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Turkish Cypriot diaspora
The Turkish Cypriot diaspora is a term used to refer to the Turkish Cypriot community living outside the island of Cyprus.
Turkish Cypriot migration to Australia began in the late 1940s; they were the only Muslims acceptable under the White Australia Policy. Prior to 1940, the Australian census recorded only three settlers from Cyprus that spoke Turkish as their primary language, although many Turkish Cypriot arrivals spoke Greek as their first language. A further 66 Turkish Cypriots arrived in Australia in the late 1940s, marking the beginning of a Turkish Cypriot immigration trend to Australia. By 1947-1956 there were 350 Turkish Cypriot settlers who were living in Australia. Between 1955-1960, the Turkish Cypriots felt vulnerable in Cyprus as they had cause for concern about the political future of the island when the Greek Cypriots attempted to overthrow the British government and unite Cyprus with Greece (known as "enosis"). After a failed attempt by the Greek Cypriots, the right-wing party, EOKA, reformed itself from 1963–1974 and launched a series of attacks. This resulted in the exodus of more Turkish Cypriots to Australia in fear for their lives. Early Turkish Cypriot immigrants to Australia found jobs working in factories, out in the fields, or building national infrastructure. Some Turkish Cypriots also became entrepreneurs and established their own businesses once they had saved enough money. By 1974, an exodus of more Turkish Cypriots to Australia occurred due to fears that the island would unite with Greece when the Greek military junta staged a coup d'état against the Cypriot President, with the help of EOKA B. Immigration to Australia has continued since as a result of an economic embargo which was launched against the Turkish Cypriots by the Greek Cypriot controlled Republic of Cyprus due to the establishment of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC) which has remained internationally unrecognised except by Turkey.
The first wave of Turkish Cypriot immigration to Turkey occurred in 1878 when the Ottoman Empire leased Cyprus to Great Britain; at that time, 15,000 Turkish Cypriots moved to Anatolia. The flow of Turkish Cypriot emigration to Turkey continued in the aftermath of the First World War, and gained its greatest velocity in the mid-1920s, and continued, at fluctuating speeds during the Second World War.
Economic motives played an important part as conditions for the poor in Cyprus during the 1920s were especially harsh. Enthusiasm to emigrate to Turkey was inflated by the euphoria that greeted the birth of the newly established Republic of Turkey and later of promises of assistance to Turks who emigrated. A decision made by the Turkish Government at the end of 1925, for instance, noted that the Turks of Cyprus had, according to the Treaty of Lausanne, the right to emigrate to the republic, and therefore, families that so emigrated would be given a house and sufficient land. The precise number of those who emigrated to Turkey is a matter that remains unknown.
The press in Turkey reported in mid-1927 that of those who had opted for Turkish nationality, 5,000–6,000 Turkish Cypriots had already settled in Turkey. However, many Turkish Cypriots had already emigrated even before the rights accorded to them under the Treaty of Lausanne had come into force.
St. John-Jones estimated the demographic impact of Turkish Cypriot emigration to Turkey during the 1920s arguing that:
"[I]f the Turkish-Cypriot community had, like the Greek-Cypriots, increased by 101 per cent between 1881 and 1931, it would have totalled 91,300 in 1931 – 27,000 more than the number enumerated. Is it possible that so many Turkish-Cypriots emigrated in the fifty-year period? Taken together, the considerations just mentioned suggest that it probably was. From a base of 45,000 in 1881, emigration of anything like 27,000 persons seems huge, but after subtracting the known 5,000 of the 1920s, the balance represents an average annual outflow of some 500 – not enough, probably, to concern the community's leaders, evoke official comment, or be documented in any way which survives today".
Metin Heper and Bilge Criss have made a similar observation:
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Turkish Cypriot diaspora AI simulator
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Turkish Cypriot diaspora
The Turkish Cypriot diaspora is a term used to refer to the Turkish Cypriot community living outside the island of Cyprus.
Turkish Cypriot migration to Australia began in the late 1940s; they were the only Muslims acceptable under the White Australia Policy. Prior to 1940, the Australian census recorded only three settlers from Cyprus that spoke Turkish as their primary language, although many Turkish Cypriot arrivals spoke Greek as their first language. A further 66 Turkish Cypriots arrived in Australia in the late 1940s, marking the beginning of a Turkish Cypriot immigration trend to Australia. By 1947-1956 there were 350 Turkish Cypriot settlers who were living in Australia. Between 1955-1960, the Turkish Cypriots felt vulnerable in Cyprus as they had cause for concern about the political future of the island when the Greek Cypriots attempted to overthrow the British government and unite Cyprus with Greece (known as "enosis"). After a failed attempt by the Greek Cypriots, the right-wing party, EOKA, reformed itself from 1963–1974 and launched a series of attacks. This resulted in the exodus of more Turkish Cypriots to Australia in fear for their lives. Early Turkish Cypriot immigrants to Australia found jobs working in factories, out in the fields, or building national infrastructure. Some Turkish Cypriots also became entrepreneurs and established their own businesses once they had saved enough money. By 1974, an exodus of more Turkish Cypriots to Australia occurred due to fears that the island would unite with Greece when the Greek military junta staged a coup d'état against the Cypriot President, with the help of EOKA B. Immigration to Australia has continued since as a result of an economic embargo which was launched against the Turkish Cypriots by the Greek Cypriot controlled Republic of Cyprus due to the establishment of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC) which has remained internationally unrecognised except by Turkey.
The first wave of Turkish Cypriot immigration to Turkey occurred in 1878 when the Ottoman Empire leased Cyprus to Great Britain; at that time, 15,000 Turkish Cypriots moved to Anatolia. The flow of Turkish Cypriot emigration to Turkey continued in the aftermath of the First World War, and gained its greatest velocity in the mid-1920s, and continued, at fluctuating speeds during the Second World War.
Economic motives played an important part as conditions for the poor in Cyprus during the 1920s were especially harsh. Enthusiasm to emigrate to Turkey was inflated by the euphoria that greeted the birth of the newly established Republic of Turkey and later of promises of assistance to Turks who emigrated. A decision made by the Turkish Government at the end of 1925, for instance, noted that the Turks of Cyprus had, according to the Treaty of Lausanne, the right to emigrate to the republic, and therefore, families that so emigrated would be given a house and sufficient land. The precise number of those who emigrated to Turkey is a matter that remains unknown.
The press in Turkey reported in mid-1927 that of those who had opted for Turkish nationality, 5,000–6,000 Turkish Cypriots had already settled in Turkey. However, many Turkish Cypriots had already emigrated even before the rights accorded to them under the Treaty of Lausanne had come into force.
St. John-Jones estimated the demographic impact of Turkish Cypriot emigration to Turkey during the 1920s arguing that:
"[I]f the Turkish-Cypriot community had, like the Greek-Cypriots, increased by 101 per cent between 1881 and 1931, it would have totalled 91,300 in 1931 – 27,000 more than the number enumerated. Is it possible that so many Turkish-Cypriots emigrated in the fifty-year period? Taken together, the considerations just mentioned suggest that it probably was. From a base of 45,000 in 1881, emigration of anything like 27,000 persons seems huge, but after subtracting the known 5,000 of the 1920s, the balance represents an average annual outflow of some 500 – not enough, probably, to concern the community's leaders, evoke official comment, or be documented in any way which survives today".
Metin Heper and Bilge Criss have made a similar observation: