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In syntax, verb-second (V2) word order[1] is a sentence structure in which the finite verb of a sentence or a clause is placed in the clause's second position, so that the verb is preceded by a single word or group of words (a single constituent).

Examples of V2 in English include (brackets indicating a single constituent):

  • "Neither do I", "[Never in my life] have I seen such things"

If English used V2 in all situations, then it would feature such sentences as:

  • "*[In school] learned I about animals", "*[When she comes home from work] takes she a nap"

V2 word order is common in the Germanic languages and is also found in Northeast Caucasian Ingush, Uto-Aztecan O'odham, and fragmentarily across Rhaeto-Romance varieties and Finno-Ugric Estonian.[2] Of the Germanic family, English is exceptional in having predominantly SVO order instead of V2, although there are vestiges of the V2 phenomenon.

Most Germanic languages do not normally use V2 order in embedded clauses, with a few exceptions. In particular, German, Dutch, and Afrikaans revert to VF (verb final) word order after a complementizer; Yiddish and Icelandic do, however, allow V2 in all declarative clauses: main, embedded, and subordinate. Kashmiri (an Indo-Aryan language) has V2 in 'declarative content clauses' but VF order in relative clauses.

Examples

[edit]

The example sentences in (1) from German illustrate the V2 principle, which allows any constituent to occupy the first position as long as the second position is occupied by the finite verb. Sentences (1a) through to (1d) have the finite verb spielten 'played' in second position, with various constituents occupying the first position: in (1a) the subject is in first position; in (1b) the object is; in (1c) the temporal modifier is in first position; and in (1d) the locative modifier is in first position.

(1a)

Die

The-NOM-PL

Kinder

child-NOM-PL

spielten

play-PRET-3PL

vor

before

der

the-DAT-SG

Schule

school-DAT-SG

im

in the-DAT-SG

Park

park-DAT-SG

Fußball.

football/soccer-ACC-SG.

Die Kinder spielten vor der Schule im Park Fußball.

The-NOM-PL child-NOM-PL play-PRET-3PL before the-DAT-SG school-DAT-SG {in the-DAT-SG} park-DAT-SG football/soccer-ACC-SG.

The children played football/soccer in the park before school.

(1b)

Fußball

Football/soccer-ACC-SG

spielten

play-PRET-3PL

die

the-NOM-PL

Kinder

child-NOM-PL

vor

before

der

the-DAT-SG

Schule

school-DAT-SG

im

in the-DAT-SG

Park.

park-DAT-SG.

Fußball spielten die Kinder vor der Schule im Park.

Football/soccer-ACC-SG play-PRET-3PL the-NOM-PL child-NOM-PL before the-DAT-SG school-DAT-SG {in the-DAT-SG} park-DAT-SG.

The children played football/soccer in the park before school.

(1c)

Vor

Before

der

the-DAT-SG

Schule

school-DAT-SG

spielten

play-PRET-3PL

die

the-NOM-PL

Kinder

child-NOM-PL

im

in the-DAT-SG

Park

park-DAT-SG

Fußball.

football/soccer-ACC-SG.

Vor der Schule spielten die Kinder im Park Fußball.

Before the-DAT-SG school-DAT-SG play-PRET-3PL the-NOM-PL child-NOM-PL {in the-DAT-SG} park-DAT-SG football/soccer-ACC-SG.

The children played football/soccer in the park before school.

(1d)

Im

In the-DAT-SG

Park

park-DAT-SG

spielten

play-PRET-3PL

die

the-NOM-PL

Kinder

child-NOM-PL

vor

before

der

 

Schule

school-DAT-SG

Fußball.

football/soccer-ACC-SG.

Im Park spielten die Kinder vor der Schule Fußball.

{In the-DAT-SG} park-DAT-SG play-PRET-3PL the-NOM-PL child-NOM-PL before {} school-DAT-SG football/soccer-ACC-SG.

The children played football/soccer in the park before school.

In this example, English is more straightforward to compare to a North Germanic language: The same inversions occur regularly in the North Germanic languages, and in Dutch, for that matter, but English uses the North Germanic word order apart from having lost the inversions in common use. If the same example in Norwegian were translated to English with the inversions intact:

(2a)

Barna

child-DEF-PL

spilte

play-PRET

fotball

football/soccer

i

in

parken

park-DEF-SG

før

before

skoletid.

schooltime-SG.

Barna spilte fotball i parken før skoletid.

child-DEF-PL play-PRET football/soccer in park-DEF-SG before schooltime-SG.

The children played football/soccer in the park before schooltime.

(2b)

Fotball

football/soccer

spilte

play-PRET

barna

child-DEF-PL

i

in

parken

park-DEF-SG

før

before

skoletid.

schooltime-SG.

Fotball spilte barna i parken før skoletid.

football/soccer play-PRET child-DEF-PL in park-DEF-SG before schooltime-SG.

Football/soccer played the children in the park before schooltime.

(2c)

Før

Before

skoletid

schooltime

spilte

play-PRET

barna

child-DEF-PL

fotball

football/soccer

i

in

parken.

park-DEF-SG.

Før skoletid spilte barna fotball i parken.

Before schooltime play-PRET child-DEF-PL football/soccer in park-DEF-SG.

Before schooltime played the children football/soccer in the park.

(2d)

I

in

parken

park-DEF-SG

spilte

play-PRET

barna

child-DEF-PL

fotball

football/soccer

før

before

skoletid.

schooltime.

I parken spilte barna fotball før skoletid.

in park-DEF-SG play-PRET child-DEF-PL football/soccer before schooltime.

In the park played the children football/soccer before schooltime.

The caveat here (unlike in German) is that in languages without grammatical case, the form with the object first (2b) can only be used unambiguously when the object is unmistakable from the subject, such as if it is a personal pronoun, or as in this example, cannot meaningfully be the subject. In speech, such inversions are usually marked with emphasis: Apart from inversions that are obligatory in their grammatical context, such as "jeg tenker, derfor er jeg" (I think, therefore am I), when an inversion occurs for no other reason than emphasis, which is what opens up for possible ambiguity, the word in the emphasized position before the verb is usually also emphasized in speech.

Non-finite verbs and embedded clauses

[edit]

Non-finite verbs

[edit]

The V2 principle regulates the position of finite verbs only; its influence on non-finite verbs (infinitives, participles, etc.) is indirect. Non-finite verbs in V2 languages appear in varying positions depending on the language. In German and Dutch, for instance, non-finite verbs appear after the object (if one is present) in clause final position in main clauses (OV order). Swedish and Icelandic, in contrast, position non-finite verbs after the finite verb but before the object (if one is present) (VO order). That is, V2 operates on only the finite verb.

Embedded clauses

[edit]

(In the following examples, finite verb forms are in bold, non-finite verb forms are in italics and subjects are underlined.)

Germanic languages vary in the application of V2 order in embedded clauses. They fall into three groups.

Swedish, Danish, Norwegian, Faroese

[edit]

In these languages, the word order of clauses is generally fixed in two patterns of conventionally numbered positions.[3] Both end with positions for (5) non-finite verb forms, (6) objects, and (7), adverbials.

In main clauses, the V2 constraint holds. The finite verb must be in position (2) and sentence adverbs in position (4). The latter include words with meanings such as 'not' and 'always'. The subject may be position (1), but when a topical expression occupies the position, the subject is in position (3).

In embedded clauses, the V2 constraint is absent. After the conjunction, the subject must immediately follow; it cannot be replaced by a topical expression. Thus, the first four positions are in the fixed order (1) conjunction, (2) subject, (3) sentence adverb, (4) finite verb

The position of the sentence adverbs is important to those theorists who see them as marking the start of a large constituent within the clause. Thus the finite verb is seen as inside that constituent in embedded clauses, but outside that constituent in V2 main clauses.

Swedish

main clause
embedded clause
Front
Finite verb
Conjunction
Subject
Subject
Sentence adverb
Sentence adverb

Finite verb
Non-finite verb
Non-finite verb
Object
Object
Adverbial
Adverbial
main clause a. I dag ville Lotte inte läsa tidningen
1 2 3 4 5 6
today wanted Lotte not read the newspaper ...
'Lotte didn't want to read the paper today.'
embedded clause b. att Lotte inte ville koka kaffe i dag
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
that Lotte not wanted brew coffee today ...
'that Lotte didn't want to make coffee today'
Main clause           Front    Finite verb    Subject    Sentence adverb    __            Non-finite verb     Object           Adverbial
Embedded clause       __       Conjunction    Subject    Sentence adverb    Finite verb   Non-finite verb     Object           Adverbial

Main clause      (a)  I dag    ville          Lotte      inte                             läsa                tidningen
                      today    wanted         Lotte      not                              read                the newspaper
                      "Lotte didn't want to read the paper today."


Embedded clause  (b)           att            Lotte      inte               ville         koka                kaffe             i dag
                               that           Lotte      not                wanted        brew                coffee            today
                      "that Lotte didn't want to make coffee today."

Danish

main clause
embedded clause
Front
Finite verb
Conjunction
Subject
Subject
Sentence adverb
Sentence adverb

Finite verb
Non-finite verb
Non-finite verb
Object
Object
Adverbial
Adverbial
main clause a. Klaus er ikke kommet
1 2 4 5
Klaus is not come
...'Klaus hasn't come.'
embedded clause b. når Klaus ikke er kommet
1 2 3 4 5
when Klaus not is come
...'when Klaus hasn't come'

So-called Perkerdansk is an example of a variety that does not follow the above.

