his time on Capitol Hill and Chief of Staff to Rep. Bob Ney (R-OH).[3] Volz aided Scanlon in getting Ney to place comments in the Congressional Record to aid Abramoff in purchasing the business. Abramoff was accused and later pleaded guilty in 2005 to charges of wire fraud, stemming from a forged wire transfer showing a non-existent down payment used to obtain financing for the purchase.


Scanlon and Tribal lobbying

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As of September 11, 2000, Scanlon was one of the lobbyists assigned to Abramoff's team lobbying on behalf of the Saginaw Chippewa Indian Tribe of Michigan.[4] After Abramoff left Preston Gates and went to Greenberg Traurig in January 2001, Scanlon formed his own public relations firm, Capitol Campaign Strategies (along with the dummy organizations American International Center, Atlantic Research Analysis, and Scanlon Gould Public Affairs). Abramoff and Scanlon used the firm to bilk tribal clients for millions of dollars in fees. Abramoff directed clients to use Scanlon's firm for political campaign services, without disclosing his own relationship with Scanlon. Scanlon's firm would then only perform part of the campaign services billed for, and would split the excess money received with Abramoff in a scheme known to the two as "Gimme Five".

Private communications revealed as a result of the Congressional enquiry into Scanlon and Abramoff's consulting business demonstrate a contemptuous attitude to both clients and supporters. Indian Clients were referred to as "troglodytes" and "monkeys", while Christian Conservatives were called gullible "wackos" who could be manipulated to vote on demand:

The wackos get their information through the Christian right, Christian radio, mail, the internet and telephone trees ... Simply put, we want to bring out the wackos to vote against something and make sure the rest of the public lets the whole thing slip past them.

Scanlon also emailed colleagues, saying:

This whole thing about not kicking someone when they are down is BS - Not only do you kick him - You kick him until he passes out - then beat him over the head with a baseball bat - then roll him up in an old rug - and throw him off a cliff into the pounding surf below!!!!!

[5]

Criminal charges

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On November 18, 2005, in a one-count criminal information filed by the US Justice Department, Scanlon was charged with conspiring with another lobbyist, who was identified only as "Lobbyist A", believed to be Abramoff.[6] That same day Scanlon agreed to testify against Abramoff in any future criminal case involving his ex-partner. On November 21, 2005, in proceedings before Federal District Judge Ellen Segal Huvelle, Scanlon pleaded guilty to conspiring to bribe a member of Congress and other public officials. Under the plea agreement, Scanlon will repay $19.6 million to his former Indian tribe lobbying clients.[6]

Fictional portrayals

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Scanlon was portrayed by Barry Pepper in the 2010 film Casino Jack.

References

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Sources

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  • Hampson, Rick (Associated Press). "They find public resentment no joking matter - Lawyers take stand to lift negative image" The Philadelphia Inquirer, August 9, 1993.
  • Johnson, Steve. "Mr. Flanagan Goes to Washington - A Young Upstart Comes to Grips With His role and his sudden renown" Chicago Tribune, January 15, 1995.
[edit]
Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
Michael Scanlon is an American former political aide and lobbyist known for his central role in the Jack Abramoff Indian lobbying scandal, in which he conspired to defraud Native American tribes of tens of millions of dollars and to bribe public officials. Scanlon began his career in politics as the communications director and press aide to U.S. Representative Tom DeLay (R-Texas), then House Majority Leader, before departing to establish his own public relations and consulting firm. He later formed a business partnership with lobbyist Jack Abramoff, through which they targeted Native American tribes seeking casino-related legislation and regulatory approvals. Between 2000 and 2004, the pair orchestrated a scheme in which Abramoff directed tribes to retain Scanlon's firm for public relations work while secretly kicking back approximately half of the fees to Abramoff, often for minimal or no services rendered; the tribes ultimately paid the duo more than $80 million during this period. As part of the conspiracy, they also provided gifts, luxury trips, meals, and campaign contributions to public officials in exchange for official actions benefiting their clients, including introductions of legislation, contract awards, and attempts to influence federal agencies. On November 21, 2005, Scanlon pleaded guilty in federal court to a single count of conspiracy to commit bribery and defraud, admitting to the scheme's details and agreeing to cooperate with prosecutors; he was held liable for nearly $20 million in restitution to the defrauded tribes. His cooperation contributed to the broader investigation into the Abramoff scandal, which implicated multiple lawmakers and led to several convictions. He was sentenced to 20 months in federal prison in February 2011.

Early life

Little public information is available regarding Michael Scanlon's early life, including his birth date, place, family background, education, or formative experiences prior to his political career.

