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Politics as a Vocation
"Politics as a Vocation" (German: Politik als Beruf) is an essay by German economist and sociologist Max Weber (1864–1920). It originated in the second lecture of a series (the first was "Science as a Vocation") he gave in Munich to the "Free (i.e. Non-incorporated) Students Union" of Bavaria on 28 January 1919. This happened during the German Revolution when Munich itself was briefly the capital of the Bavarian Socialist Republic. Weber gave the speech based on handwritten notes which were transcribed by a stenographer. The essay was published in an extended version in July 1919, and translated into English only after World War II. The essay is today regarded as a classic work of political science and sociology.
Weber defines the following: "The state is seen as the sole grantor of the 'right' to physical force. Therefore, 'politics' in our case would mean the pursuit for a portion of power or for influencing the division of power whether it is between states, or between groups of people which the state encompasses." Following this definition, Weber notes that there are three principles justifying the legitimacy of political domination of the state: traditional authority, charismatic authority, and legal authority.
Much of the middle part of "Politics as a Vocation" consists of Weber's definitions of charisma and leaders, and of the type of people who are called to the profession of politics. This is developed by lengthy historical descriptions of how modern politics emerged. Emphasis is placed on the historical examples of Great Britain, the United States, and Germany, though examples from France, China, Rome, Ancient Greece, and elsewhere are mentioned. In developing these examples, Weber demonstrates the extent of his grasp of comparative historical research. To do this, Weber describes the relationship between politicians, political parties, and the bureaucracies they create. In this section, Weber's writing in "Politics as a Vocation" is similar to his writing in another of his well-known essays, "Bureaucracy."
In the final section of "Politics as a Vocation", Weber returns to the description of the politician. His main point is that the politician needs to balance an "Ethic of Moral Conviction" with an "Ethic of Responsibility." The Ethic of Moral Conviction refers to the core unshakeable beliefs that a politician must hold. The Ethic of Responsibility refers to the day-to-day need to use the means of the state's violence in a fashion which preserves the peace for the greater good. A politician, Weber writes, must make compromises between these two ethics.
To do this, Weber writes, "Politics is made with the head, not with the other parts of body, nor the soul". The most effective politician is one who can excite the emotions of the people who follow, while governing strictly with a cold hard reason—the head. But, he believes, this is a task normal humans cannot do, because they are vain.
Weber writes that vanity creates unique problems for politicians because they do indeed control the tools of legitimate violence. Common vanity, Weber writes, means that politicians are tempted to make decisions based on emotional attachments to followers and sycophants, and not on the rational reasoning needed to govern justly and effectively. Weber finds this to be a common characteristic among politicians. As a result, Weber claims, the danger of politics is rooted in the relationship of the politician to the means of violence which are intrinsic to the state, and which will be misused by any vain politician. This is why Weber emphasizes that the practice of politics is so difficult, and not a task for someone who seeks salvation for their eternal soul through the practice of peace and brotherhood. In developing these points, he makes reference to the two kingdoms doctrine of Martin Luther, and the holy Hindu Upanishads.
In the concluding sentences of the essay, Weber comments on the German Revolution of 1919 which was underway when he wrote the essay. He gloomily predicts that the emotional excitement of the moment in 1919 will bring only "polar nights with an icy darkness and harshness, no matter what group will successfully seize power at present". He concludes:
Politics is a strong and slow boring of hard boards. It takes both passion and perspective. Certainly all historical experience confirms the truth – that man would not have attained the possible unless time and again he had reached out for the impossible. But to do that a man must be a leader, and not only a leader but a hero as well, in a very sober sense of the word. And even those who are neither leaders nor heroes must arm themselves with that steadfastness of heart which can brave even the crumbling of all hopes. This is necessary right now, or else men will not be able to attain even that which is possible today. Only he has the calling for politics who is sure that he shall not crumble when the world from his point of view is too stupid or too base for what he wants to offer. Only he who in the face of all this can say 'In spite of all!' has the 'calling' [den 'Beruf'] for politics.