Norwegian
(with multiple adverbials and multiple non-finite forms, in two varieties of the language)

main
embedded
Front
Finite verb
Conjunction
Subject
Subject
Sentence adverb
Sentence adverb

Finite verb
Non-finite verb
Non-finite verb
Object
Object
Adverbial
Adverbial
main clause a. Den gangen hadde han dessverre ikke villet sende sakspapirene før møtet. (Bokmål variety)
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
that time had he unfortunately not wanted to send the documents before the meeting ...
'This time he had unfortunately not wanted
to send the documents before the meeting.'
embedded clause b. av di han denne gongen diverre ikkje hadde vilja senda sakspapira føre møtet. (Nynorsk variety)
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
because he this time unfortunately not had wanted to send the documents before the meeting ...
'because this time he had unfortunately not wanted
to send the documents before the meeting.'

Faroese
Unlike continental Scandinavian languages, the sentence adverb may either precede or follow the finite verb in embedded clauses. A (3a) slot is inserted here for the following sentence adverb alternative.

main clause
embedded clause
Front
Finite verb
Conjunction
Subject
Subject
Sentence adverb
Sentence adverb

Finite verb

Sentence adverb
Non-finite verb
Non-finite verb
Object
Object
Adverbial
Adverbial
main clause a. Her man fólk ongantíð hava fingið fisk fyrr
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
here must people never have caught fish before ...
'People have surely never caught fish here before.'
embedded clause b. hóast fólk ongantíð hevur fingið fisk her
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
although people never have caught fish here
c. hóast fólk hevur ongantíð fingið fisk her
1 2 4 (3a) 5 6 7
although people have never caught fish here ...
'although people have never caught fish here'

German

[edit]

In main clauses, the V2 constraint holds. As with other Germanic languages, the finite verb must be in the second position. However, any non-finite forms must be in final position. The subject may be in the first position, but when a topical expression occupies the position, the subject follows the finite verb.

In embedded clauses, the V2 constraint does not hold. The finite verb form must be adjacent to any non-finite at the end of the clause.

German grammarians traditionally divide sentences into fields. Subordinate clauses preceding the main clause are said to be in the first field (Vorfeld), clauses following the main clause in the final field (Nachfeld).
The central field (Mittelfeld) contains most or all of a clause, and is bounded by left bracket (Linke Satzklammer) and right bracket (Rechte Satzklammer) positions.

In main clauses, the initial element (subject or topical expression) is said to be located in the first field, the V2 finite verb form in the left bracket, and any non-finite verb forms in the right bracket.
In embedded clauses, the conjunction is said to be located in the left bracket, and the verb forms in the right bracket. In German embedded clauses, a finite verb form follows any non-finite forms.

German[4]

First field Left bracket Central field Right bracket Final field
Main clause a. Er hat dich gestern nicht angerufen weil er dich nicht stören wollte.
he has you yesterday not rung
... 'He didn't ring you yesterday because he didn't want to disturb you.'
b. Sobald er Zeit hat wird er dich anrufen
As soon as he has time will he you ring
...'When he has time he will ring you.'
Embedded clause c. dass er dich gestern nicht angerufen hat
that he you yesterday not rung has
...'that he didn't ring you yesterday'

Dutch and Afrikaans

[edit]

V2 word order is used in main clauses; the finite verb must be in the second position. However, in subordinate clauses two word orders are possible for the verb clusters.

Main clauses:

Dutch[5]

First field Left bracket Central field Right bracket Final field
Main clause a. De Māori hebben Nieuw-Zeeland ontdekt
The Māori have New Zealand discovered
...'The Māori have discovered New Zealand.'
b. Tussen ongeveer 1250 en 1300 ontdekten de Māori Nieuw-Zeeland
Between approximately 1250 and 1300 discovered the Māori New Zealand
...'Between about 1250 and 1300, the Māori discovered New Zealand.'
c. Niemand had gedacht dat ook maar iets zou gebeuren.
Nobody had thought
...'Nobody figured that anything would happen.'
Embedded clause d. dat de Māori Nieuw-Zeeland hebben ontdekt
that the Māori New Zealand have discovered
...'that the Māori have discovered New Zealand'

This analysis suggests a close parallel between the V2 finite form in main clauses and the conjunctions in embedded clauses. Each is seen as an introduction to its clause-type, a function which some modern scholars have equated with the notion of specifier. The analysis is supported in spoken Dutch by the placement of clitic pronoun subjects. Forms such as ze cannot stand alone, unlike the full-form equivalent zij. The words to which they may be attached are those same introduction words: the V2 form in a main clause, or the conjunction in an embedded clause.[6]

First field Left bracket Central field Right bracket Final field
Main clause e. Tussen ongeveer 1250 en 1300 ontdekten-ze Nieuw-Zeeland
between approximately 1250 and 1300 discovered-they New Zealand
...'Between about 1250 and 1300, they discovered New Zealand.'
Embedded clause f. dat-ze tussen ongeveer 1250 en 1300 Nieuw-Zeeland hebben ontdekt
that-they between approximately 1250 and 1300 New Zealand have discovered
...'that they have discovered New Zealand between about 1250 and 1300'

Subordinate clauses:

In Dutch subordinate clauses two word orders are possible for the verb clusters and are referred to as the "red": omdat ik heb gewerkt, "because I have worked": like in English, where the auxiliary verb precedes the past particle, and the "green": omdat ik gewerkt heb, where the past particle precedes the auxiliary verb, "because I worked have": like in German.[7] In Dutch, the green word order is the most used in speech, and the red is the most used in writing, particularly in journalistic texts, but the green is also used in writing as is the red in speech. Unlike in English however adjectives and adverbs must precede the verb: ''dat het boek groen is'', "that the book green is".

First field Left bracket Central field Right bracket Final field
Embedded clause g. omdat ik het dan gezien zou hebben most common in the Netherlands
because I it then seen would have
h. omdat ik het dan zou gezien hebben most common in Belgium
because I it then would seen have
i. omdat ik het dan zou hebben gezien often used in writing in both countries, but common in speech as well, most common in Limburg
because I it then would have seen
j. omdat ik het dan gezien hebben zou used in Friesland, Groningen and Drenthe, least common but used as well
because I it then seen have would
...'because then I would have seen it'

V2 in Icelandic and Yiddish

[edit]

These languages freely allow V2 order in embedded clauses.

Icelandic
Two word-order patterns are largely similar to continental Scandinavian. However, in main clauses an extra slot is needed for when the front position is occupied by Það. In these clauses the subject follows any sentence adverbs. In embedded clauses, sentence adverbs follow the finite verb (an optional order in Faroese).[8]

main clause
embedded clause
Front
Finite verb
Conjunction
Subject
Subject

Finite verb
Sentence adverb
Sentence adverb
Subject
Non-finite verb
Non-finite verb
Object
Object
Adverbial
Adverbial
main clause a. Margir höfðu aldrei lokið verkefninu.
Many had never finished the assignment ... 'Many had never finished the assignment.'
b. Það höfðu aldrei margir lokið verkefninu.
there have never many finished the assignment ... 'There were never many people who had finished the assignment.'
c. Bókina hefur María ekki lesið.
the book has Mary not read ... 'Mary hasn't read the book.'
embedded clause d. hvort María hefur ekki lesið bokina.
whether Mary has not read the book ... 'whether Mary hasn't read the book'

In more radical contrast with other Germanic languages, a third pattern exists for embedded clauses with the conjunction followed by the V2 order: front-finite verb-subject.[9]

Conjunction Front
(Topic adverbial)
Finite verb Subject
e. Jón efast um að á morgun fari María snemma á fætur.
John doubts that tomorrow get Mary early up ... 'John doubts that Mary will get up early tomorrow.'
Conjunction Front
(Object)
Finite verb Subject
f. Jón harmar þessa bók skuli ég hafa lesið.
John regrets that this book shall I have read ... 'John regrets that I have read this book.'

Yiddish
Unlike Standard German, Yiddish normally has verb forms before Objects (SVO order), and in embedded clauses has conjunction followed by V2 order.[10]

Front
(Subject)
Finite verb Conjunction Front
(Subject)
Finite verb
a. ikh hob gezen mitvokh, az ikh vel nit kenen kumen donershtik
I have seen Wednesday that I will not can come Thursday ... 'I saw on Wednesday that I wouldn't be able to come on Thursday.'
Front
(Adverbial)
Finite verb Subject Conjunction Front
(Adverbial)
Finite verb Subject
b. mitvokh hob ikh gezen, az donershtik vel ikh nit kenen kumen
Wednesday have I seen that Thursday will I not can come ... On Wednesday I saw that on Thursday I wouldn't be able to come.'

Root clauses

[edit]

One type of embedded clause with V2 following the conjunction is found throughout the Germanic languages, although it is more common in some than it is others. These are termed root clauses. They are declarative content clauses, the direct objects of so-called bridge verbs, which are understood to quote a statement. For that reason, they exhibit the V2 word order of the equivalent direct quotation.

Danish
Items other than the subject are allowed to appear in front position.

Conjunction Front
(Subject)
Finite verb
a. Vi ved at Bo ikke har læst denne bog
We know that Bo not has read this book ... 'We know that Bo has not read this book.'
Conjunction Front
(Object)
Finite verb Subject
b. Vi ved at denne bog har Bo ikke læst
We know that this book has Bo not read ... 'We know that Bo has not read this book.'

Swedish
Items other than the subject are occasionally allowed to appear in front position. Generally, the statement must be one with which the speaker agrees.

Conjunction Front
(Adverbial)
Finite verb Subject
d. Jag tror att i det fallet har du rätt
I think that in that respect have you right ... 'I think that in that respect you are right.'

This order is not possible with a statement with which the speaker does not agree.

Conjunction Front
(Adverbial)
Finite verb Subject
e. *Jag tror inte att i det fallet har du rätt (The asterisk signals that the sentence is not grammatically acceptable.)
I think not that in that respect have you right ... 'I don't think that in that respect you are right.'

Norwegian

Conjunction Front
(Adverbial)
Finite verb Subject
f. hun fortalte at til fødselsdagen hadde hun fått kunstbok (Bokmål variety)
she told that for her birthday had' she received art-book ... 'She said that for her birthday she had been given a book on art.'

German
Root clause V2 order is possible only when the conjunction dass is omitted. In such cases, formal usage also places the finite verb form into the present subjunctive (German Konjunktiv I) if the verb form is clearly distinguishable from the indicative; if not, the past subjunctive (German Konjunktiv II) is used.

Conjunction Front
(Subject)
Finite verb
g. *Er behauptet, dass er hat es zur Post gebracht (The asterisk signals that the sentence is not grammatically acceptable.)
h. Er behauptet, er habe es zur Post gebracht
he claims (that) he has it to the post office taken ... 'He claims that he took it to the post office.'
By contrast, a form with an embedded first-person subject would usually use the past subjunctive here, since the present indicative and subjunctive appear identical: Er behauptet, ich hätte (instead of habe) es zur Post gebracht.

Compare the normal embed-clause order after dass

Left bracket
(Conjunction)
Central field Right bracket
(Verb forms)
i. Er behauptet, dass er es zur Post gebracht hat
he claims that he it to the post office taken has

Perspective effects on embedded V2

[edit]

There are a limited number of V2 languages that can allow for embedded verb movement for a specific pragmatic effect similar to that of English. This is due to the perspective of the speaker. Languages such as German and Swedish have embedded verb second. The embedded verb second in these kinds of languages usually occur after 'bridge verbs'.[11]

(Bridge verbs are common verbs of speech and thoughts such as "say", "think", and "know", and the word "that" is not needed after these verbs. For example: I think he is coming.)

(a)

Jag

I

ska

will

säga

say

dig

you

att

that

jag

I

är

am

inte

not

ett

a

dugg

dew

intresserad.

interested.

(Swedish)

 

Jag ska säga dig att jag är inte ett dugg intresserad.

I will say you that I am not a dew interested.

"I tell you that I am not the least bit interested."
→ In this sentence, "tell" is the bridge verb and "am" is an embedded verb second.

Based on an assertion theory, the perspective of a speaker is reaffirmed in embedded V2 clauses. A speaker's sense of commitment to or responsibility for V2 in embedded clauses is greater than a non-V2 in embedded clause.[12] This is the result of V2 characteristics. As shown in the examples below, there is a greater commitment to the truth in the embedded clause when V2 is in place.

(a)

Maria

Maria-NOM-SG

denkt,

think-PRES-3SG,

dass

that

Peter

Peter-NOM-SG

glücklich

happy

ist.

be-PRES-3SG

Maria denkt, dass Peter glücklich ist.

Maria-NOM-SG think-PRES-3SG, that Peter-NOM-SG happy be-PRES-3SG

→ In a non-V2 embedded clause, the speaker is only committed to the truth of the statement "Maria thinks ..."

(b)

Maria

Maria-NOM-SG

denkt,

think-PRES-3SG,

Peter

Peter-NOM-SG

ist

be-PRES-3SG

glücklich.

happy.

Maria denkt, Peter ist glücklich.

Maria-NOM-SG think-PRES-3SG, Peter-NOM-SG be-PRES-3SG happy.

→ In a V2 embedded clause, the speaker is committed to the truth of the statement "Maria thinks ..." and also the proposition "Peter is happy".

Variations

[edit]

Variations of V2 order such as V1 (verb-initial word order), V3 and V4 orders are widely attested in many Early Germanic and Medieval Romance languages. These variations are possible in the languages however it is severely restricted to specific contexts.

V1 word order

[edit]

V1 (verb-initial word order) is a type of structure that contains the finite verb as the initial clause element. In other words, the verb appears before the subject and the object of the sentence.

          (a) Max y-il    [s no' tx;i;] [o naq Lwin].    (Mayan) 
              PFV A3-see  CLF dog       CLF Pedro 
              'The dog saw Pedro.'

V3 word order

[edit]

V3 (verb-third word order) is a variation of V2 in which the finite verb is in third position with two constituents preceding it.[13]

In V3, like in V2 word order, the constituents preceding the finite verb are not categorically restricted, as the constituents can be a DP, a PP, a CP and so on.[14]

(a)

[DP

 

Jedes

every

jahr]

year

[Pn

 

ich]

I

kauf

buy-PRES-1SG

mir

me-DAT-SG

bei

at

Deichmann

Deichmann-DAT-SG

(substandard German, „Kiezdeutsch“)

 

[DP Jedes jahr] [Pn ich] kauf mir bei Deichmann

{} every year {} I buy-PRES-1SG me-DAT-SG at Deichmann-DAT-SG

"Every year I buy (shoes) at Deichmann's"

(b)

[PP

 

ab

from

jetzt]

now

[Pn

 

ich]

I

krieg

get-PRES-SG

immer

always

zwanzig

twenty

Euro

euro-ACC-PL

(substandard German)

 

[PP ab jetzt] [Pn ich] krieg immer zwanzig Euro

{} from now {} I get-PRES-SG always twenty euro-ACC-PL

"From now on, I always get twenty euros"

Left edge filling trigger (LEFT)

[edit]

V2 is fundamentally derived from a morphological obligatory exponence effect at sentence level. The left edge filling trigger (LEFT) effects are usually seen in classical V2 languages such as Germanic languages and Old Romance languages. The left edge filling trigger is independently active in morphology as EPP effects are found in word-internal levels. The obligatory exponence derives from absolute displacement, ergative displacement and ergative doubling in inflectional morphology. In addition, second position rules in clitic second languages demonstrate post-syntactic rules of LEFT movement. Using the Breton language as an example, absence of a pre-tense expletive will allow for the LEFT to occur to avoid tense-first. The LEFT movement is free from syntactic rules which is evidence for a post-syntactic phenomenon. With the LEFT movement, V2 word order can be obtained as seen in the example below.[15]

(a)

Bez

EXPL

'nevo 

Fin.[will.have]

hennex

he

traou

things

(in Breton)

 

Bez 'nevo  hennex traou

EXPL Fin.[will.have] he things

"He will have goods"

In this Breton example, the finite head is phonetically realized and agrees with the category of the preceding element. The pre-tense "Bez" is used in front of the finite verb to obtain the V2 word order. (finite verb "nevo" is bolded).

Syntactic verb second

[edit]

It is said that V2 patterns are a syntactic phenomenon and therefore have certain environments where it can and cannot be tolerated. Syntactically, V2 requires a left-peripheral head (usually C) with an occupied specifier and paired with raising the highest verb-auxiliary to that head. V2 is usually analyzed as the co-occurrence of these requirements, which can also be referred to as "triggers". The left-peripheral head, which is a requirement that causes the effect of V2, sets further requirements on a phrase XP that occupies the initial position, so that this phrase XP may always have specific featural characteristics.[16]

English

[edit]

Modern English differs greatly in word order from other modern Germanic languages, but earlier English shared many similarities. For this reason, some scholars propose a description of Old English with V2 constraint as the norm. The history of English syntax is thus seen as a process of losing the constraint.[17]

Old English

[edit]

In these examples, finite verb forms are in green, non-finite verb forms are in orange and subjects are blue.

Main clauses

[edit]
a.
Subject first

Se

the

mæssepreost

masspriest

sceal

shall

manum

people

bodian

preach

þone

the

soþan

true

geleafan

faith

Se mæssepreost sceal manum bodian þone soþan geleafan

the masspriest shall people preach the true faith

'The mass priest shall preach the true faith to the people.'

b.
Question word first

Hwi

Why

wolde

would

God

God

swa

so

lytles

small

þinges

thing

him

him

forwyrman

deny

Hwi wolde God swa lytles þinges him forwyrman

Why would God so small thing him deny

'Why would God deny him such a small thing?'

c.
Topic phrase first

on

in

twam

two

þingum

things

hæfde

has

God

God

þæs

the

mannes

man's

sawle

soul

geododod

endowed

on twam þingum hæfde God þæs mannes sawle geododod

in two things has God the man's soul endowed

'With two things God had endowed man's soul.'

d.
þa first

þa

then

wæs

was

þæt

the

folc

people

þæs

of-the

micclan

great

welan

prosperity

ungemetlice

excessively

brucende

partaking

þa wæs þæt folc þæs micclan welan ungemetlice brucende

then was the people of-the great prosperity excessively partaking

'Then the people were partaking excessively of the great prosperity.'

e.
Negative word first

Ne

not

sceal

shall

he

he

naht

nothing

unaliefedes

unlawful

don

do

Ne sceal he naht unaliefedes don

not shall he nothing unlawful do

'He shall not do anything unlawful.'

f.
Object first

Ðas

these

ðreo

three

ðing

things

forgifð

gives

God

God

he

his

gecorenum

chosen

Ðas ðreo ðing forgifð God he gecorenum

these three things gives God his chosen

'These three things God gives to his chosen

Position of object

[edit]

In examples b, c and d, the object of the clause precedes a non-finite verb form. Superficially, the structure is verb-subject-object- verb. To capture generalities, scholars of syntax and linguistic typology treat them as basically subject-object-verb (SOV) structure, modified by the V2 constraint. Thus Old English is classified, to some extent, as an SOV language. However, example a represents a number of Old English clauses with object following a non-finite verb form, with the superficial structure verb-subject-verb object. A more substantial number of clauses contain a single finite verb form followed by an object, superficially verb-subject-object. Again, a generalisation is captured by describing these as subject–verb–object (SVO) modified by V2. Thus Old English can be described as intermediate between SOV languages (like German and Dutch) and SVO languages (like Swedish and Icelandic).

Effect of subject pronouns

[edit]

When the subject of a clause was a personal pronoun, V2 did not always operate.

g.

forðon

therefore

we

we

sceolan

must

mid

with

ealle

all

mod

mind

&

and

mægene

power

to

to

Gode

God

gecyrran

turn

forðon we sceolan mid ealle mod & mægene to Gode gecyrran

therefore we must with all mind and power to God turn

'Therefore, we must turn to God with all our mind and power

However, V2 verb-subject inversion occurred without exception after a question word or the negative ne, and with few exceptions after þa even with pronominal subjects.

h.

for

for

hwam

what

noldest

not-wanted

þu

you

ðe sylfe

yourself

me

me

gecyðan

make-known

þæt...

that...

for hwam noldest þu {ðe sylfe} me gecyðan þæt...

for what not-wanted you yourself me make-known that...

'wherefore would you not want to make known to me yourself that...'

i.

Ne

not

sceal

shall

he

he

naht

nothing

unaliefedes

unlawful

don

do

Ne sceal he naht unaliefedes don

not shall he nothing unlawful do

'He shall not do anything unlawful.'

j.

þa

then

foron

sailed

hie

they

mid

with

þrim

three

scipum

ships

ut

out

þa foron hie mid þrim scipum ut

then sailed they with three ships out

'Then they sailed out with three ships.'

Inversion of a subject pronoun also occurred regularly after a direct quotation.[18]

k.

"Me

to me

is,"

is

cwæð

said

hēo

she

"Þīn

your

cyme

coming

on

in

miclum

much

ðonce"

thankfulness

"Me is," cwæð hēo "Þīn cyme on miclum ðonce"

{to me} is said she your coming in much thankfulness

'"Your coming," she said, "is very gratifying to me".'

Embedded clauses

[edit]

Embedded clauses with pronoun subjects were not subject to V2. Even with noun subjects, V2 inversion did not occur.

l.

...þa ða

...when

his

his

leorningcnichtas

disciples

hine

him

axodon

asked

for

for

hwæs

whose

synnum

sins

se

the

man

man

wurde

became

swa

thus

blind

blind

acenned

 

...þa ða his leorningcnichtas hine axodon for hwæs synnum se man wurde swa blind acenned

...when his disciples him asked for whose sins the man became thus blind {}

'...when his disciples asked him for whose sins the man was thus born blind'

Yes–no questions

[edit]

In a similar clause pattern, the finite verb form of a yes–no question occupied the first position

m.

Truwast

trust

ðu

you

nu

now

þe

you

selfum

self

and

and

þinum

your

geferum

companions

bet

better

þonne

than

ðam

the

apostolum...?

apostles

Truwast ðu nu þe selfum and þinum geferum bet þonne ðam apostolum...?

trust you now you self and your companions better than the apostles

'Do you now trust yourself and your companions better than the apostles...?'

Middle English

[edit]

Continuity

[edit]

Early Middle English generally preserved V2 structure in clauses with nominal subjects.

a.
Topic phrase first

On

in

þis

this

gær

year

wolde

wanted

þe

the

king

king

Stephne

Stephen

tæcen

seize

Rodbert

Robert

On þis gær wolde þe king Stephne tæcen Rodbert

in this year wanted the king Stephen seize Robert

'During this year King Stephen wanted to seize Robert.'

b.
Nu first

Nu

now

loke

look

euerich

every

man

man

toward

to

himseleun

himself

Nu loke euerich man toward himseleun

now look every man to himself

'Now it's for every man to look to himself.'

As in Old English, V2 inversion did not apply to clauses with pronoun subjects.

c.
Topic phrase first

bi

by

þis

this

ȝe

you

mahen

may

seon

see

ant

and

witen...

know

bi þis ȝe mahen seon ant witen...

by this you may see and know

d.
Object first

alle

all

ðese

those

bebodes

commandments

ic

I

habbe

have

ihealde

kept

fram

from

childhade

childhood

alle ðese bebodes ic habbe ihealde fram childhade

all those commandments I have kept from childhood

Change

[edit]

Late Middle English texts of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries show increasing incidence of clauses without the inversion associated with V2.

e.
Topic adverb first

sothely

Truly

se

the

ryghtwyse

righteous

sekys

seeks

þe

the

loye

joy

and...

and...

sothely se ryghtwyse sekys þe loye and...

Truly the righteous seeks the joy and...

f.
Topic phrase first

And

And

by

by

þis

this

same

same

skyle

skill

hop

hope

and

and

sore

sorrow

shulle

shall

jugen

judge

us

us

And by þis same skyle hop and sore shulle jugen us

And by this same skill hope and sorrow shall judge us

Negative clauses were no longer formed with ne (or na) as the first element. Inversion in negative clauses was attributable to other causes.

g.
Wh- question word first

why

why

ordeyned

ordained

God

God

not

not

such

such

ordre

order

why ordeyned God not such ordre

why ordained God not such order

'Why did God not ordain such an order?' (not follows noun phrase subject)

h.

why

why

shulde

should

he

he

not...

not

 

(not precedes pronoun subject)

why shulde he not...

why should he not

i.
There first

Ther

there

nys

not-is

nat

not

oon

one

kan

can

war

aware

by

by

other

other

be

be

Ther nys nat oon kan war by other be

there not-is not one can aware by other be

'There is not a single person who learns from the mistakes of others'

j.
Object first

He

He

was

was

despeyred;

in despair;

no thyng

nothing

dorste

dared

he

he

seye

say

He was despeyred; {no thyng} dorste he seye

He was {in despair}; nothing dared he say

Vestiges in Modern English

[edit]

As in earlier periods, Modern English normally has subject-verb order in declarative clauses and inverted verb-subject order[19] in interrogative clauses. However these norms are observed irrespective of the number of clause elements preceding the verb.

Classes of verbs in Modern English: auxiliary and lexical

[edit]

Inversion in Old English sentences with a combination of two verbs could be described in terms of their finite and non-finite forms. The word which participated in inversion was the finite verb; the verb which retained its position relative to the object was the non-finite verb. In most types of Modern English clause, there are two verb forms, but the verbs are considered to belong to different syntactic classes. The verbs which participated in inversion have evolved to form a class of auxiliary verbs which may mark tense, aspect and mood; the remaining majority of verbs with full semantic value are said to constitute the class of lexical verbs. The exceptional type of clause is that of declarative clause with a lexical verb in a present simple or past simple form.

Questions

[edit]

Like Yes/No questions, interrogative Wh- questions are regularly formed with inversion of subject and auxiliary. Present Simple and Past Simple questions are formed with the auxiliary do, a process known as do-support.

a. Which game is Sam watching?
b. Where does she live?
(see subject-auxiliary inversion in questions)

With topic adverbs and adverbial phrases

[edit]

In certain patterns similar to Old and Middle English, inversion is possible. However, this is a matter of stylistic choice, unlike the constraint on interrogative clauses.

negative or restrictive adverbial first

c. At no point will he drink Schnapps.
d. No sooner had she arrived than she started to make demands.
(see negative inversion)

comparative adverb or adjective first

e. So keenly did the children miss their parents, they cried themselves to sleep.
f. Such was their sadness, they could never enjoy going out.

After the preceding classes of adverbial, only auxiliary verbs, not lexical verbs, participate in inversion

locative or temporal adverb first

g. Here comes the bus.
h. Now is the hour when we must say goodbye.

prepositional phrase first

i. Behind the goal sat many photographers.
j. Down the road came the person we were waiting for.
(see locative inversion, directive inversion)

After the two latter types of adverbial, only one-word lexical verb forms (Present Simple or Past Simple), not auxiliary verbs, participate in inversion, and only with noun-phrase subjects, not pronominal subjects.

Direct quotations

[edit]

When the object of a verb is a verbatim quotation, it may precede the verb, with a result similar to Old English V2. Such clauses are found in storytelling and in news reports.

k. "Wolf! Wolf!" cried the boy.
l. "The unrest is spreading throughout the country," writes our Jakarta correspondent.
(see quotative inversion)

Declarative clauses without inversion

[edit]

Corresponding to the above examples, the following clauses show the normal Modern English subject-verb order.

Declarative equivalents

a′. Sam is watching the Cup games.
b′. She lives in the country.

Equivalents without topic fronting

c′. He will at no point drink Schnapps.
d′. She had no sooner arrived than she started to make demands.
e′. The children missed their parents so keenly that they cried themselves to sleep.
g′. The bus is coming here.
h′. The hour when we must say goodbye is now.
i′. Many photographers sat behind the goal.
j′. The person we were waiting for came down the road.
k′. The boy cried "Wolf! Wolf!"
l′. Our Jakarta correspondent writes, "The unrest is spreading throughout the country" .