Career

Entry into the industry

Michael Scanlon began his career in political communications in 1994, serving as press secretary for Republican U.S. Senate candidate Ross Pierpont in Maryland, whose bid for the nomination was unsuccessful. He continued in similar roles for several Republican members of Congress in the mid-1990s, including Rep. Michael Patrick Flanagan of Illinois (elected in 1994), Rep. Fred Heineman of North Carolina (1996), and Rep. Bob Riley of Alabama. These early positions built his experience in congressional press operations and led to his recruitment as an aide to Rep. Tom DeLay of Texas, where he advanced to communications director for the Majority Whip. After leaving DeLay's office, Scanlon established his own public relations and consulting firm, Capitol Campaign Strategies.

Notable credits and projects

Michael Scanlon's notable professional projects primarily involved his work as a lobbyist and public affairs consultant through his firm Capitol Campaign Strategies (CCS), where he provided grassroots organizing, political strategy, and public relations services to Native American tribes focused on gaming and related issues. These engagements, conducted between 2001 and 2004, often centered on protecting casino interests, influencing state and federal legislation, and mobilizing political support through voter databases, mail campaigns, and coalition building. Among his largest projects was work for the Coushatta Tribe of Louisiana, which paid approximately $32 million to CCS and related entities from March 2001 to May 2003, primarily to renegotiate their state gaming compact and block competing casinos, particularly in Texas, through programs including the Battleground Program. The Mississippi Band of Choctaw Indians paid between $15.9 million and $16.5 million from June 2001 to April 2004 for initiatives such as Operation Orange, aimed at maintaining casino market share and achieving political dominance in Mississippi. Scanlon also consulted for the Saginaw Chippewa Indian Tribe, which paid about $10 million from June 2002 to October 2003 for Operation Redwing to strengthen their political position in Michigan and oppose competing land-into-trust applications. The Ysleta del Sur Pueblo (Tigua) paid $4.2 million starting in March 2002 for Operation Open Doors, an effort to reopen their Speaking Rock Casino through federal legislation and grassroots defense following a Texas gambling ban. Additional projects included $2.75 million paid by the Pueblo of Sandia for grassroots and database support related to land and sacred site issues, and $7.2 million from the Agua Caliente Band of Cahuilla for election strategy and opinion-maker campaigns in 2002–2003. Collectively, these tribal engagements resulted in over $66 million in payments to Scanlon's entities.

Personal life

Family and relationships

Michael Scanlon has a son from his first marriage. In 2002, while working in Washington, he became engaged to Emily Miller, who had served as press secretary in Tom DeLay's office, but the engagement was called off after being canceled the day before Miller's bridal shower, briefly reconciled, and then ended again. Three weeks after the final breakup, Scanlon married a 24-year-old waitress. Following the end of his relationship with Miller, she was no longer permitted to see Scanlon's young son, to whom she had grown attached, as it was indicated this could jeopardize his ex-wife's child-support agreement. In 2005, Scanlon sued his ex-wife for $500,000 in damages, alleging she had conspired against him and misused child-support funds on vacations and concert tickets. Little additional public information is available about Scanlon's family life or relationships in subsequent years, as he has maintained a low public profile after his involvement in the Abramoff scandal.

Interests and activities outside work

Michael Scanlon has maintained a long-standing connection to Rehoboth Beach, Delaware, where he visited the area's beaches as a teenager and later worked on-and-off as a lifeguard. This lifeguarding role was described as moonlighting, occurring alongside his professional pursuits in communications and lobbying. During this period, he was known by the name Sean Scanlon while serving as a Rehoboth Beach lifeguard. Beyond his beach-related activities, Scanlon was reported to have lived a single lifestyle and used funds to purchase property on the Caribbean island of St. Bart's. No additional details on other hobbies, philanthropy, or non-professional pursuits are documented in available reliable sources.

Legacy and recognition

Public perception

Michael Scanlon's public perception has been overwhelmingly negative, shaped primarily by his central role in the Jack Abramoff tribal lobbying scandal, one of the most high-profile political corruption cases of the early 2000s. His 2005 guilty plea to conspiracy to commit honest services fraud and bribery, involving schemes to defraud Native American tribes and bribe public officials, cemented his image as a disgraced lobbyist who exploited political connections for personal profit. In 2011, he was sentenced to 20 months in federal prison for his actions, further solidifying public views of him as emblematic of Washington's lobbying excesses during that era. Contemporary media portrayals highlighted a duality in his persona, describing Scanlon as a GOP operative who blended personal charm with ruthless business tactics while building his consulting firm on ties to Republican leadership, particularly former House Majority Leader Tom DeLay. The scandal's revelations about overcharging clients and splitting profits improperly contributed to a broader perception of him as emblematic of ethical lapses in the lobbying industry. His involvement in the affair has had enduring consequences for his reputation, with little evidence of rehabilitation or positive re-emergence in public or professional discourse since his legal proceedings concluded.
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