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Politics as a Vocation
"Politics as a Vocation" (German: Politik als Beruf) is an essay by German economist and sociologist Max Weber (1864–1920). It originated in the second lecture of a series (the first was "Science as a Vocation") he gave in Munich to the "Free (i.e. Non-incorporated) Students Union" of Bavaria on 28 January 1919. This happened during the German Revolution when Munich itself was briefly the capital of the Bavarian Socialist Republic. Weber gave the speech based on handwritten notes which were transcribed by a stenographer. The essay was published in an extended version in July 1919, and translated into English only after World War II. The essay is today regarded as a classic work of political science and sociology.
Weber defines the following: "The state is seen as the sole grantor of the 'right' to physical force. Therefore, 'politics' in our case would mean the pursuit for a portion of power or for influencing the division of power whether it is between states, or between groups of people which the state encompasses." Following this definition, Weber notes that there are three principles justifying the legitimacy of political domination of the state: traditional authority, charismatic authority, and legal authority.
Much of the middle part of "Politics as a Vocation" consists of Weber's definitions of charisma and leaders, and of the type of people who are called to the profession of politics. This is developed by lengthy historical descriptions of how modern politics emerged. Emphasis is placed on the historical examples of Great Britain, the United States, and Germany, though examples from France, China, Rome, Ancient Greece, and elsewhere are mentioned. In developing these examples, Weber demonstrates the extent of his grasp of comparative historical research. To do this, Weber describes the relationship between politicians, political parties, and the bureaucracies they create. In this section, Weber's writing in "Politics as a Vocation" is similar to his writing in another of his well-known essays, "Bureaucracy."
In the final section of "Politics as a Vocation", Weber returns to the description of the politician. His main point is that the politician needs to balance an "Ethic of Moral Conviction" with an "Ethic of Responsibility." The Ethic of Moral Conviction refers to the core unshakeable beliefs that a politician must hold. The Ethic of Responsibility refers to the day-to-day need to use the means of the state's violence in a fashion which preserves the peace for the greater good. A politician, Weber writes, must make compromises between these two ethics.
To do this, Weber writes, "Politics is made with the head, not with the other parts of body, nor the soul". The most effective politician is one who can excite the emotions of the people who follow, while governing strictly with a cold hard reason—the head. But, he believes, this is a task normal humans cannot do, because they are vain.
Weber writes that vanity creates unique problems for politicians because they do indeed control the tools of legitimate violence. Common vanity, Weber writes, means that politicians are tempted to make decisions based on emotional attachments to followers and sycophants, and not on the rational reasoning needed to govern justly and effectively. Weber finds this to be a common characteristic among politicians. As a result, Weber claims, the danger of politics is rooted in the relationship of the politician to the means of violence which are intrinsic to the state, and which will be misused by any vain politician. This is why Weber emphasizes that the practice of politics is so difficult, and not a task for someone who seeks salvation for their eternal soul through the practice of peace and brotherhood. In developing these points, he makes reference to the two kingdoms doctrine of Martin Luther, and the holy Hindu Upanishads.
In the concluding sentences of the essay, Weber comments on the German Revolution of 1919 which was underway when he wrote the essay. He gloomily predicts that the emotional excitement of the moment in 1919 will bring only "polar nights with an icy darkness and harshness, no matter what group will successfully seize power at present". He concludes:
Politics is a strong and slow boring of hard boards. It takes both passion and perspective. Certainly all historical experience confirms the truth – that man would not have attained the possible unless time and again he had reached out for the impossible. But to do that a man must be a leader, and not only a leader but a hero as well, in a very sober sense of the word. And even those who are neither leaders nor heroes must arm themselves with that steadfastness of heart which can brave even the crumbling of all hopes. This is necessary right now, or else men will not be able to attain even that which is possible today. Only he has the calling for politics who is sure that he shall not crumble when the world from his point of view is too stupid or too base for what he wants to offer. Only he who in the face of all this can say 'In spite of all!' has the 'calling' [den 'Beruf'] for politics.