French

[edit]

Modern French is a subject-verb-object (SVO) language like other Romance languages (though Latin was a subject-object-verb language). However, V2 constructions existed in Old French and were more common than in other early Romance language texts. It has been suggested that this may be due to influence from the Germanic Frankish language.[20] Modern French has vestiges of the V2 system similar to those found in modern English.

The following sentences have been identified as possible examples of V2 syntax in Old French:[21]

a. Old French Longetemps fu ly roys Elinas en la montaigne
Modern French Longtemps fut le roi Elinas dans la montagne .... 'Pendant longtemps le roi Elinas a été dans les montagnes.'
English For a long time was the king Elinas in the mountain ... 'King Elinas was in the mountains for a long time.'
b. Old French Iteuses paroles distrent li frere de Lancelot
Modern French Telles paroles dirent les frères de Lancelot .... 'Les frères de Lancelot ont dit ces paroles'
English Such words uttered the brothers of Lancelot .... 'Lancelot's brothers spoke these words.'
c. Old French Atant regarda contreval la mer
Modern French Alors regarda en bas la mer .... 'Alors Il a regardé la mer plus bas.'
English Then looked at downward the sea .... 'Then he looked down at the sea.' (Elision of subject pronoun, contrary to the general rule in other Old French clause structures.)

Old French

[edit]

Similarly to Modern French, Old French allows a range of constituents to precede the finite verb in the V2 position.

(1)

Il

He

oste

removes.3sg

ses

his

armes

weapons

Il oste ses armes

He removes.3sg his weapons

'He removes his weapons'

Old Occitan

[edit]

A language that is compared to Old French is Old Occitan, which is said to be the sister of Old French. Although the two languages are thought to be sister languages, Old Occitan exhibits a relaxed V2 whereas Old French has a much more strict V2. However, the differences between the two languages extend past V2 and also differ in a variation of V2, which is V3. In both language varieties, occurrence of V3 can be triggered by the presence of an initial frame-setting clause or adverbial (1).

(1)

Car

For

s'il

if-he

ne

NEG

me

me.CL=

garde

look.3SG

de

of

pres,

close

je

I

ne

NEG

dout

doubt.1SG

mie

NEG

Car s'il ne me garde de pres, je ne dout mie

For if-he NEG me.CL= look.3SG of close I NEG doubt.1SG NEG

'Since he watches me so closely, I do not doubt'

Other languages

[edit]

Kotgarhi and Kochi

[edit]

In his 1976 three-volume study of two languages of Himachal Pradesh, Hendriksen reports on two intermediate cases: Kotgarhi and Kochi. Although neither language shows a regular V 2 pattern, they have evolved to the point that main and subordinate clauses differ in word order and auxiliaries may separate from other parts of the verb:

(a)

hyunda-baassie

winter-after

jaa

goes

gõrmi

summer

hõ-i

become-GER

(in Kotgarhi)

 

hyunda-baassie jaa gõrmi hõ-i

winter-after goes summer become-GER

"After winter comes summer." (Hendriksen III:186)

Hendriksen reports that relative clauses in Kochi show a greater tendency to have the finite verbal element in clause-final position than matrix clauses do (III:188).

Ingush

[edit]

In Ingush, "for main clauses, other than episode-initial and other all-new ones, verb-second order is most common. The verb, or the finite part of a compound verb or analytic tense form (i.e. the light verb or the auxiliary), follows the first word or phrase in the clause."[22]

(a)

muusaa

Musa

vy

V.PROG

hwuona

2sg.DAT

telefon

telephone

jettazh

striking

muusaa vy hwuona telefon jettazh

Musa V.PROG 2sg.DAT telephone striking

'Musa is telephoning you.'

O'odham

[edit]

O'odham has relatively free V2 word order within clauses; for example, all of the following sentences mean "the boy brands the pig":[23]

          ceoj ʼo g ko:jĭ ceposid
          ko:jĭ ʼo g ceoj ceposid
          ceoj ʼo ceposid g ko:jĭ
          ko:jĭ ʼo ceposid g ceoj
          ceposid ʼo g ceoj g ko:jĭ
          ceposid ʼo g ko:jĭ g ceoj

The finite verb is "'o" and appears after a constituent in the second position.

Despite the general freedom of sentence word order, O'odham is fairly strictly V2 in its placement of the auxiliary verb (in the sentences above, it is ʼo; in the sentences below, it is ʼañ):

          Affirmative: cipkan ʼañ = "I am working"
          Negative: pi ʼañ cipkan = "I am not working" [not *pi cipkan ʼañ]

Sursilvan

[edit]

Among dialects of the Romansh, V2 word order is limited to Sursilvan, the insertion of entire phrases between auxiliary verbs and participles occurs, as in 'Cun Mariano Tschuor ha Augustin Beeli discurriu ' ('Mariano Tschuor has spoken with Augustin Beeli'), as compared to Engadinese 'Cun Rudolf Gasser ha discurrü Gion Peider Mischol' ('Rudolf Gasser has spoken with Gion Peider Mischol'.)[24]

The constituent that is bounded by the auxiliary, ha, and the participle, discurriu, is known as a Satzklammer or 'verbal bracket'.

Estonian

[edit]

In Estonian, V2 is the norm in main clauses in the literate register, as illustrated in (1).

(1)

Kiiresti

quickly

lahku-s-id

leave-PST-3PL

õpilase-d

student-NOM.PL

koolimaja-st.

schoolhouse-ELA

Kiiresti lahku-s-id õpilase-d koolimaja-st.

quickly leave-PST-3PL student-NOM.PL schoolhouse-ELA

'The students departed quickly from the schoolhouse.'

However, there are frequent deviations from V2 in the spoken register. Even in the written register, V2 does not apply to embedded clauses. In addition, Estonian differs from Germanic V2 languages in not using V2 in certain main clauses such as wh-interrogatives (2), exclamatives (3), and non-subject-initial negative clauses (4).[25]

(2)

Kes

who.NOM

mei-le

we-ALL

täna

today

külla

village/visit.ILL

tule-b?

come-PRS.3SG

Kes mei-le täna külla tule-b?

who.NOM we-ALL today village/visit.ILL come-PRS.3SG

'Who will visit us today?'

(3)

Küll

EMP

ta

s/he.NOM

täna

today

tule-b.

come-PRS.3SG

Küll ta täna tule-b.

EMP s/he.NOM today come-PRS.3SG

'S/he's sure to come today!'

(4)

Täna

today

ta

s/he.NOM

mei-le

we-ALL

külla

village/visit.ILL

ei

not

tule.

come

Täna ta mei-le külla ei tule.

today s/he.NOM we-ALL village/visit.ILL not come

'Today s/he won't come to visit us.'

Welsh

[edit]

In Welsh, V2 word order is found in Middle Welsh but not in Old and Modern Welsh, which have only verb-initial order.[26] Middle Welsh displays three characteristics of V2 grammar:

         (1)	A finite verb in the C-domain
         (2)	The constituent preceding the verb can be any constituent (often driven by pragmatic features). 
         (3)	Only one constituent preceding the verb in subject position

As can be seen in the following examples of V2 in Welsh, there is only one constituent preceding the finite verb, but any kind of constituent (such as a noun phrase NP, adverb phrase AP and preposition phrase PP) can occur in this position.

(a)

[DP

 

'r

the

guyrda

nobles

a]

PRT

doethant

came

y gyt.

together.

[DP 'r guyrda a] doethant {y gyt}.

{} the nobles PRT came together.

"The nobles came together"
→ This sentence has a constituent with a subject, followed by the verb in second position.

(b)

[DP

 

deu

two

drws

door

a]

PRT

welynt

saw

yn

PRED

agoret.

open.

[DP deu drws a] welynt yn agoret.

{} two door PRT saw PRED open.

"They saw two doors that were open"
→ This sentence has a constituent with an object, followed by the verb in second position.

(c)

[AdvP

 

yn

PRED

diannot

immediate

y]

PRT

doeth

came

tan

fire

o

from

r

the

nef.

heaven.

[AdvP yn diannot y] doeth tan o r nef.

{} PRED immediate PRT came fire from the heaven.

"Immediately there came fire from the heavens"
→ This sentence has a constituent that is an adverb phrase, followed by the verb in second position.

(d)

[PP

 

y

to

r

the

neuad

hall

y]

PRT

kyrchyssant.

went.

[PP y r neuad y] kyrchyssant.

{} to the hall PRT went.

"They made for the hall"
→ This sentence has a constituent that is a preposition phrase, followed by the verb in second position.

Middle Welsh can also exhibit variations of V2 such as cases of V1 (verb-initial word order) and V3 orders. However, these variations are restricted to specific contexts, such as in sentences with impersonal verbs, imperatives, answers or direct responses to questions or commands and idiomatic sayings. A preverbal particle can also precede the verb in V2, but such sentences are limited as well.

Wymysorys

[edit]

Wymysorys is classified as a West Germanic language but can exhibit various Slavonic characteristics. It is argued that Wymysorys enables its speaker to operate between two word order system, which represent both forces driving its grammar: Germanic and Slavonic. The Germanic system is not as flexible and allows for V2 to exist in it form, but the Slavonic system is relatively free. The rigid word order in the Germanic system causes the placement of the verb to be determined by syntactic rules in which V2 is commonly respected.[27]

Wymysorys, like with other languages that exhibit V2, has the finite verb in second position, and a constituent of any category precedes the verb such as DP, PP, AP and so on.

(a)

[DP

 

Der

The

klop]

man

kuzt

speaks

wymyioerys.

Wymysorys.

[DP Der klop] kuzt wymyioerys.

{} The man speaks Wymysorys.

"The man speaks Wymysorys"
→ This sentence has a constituent with a subject, followed by the verb in second position.

(b)

[DP

 

Dos

This

bihɫa]

book

hot

had

yh

I

gyśrejwa.

written.

[DP Dos bihɫa] hot yh gyśrejwa.

{} This book had I written.

"I had written that book"
→ This sentence has a constituent with an object, followed by the verb in second position.

(c)

[PP

 

Fjyr

For

ejn]

him

ej

is

do.

this.

[PP Fjyr ejn] ej do.

{} For him is this.

"This is for him"
→ This sentence has a preposition phrase, followed by the verb in second position.

Classical Portuguese

[edit]

V2 word order existed in Classical Portuguese much longer than in other Romance languages. Although Classical Portuguese was a V2 language, V1 occurred more frequently and so it is argued whether or not Classical Portuguese really is a V2-like language. However, Classical Portuguese was a relaxed V2 language, and V2 co-exist with its variations: V1 and V3. Classical Portuguese had a strong relationship between V1 and V2 since V2 clauses were derived from V1 clauses.

In languages where both V1 and V2 exist, both patterns depend on the movement of the verb to a high position of the CP layer. The difference is whether or not a phrase is moved to a preverbal position.[28]

Although V1 occurred more frequently in Classical Portuguese, V2 was more frequently found in matrix clauses. Post-verbal subjects could also occupy a high position in the clause and precede VP adverbs. In (1) and (2), it can be seen that the adverb 'bem' could be before or after the post-verbal subject.

(1)

E

and

nos

in-the

gasalhados

welcome

e

and

abraços

greetings

mostraram

showed

os

the

cardeais

cardinals

legados

delegates

E nos gasalhados e abraços mostraram os cardeais legados

and in-the welcome and greetings showed the cardinals delegates

'In the welcome and greetings the cardinal delegates showed this satisfaction well.'

(2)

E

and

quadra-lhe

fits-CL.3.DAT

bem

well

o

the

nome

name

de

of

Piemonte...

Piemonte

E quadra-lhe bem o nome de Piemonte...

and fits-CL.3.DAT well the name of Piemonte

'And the name of Piemonte fits it well...'

In (2), the post-verbal subject is understood as an informational focus, but the same cannot be said for (1) because the different positions determine how the subject is interpreted.

Structural analysis

[edit]

Various structural analyses of V2 have been developed, including within the model of dependency grammar and generative grammar.

Dependency grammar

[edit]

Dependency grammar (DG) can accommodate the V2 phenomenon simply by stipulating that one and only one constituent must be a predependent of the finite verb (i.e. a dependent which precedes its head) in declarative (matrix) clauses (in this, Dependency Grammar assumes only one clausal level and one position of the verb, instead of a distinction between a VP-internal and a higher clausal position of the verb as in Generative Grammar, cf. the next section).[29] On this account, the V2 principle is violated if the finite verb has more than one predependent or no predependent at all. The following DG structures of the first four German sentences above illustrate the analysis (the sentence means 'The kids play soccer in the park before school'):

V2 trees 2

The finite verb spielen is the root of all clause structure. The V2 principle requires that this root have a single predependent, which it does in each of the four sentences.

The four English sentences above involving the V2 phenomenon receive the following analyses:

V2 trees 2

Generative grammar

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In the theory of Generative Grammar, the verb second phenomenon has been described as an application of X-bar theory. The combination of a first position for a phrase and a second position for a single verb has been identified as the combination of specifier and head of a phrase. The part after the finite verb is then the complement. While the sentence structure of English is usually analysed in terms of three levels, CP, IP, and VP, in German linguistics the consensus has emerged that there is no IP in German.[30]

Tree structure for the English clause. German does not use an "I" position and has a VP with the verb at the end.

The VP (verb phrase) structure assigns position and functions to the arguments of the verb. Hence, this structure is shaped by the grammatical properties of the V (verb) which heads the structure. The CP (complementizer phrase) structure incorporates the grammatical information which identifies the clause as declarative or interrogative, main or embedded. The structure is shaped by the abstract C (complementiser) which is considered the head of the structure. In embedded clauses the C position accommodates complementizers. In German declarative main clauses, C hosts the finite verb. Thus the V2 structure is analysed as

1 Topic element (specifier of CP)
2 Finite-verb form (C=head of CP) i.e. verb-second
3 Remainder of the clause

In embedded clauses, the C position is occupied by a complementizer. In most Germanic languages (but not in Icelandic or Yiddish), this generally prevents the finite verb from moving to C.

The structure is analysed as
1 Complementizer (C=head of CP)
2 Bulk of clause (VP), including, in German, the subject.
3 Finite verb (V position)

This analysis does not provide a structure for the instances in some language of root clauses after bridge verbs.

Example: Danish Vi ved at denne bog har Bo ikke læst with the object of the embedded clause fronted.
(Literally 'We know that this book has Bo not read')

The solution is to allow verbs such as ved to accept a clause with a second (recursive) CP.[31]

The complementizer occupies C position in the upper CP.
The finite verb moves to the C position in the lower CP.

See also

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Notes

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Literature

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from Grokipedia
In linguistics, V2 word order, or verb-second word order, is a syntactic constraint requiring the finite verb to occupy the second constituent position in main clauses, with precisely one element—such as the subject, an adverb, or an object—preceding it.[1] This rule enforces subject-verb inversion when non-subjects are fronted, distinguishing V2 languages from strict subject-verb-object (SVO) systems like modern English.[2] The phenomenon is asymmetric in most cases, applying primarily to root clauses while subordinate clauses often exhibit verb-final order.[1] V2 is a hallmark of nearly all modern Germanic languages except English, including German, Dutch, Swedish, Danish, Norwegian, and Icelandic, where it structures declarative sentences to prioritize topical elements.[3] For instance, in German, the sentence Gestern hat Hans das Buch gelesen (Yesterday has Hans the book read) places the temporal adverb first, followed by the finite verb hat, with the subject Hans inverted afterward.[1] Similarly, in Swedish, Igår läste jag boken (Yesterday read I the book) illustrates the same pattern, where the adverb igår triggers inversion of the subject jag.[2] These examples underscore how V2 accommodates information structure, allowing flexible topicalization without disrupting the verb's fixed position.[1] Historically, V2 traces back to early Germanic languages, evolving from operator-driven patterns in Gothic—where it appeared in questions and negated clauses—to fuller implementations in Old High German by the 9th century.[4] Old English displayed a partial "pseudo-V2" system influenced by topic-verb adjacency, but this was lost between 1350 and 1425 during the transition to Middle English, leaving residual V2 effects in modern English only in specific contexts like questions and topicalizations.[4] In theoretical terms, generative analyses model V2 as verb movement to the complementizer (C) head, with the preverbal constituent in the specifier of CP, explaining its sensitivity to clause type and fronting operations.[1] This framework highlights V2's role in unifying syntax and pragmatics across languages.[2]

Fundamentals

Definition and Core Properties

V2 word order is a syntactic constraint observed in certain languages, particularly within the Germanic family, where the finite verb in declarative main clauses occupies the second position, with the first position filled by a single constituent such as the subject or a topicalized element.[5] This positioning ensures that exactly one major phrase precedes the verb, distinguishing V2 from more flexible arrangements.[6] Core properties of V2 include the movement of the finite verb to a functional head in the clausal structure, often analyzed as the complementizer (C) position in generative syntax, which facilitates the placement of the verb after the initial constituent.[5] When a non-subject element occupies the first position for topicalization or focus, subject-verb inversion occurs, with the subject appearing after the verb.[6] This rule applies primarily to root clauses, while embedded clauses typically exhibit different ordering patterns, such as verb-final structures in underlying SOV systems.[5] In contrast to rigid SVO languages like modern English, where the subject precedes the verb regardless of topicalization, or SOV systems with verb-final placement, V2 enforces a consistent second-position verb through obligatory movement and fronting.[5] The term "V2" originates from the descriptive observation of the verb's second position in the clause, a convention established in linguistic analyses of Germanic syntax.[6] Although many of the world's languages exhibit some verb positioning constraints, strict V2 is rare globally and predominantly features in the Germanic languages, excluding modern English.[3]

Basic Examples

A canonical illustration of V2 word order appears in German main clauses, where the finite verb occupies the second position regardless of the initial constituent. For example, in the adverb-initial sentence "Gestern habe ich das Buch gelesen" (Yesterday have I the book read), the temporal adverb "gestern" precedes the finite verb "habe," which inverts with the subject "ich," followed by the object and non-finite verb "gelesen."[7] In subject-initial contexts, no inversion occurs, but the finite verb still follows the subject immediately. Dutch exemplifies this pattern: "De man at een appel" (The man ate an apple), where the subject "de man" is first and the finite verb "at" second, with the object "een appel" third.[7] In non-subject-initial cases, such as "Een appel at de man" (An apple ate the man), the object fronts, triggering subject-verb inversion to maintain the finite verb in second position.[7] Question forms in V2 languages often deviate to V1 order for yes-no interrogatives, yet remain integrated within the broader V2 system of finite verb movement. In Icelandic, yes-no questions place the finite verb first, as in "Kemur þú?" (Are you coming?), where the verb "kemur" precedes the subject "þú," contrasting with declarative V2 like "Þú kemur" (You are coming).[8] The following table presents representative V2 examples from German, Dutch, and Swedish main clauses, contrasting them with hypothetical non-V2 orders (e.g., without verb movement or inversion, which are ungrammatical in these languages). These highlight the consistent second-position placement of the finite verb in declaratives.
LanguageV2 Order (Subject-Initial)Non-V2 Contrast (*Unacceptable)V2 Order (Adverb-Initial)Non-V2 Contrast (*Unacceptable)
GermanHans liest ein Buch. (Hans reads a book.)*Hans ein Buch liest.Gestern hat Hans ein Buch gelesen. (Yesterday has Hans a book read.)*Gestern Hans hat ein Buch gelesen.
DutchDe man at een appel. (The man ate an apple.)*De man een appel at.Gisteren at de man een appel. (Yesterday ate the man an apple.)*Gisteren de man at een appel.
SwedishEva gav inte Oscar pengar. (Eva gave not Oscar money.)*Eva inte gav Oscar pengar.Förmodligen gav Eva inte Oscar pengar. (Probably gave Eva not Oscar money.)*Förmodligen Eva gav inte Oscar pengar.
A common pitfall in understanding V2 is assuming it applies to all verbs; in reality, it targets only finite (inflected) verbs, while non-finite forms like infinitives or participles remain in situ or clause-final positions. For instance, in the German example above, the finite "hat" moves to second, but the non-finite "gelesen" follows the object.[7] This distinction arises because V2 involves movement of the finite verb to a functional head (e.g., C-position) in the clause structure.[7]

Theoretical Foundations

Classical Accounts

Classical accounts of V2 word order emerged in the 19th century through the work of comparative philologists examining the syntax of Germanic and Indo-European languages. Early observations on verb placement in older Germanic varieties, including Gothic and Old High German, noted the finite verb's typical second position in main clauses, distinguishing them from subordinate ones and establishing V2 as a characteristic feature of Germanic syntax.[6] In the late 19th century, Karl Brugmann and Berthold Delbrück extended these insights in their comparative grammars of Indo-European languages, portraying V2 as a specific innovation within the Germanic branch diverging from the reconstructed Proto-Indo-European (PIE) base order of subject-object-verb (SOV).[6] These scholars emphasized how Germanic verb placement evolved from PIE structures, with V2 representing a shift toward more flexible topicalization while retaining underlying OV tendencies in embedded contexts. These accounts debated the universality of V2, viewing it not as a PIE inheritance but as a Germanic-specific development, possibly influenced by prosodic or pragmatic factors that prioritized the verb's prominence in root clauses.[6] Early 20th-century grammarians built on these foundations, with Otto Jespersen analyzing V2 remnants in the history of English in his A Modern English Grammar on Historical Principles (1924). Jespersen observed how English retained traces of V2 in constructions like inverted questions (e.g., "Never have I seen such a sight") and adverb-fronted declaratives, attributing the partial loss of strict V2 to contact influences and analytic simplification. Overall, classical scholars like Brugmann, Delbrück, and Jespersen framed V2 as a hallmark of Germanic syntactic identity, emerging from PIE SOV through internal evolution rather than external borrowing, though they noted variations across dialects.[6]

Syntactic Triggers

One influential hypothesis in generative syntax posits that V2 word order arises from a requirement for the left-peripheral specifier of the complementizer phrase (SpecCP) to be occupied by a maximal projection, such as a noun phrase or adverbial phrase. This occupation satisfies a structural criterion, prompting the finite verb to raise to the C head position and yield the second-position verb placement characteristic of V2 languages. Originally articulated by Travis (1984) in her parametric analysis of Germanic word order variations, this "LEFT trigger" accounts for the flexibility in what precedes the verb while enforcing its fixed position. Topicalization functions as a primary syntactic trigger for V2 compliance, involving the fronting of maximal projections (XPs)—including objects, adverbials, or prepositional phrases—to the clause-initial position to serve discourse functions like topic or focus marking. In V2 languages such as German and Dutch, this fronting is obligatory in root clauses to fill SpecCP and activate verb movement to C, thereby maintaining the V2 pattern even when the subject is not initial. This mechanism integrates syntactic structure with information-structural needs, ensuring that discourse-salient elements precede the verb. A key distinction in triggering V2 lies in the presence or absence of complementizers: root clauses without an overt complementizer in C leave that head empty, compelling the finite verb to move to C to project the clause and enforce V2, whereas embedded clauses with a complementizer fill C and block such movement, resulting in verb-final order. This complementizer-based account, developed by den Besten (1983), explains the asymmetric distribution of V2 primarily in matrix contexts across West Germanic languages.[9] Empirical support for these triggers comes from corpus analyses of German, where V2 adherence in main clauses exceeds 95% in written registers, reflecting the rule's syntactic rigidity despite occasional discourse-driven variations. For instance, Hoberg's (1981) examination of journalistic texts confirms near-universal V2 conformity in declarative main clauses, with deviations rare and typically attributable to stylistic factors.[10] Alternative syntactic triggers for V2 include the illocutionary force of assertion, which licenses verb movement to C in root clauses to encode declarative force, independent of peripheral filling. This perspective, explored by Wechsler (1991), ties V2 to semantic-pragmatic properties of clause types rather than purely structural requirements.[11] Similarly, proposals invoking clause type marking suggest that V2 signals root status through dedicated functional projections in the left periphery.[12]

Clause Types and Contexts

Root Clauses

Root clauses, also known as main or independent clauses, are those that stand alone without being embedded under another clause and serve as the primary unit of discourse in sentences. In Germanic languages such as German, Dutch, and the Scandinavian languages, V2 word order is obligatory in these root clauses, positioning the finite verb as the second constituent regardless of the nature of the initial element.[1] The core mechanism enforcing V2 in root clauses is the inversion rule, whereby the finite verb moves to the second position, inverting with the subject if a non-subject constituent—such as an adverb, object, or prepositional phrase—is fronted to the initial position. For instance, in German, a subject-initial declarative like Der Mann kommt heute ("The man comes today") follows SVO order with the verb second, while fronting an adverb yields Heute kommt der Mann ("Today comes the man"), where the subject inverts postverbally to maintain V2. This rule ensures a single constituent precedes the finite verb, distinguishing root clauses from other structures.[1] V2 in root clauses plays a key discourse role by supporting a topic-comment structure, where the fronted constituent typically functions as the topic—providing given or contextual information—while the remainder of the clause elaborates as the comment. This fronting allows speakers to highlight relevant discourse elements, such as scene-setting adverbials or contrastive objects, thereby organizing information flow in narrative or conversational contexts.[13] While V2 is strictly enforced in most root declaratives, certain exceptions occur in root clauses, such as exclamatives (e.g., Wie schön das ist!) or imperatives (e.g., Komm her!), which often exhibit V1 order without a preverbal constituent to convey emphasis or direct commands.[1] Corpus studies confirm the high adherence to V2 in root clauses; for example, in the Nordic Dialect Corpus of modern Swedish, approximately 99% of root declaratives comply with V2, with violations being virtually absent in 20th-century data.[14]

Embedded Clauses

In Germanic languages, the V2 constraint that obligatorily positions the finite verb in the second position of root clauses typically relaxes or is prohibited in embedded clauses, resulting in a verb-final or medial word order that reflects the underlying SOV structure of these languages. This main-embedded asymmetry is a hallmark of asymmetric V2 languages such as German, Dutch, and most Scandinavian varieties, where embedded clauses exhibit verb movement to a lower position (e.g., I or v) rather than to C, leading to orders like subject-auxiliary-verb or object-verb-final.[7][15] A notable exception arises with bridge verbs—such as those denoting speech acts (e.g., "say") or doxastic attitudes (e.g., "think" or "believe")—which in some languages license embedded V2 by allowing the finite verb to move to C even within subordinate contexts. In German, for instance, embedded V2 is grammatical under non-factive bridge predicates like glauben ("believe"), as in Ich glaube, er kommt morgen ("I believe he comes tomorrow"), where the embedded clause mirrors root V2 syntax and conveys discourse-new information. This licensing is tied to the semantic properties of the matrix verb, which do not presuppose the truth or givenness of the embedded proposition, contrasting with factive verbs like wissen ("know") that block V2 and enforce verb-final order.[15][12] The occurrence of embedded V2 also varies by clause type, with complement clauses showing higher rates than relative or wh-clauses, where V2 is rarer due to structural constraints on operator movement or presupposition. In complement clauses under bridge verbs, V2 signals illocutionary force or assertion, but in relative clauses (e.g., German der Mann, der das Buch liest "the man who reads the book"), the verb remains medial or final to maintain restrictive interpretation. Wh-clauses, such as indirect questions, overwhelmingly prohibit V2 across Germanic languages, preserving the wh-element in initial position without verb raising to C.[12][15] Cross-linguistic variation is pronounced: Dutch enforces strict non-V2 in all embedded clauses, with the finite verb invariably final regardless of the matrix predicate, as in Ik denk dat hij komt ("I think that he comes"). In contrast, Yiddish permits partial embedded V2 more freely, even in that-clauses under a broader range of predicates, reflecting its symmetric V2 tendencies and allowing orders like Ik vel azoy denken, er kumt ("I will so think, he comes"). Empirical studies, including corpus analyses of Swedish (with embedded V2 rates of 0.98–6.36% varying by register) and experimental data on German, confirm that these patterns correlate with discourse factors like information novelty, supporting the role of semantic licensing over pure syntax.[7][16][12]

Non-Finite Verbs

In V2 languages such as German and Dutch, non-finite verbs—including infinitives and participles—remain in their base position at the right edge of the verb phrase (VP), while only the finite verb moves to the second position in the clause.[7] This distinction arises because finiteness encodes tense and agreement features that trigger movement to the C-head in root clauses, whereas non-finite forms lack these properties and thus stay lower in the structure.[17] As a result, complex verb clusters in V2 clauses exhibit a head-final order among non-finite elements, reflecting the underlying OV base structure of these languages.[18] A clear illustration appears in perfect constructions, where the finite auxiliary verb occupies the V2 position and the past participle follows the object in final position. For instance, in German, Gestern habe ich das Buch gelesen ('Yesterday have I the book read') places the finite habe second, with the non-finite gelesen at the end.[5] This pattern holds across main clauses, ensuring that non-finite forms do not participate in the V2 constraint.[7] Modal verbs behave similarly when finite: they move to the V2 position, stranding the associated non-finite main verb in final position. In Ich muss das Buch lesen ('I must the book read'), the finite modal muss is second, while the infinitive lesen remains at the clause's right periphery.[18] This separation underscores that only the highest, finite element in the verbal complex undergoes fronting.[5] The consistent separation of finite and non-finite verbs in V2 systems supports the split-VP hypothesis, which posits distinct functional projections for tense/agreement (hosting finite forms) and lexical verb structure (hosting non-finites) in Germanic languages.[19] This layered architecture explains why finite verbs can extract independently while non-finites remain in situ.[20]

Variations and Exceptions

V1 Word Order

V1 word order represents a notable deviation from the canonical verb-second (V2) constraint in Germanic languages, occurring primarily in specific illocutionary contexts where the finite verb occupies the initial position in the clause. This pattern is obligatory in yes-no questions, as in German Kommt er? ('Is he coming?'), where the absence of a wh-element or topicalized constituent leaves the verb in first position.[7] Imperatives similarly exhibit V1 order, such as German Komm her! ('Come here!'), prioritizing directive force over the standard topicalization required in declaratives. Polar exclamatives, expressing surprise or emphasis, also trigger V1, exemplified by German War das ein Sturm! ('What a storm that was!'), which conveys heightened emotional evaluation without an overt fronted element.[21] In theoretical terms, V1 structures are often analyzed as compatible with the broader V2 system, arising when the first clausal position—typically the specifier of the complementizer phrase (SpecCP)—remains empty or is occupied by a null force marker encoding interrogative, imperative, or exclamative illocution.[22] This null element satisfies the V2 requirement by attracting the finite verb to the head of CP, distinguishing V1 from true violations of the constraint. Such an account aligns V1 with root clauses, where illocutionary force is overtly realized, though the pattern is restricted to non-declarative or highly marked declarative uses in modern Germanic varieties.[23] Cross-linguistically within Germanic, V1 application varies: in Icelandic, it is strictly enforced in yes-no questions, with the finite verb invariably initial (Er hann kominn? 'Has he arrived?'), reflecting the language's rigid adherence to V2 in other contexts.[24] In contrast, some Dutch dialects permit optional V1 in declaratives for discourse-linking purposes, such as topic continuity or contrastive focus, allowing flexibility not found in standard Dutch or German.[25] Corpus analyses of spoken German indicate that V1 clauses, encompassing questions, imperatives, and exclamatives, are more prevalent in oral registers over written ones. Historically, V1 served as a precursor to the full V2 system in early Germanic languages, with [Old High German](/page/Old High German) texts showing frequent V1 declaratives that gradually yielded to obligatory topicalization by the Middle High German period, marking the consolidation of V2 as a defining trait.[23] This evolutionary shift from predominant V1 to V2 is attributed to the grammaticalization of information-structural requirements, where an initial topical element became mandatory in root declaratives, while V1 persisted in force-marking contexts.

V3 Word Order

V3 word order constitutes a deviation from the canonical verb-second (V2) constraint in Germanic languages, characterized by the finite verb appearing in the third position due to multiple constituents occupying the preverbal domain, often termed the "forefield." This pattern typically arises when two elements are fronted, such as an adverbial followed by the subject or a cluster of adverbs, rather than a single topical element triggering verb movement to the second position. In contrast to strict V2, where only one constituent precedes the verb, V3 reflects flexibility in the left periphery, particularly in informal or dialectal registers.[26] Triggers for V3 commonly involve multiple fronted elements that compete for specifier positions in the complementizer phrase (CP), such as temporal or manner adverbs preceding the subject, or coordinated structures where an initial adverb does not fully satisfy the V2 requirement. For instance, in urban Danish dialects, V3 emerges after an initial adverbial when the subject follows without inversion, as in the spoken example i år jeg ringede til banken ("this year I called the bank"), where the temporal adverb i år occupies the first position, the subject jeg the second, and the finite verb ringede the third. Similarly, in Yiddish, V3 occurs in embedded questions, with a wh-phrase fronted before a topical subject and the finite verb, deviating from matrix V2 patterns and allowing multiple projections in the left periphery.[27][28] Dialectal prevalence of V3 varies significantly across Germanic varieties, being more frequent in spoken and non-standard forms. In spoken Danish, particularly in multilingual urban contexts like Aarhus, V3 appears in narratives or informal speech to mark epistemic stance or temporal sequencing, though it remains stigmatized in formal registers. In contrast, V3 is rare in standard German, occurring sporadically in colloquial speech or after central adverbials like gestern ("yesterday"), but it is more attested in Bavarian dialects, where subject postponement after initial adverbs leads to verb-third configurations. Yiddish exhibits V3 primarily in subordinate contexts, maintaining stricter V2 in root clauses.[29][28] Theoretical debates surrounding V3 center on whether it represents a violation of the V2 constraint or an extension of V2 syntax accommodating multiple specifiers within a single CP projection. Proponents of the multiple specifiers approach argue that V3 results from two elements checking features in distinct specifier positions of C, as observed in Old High German and persisting in dialects, without necessitating additional functional projections. Alternatively, analyses invoking multiple projections posit expanded left-peripheral structure to host the extra constituent, aligning V3 with broader cross-linguistic patterns of topicalization. These views draw on contrasts with standard V2 triggers, such as single XP-fronting, which rigidly positions the verb second.[27][30] Corpus evidence from the 1980s and early 1990s, particularly studies on Bavarian and related dialects, underscores V3's systematic occurrence beyond random errors. Alessandra Tomaselli's analysis of Old High German texts, extended to modern Bavarian varieties like Cimbrian, documents V3 in root declaratives with multiple frontings, revealing frequencies tied to adverbial clusters and subject inversion patterns in spoken data from southern German dialects. These findings, based on historical corpora like the Isidor translation, highlight V3 as a persistent feature in non-standard speech, informing ongoing debates about V2's parametric boundaries.[31][32]

Perspective Effects

In Germanic languages, the concept of "perspective" refers to the speaker's subjective viewpoint, which influences the choice of constituents fronted to the clause-initial position in V2 root clauses, thereby affecting subject-verb inversion. This pragmatic layer modulates syntactic operations, as fronting often aligns with topic-comment structures where the fronted element establishes the discourse topic from the speaker's perspective. Early analyses highlighted how such viewpoint-driven fronting extends beyond rigid syntactic rules, allowing flexibility in information packaging while maintaining V2 order.[33] V2 compliance in root clauses tends to be stricter in formal written registers compared to colloquial speech, where deviations or relaxed fronting occur more frequently due to perspective shifts emphasizing immediacy or shared context. For instance, in German, topic choice—such as fronting a temporal adverb for narrative perspective—can trigger inversion more readily in formal prose than in spoken dialogue, where subject-initial orders may prevail for directness. This register-based variation underscores how speaker perspective interacts with discourse demands to influence adherence.[34] Post-2000 eye-tracking studies demonstrate that perspective modulates online V2 processing, with readers showing faster integration of fronted elements when they align with expected information structure, such as animacy cues signaling topic prominence. In visual-world paradigms, participants exhibited anticipatory eye movements toward referents in V2 sentences where verbal information and animacy reflected the speaker's viewpoint, reducing processing costs for perspective-congruent structures. These findings reveal how discourse perspective facilitates syntactic resolution during comprehension.[35] In certain embedding contexts, such as complements of bridge verbs, perspective-driven V2 can emerge, allowing root-like fronting in otherwise non-V2 embedded clauses when the speaker's viewpoint projects assertoric force. This interaction permits informational prominence to override standard embedding constraints, as seen in German and Dutch where topic-fronting in bridge contexts maintains V2 order.[36] Cross-dialectal differences show stronger perspective effects in Norwegian Bokmål, where V2 variation is more sensitive to discourse viewpoint due to dialectal influences and register shifts, compared to Icelandic, which exhibits stricter V2 adherence with minimal pragmatic modulation. In Bokmål, fronting choices reflect greater flexibility in spoken varieties, amplifying perspective's role, whereas Icelandic's conservative syntax limits such influences.[37]

Language-Specific Developments

English

In Old English (pre-1100), the language exhibited a verb-second (V2) word order in main clauses, with the finite verb typically occupying the second position, though V3 and V4 orders occurred occasionally, regardless of whether the subject or another constituent initiated the clause. This structure typically positioned objects after the verb, resulting in patterns such as subject-verb-object (SVO) when the subject was initial or adverb-verb-subject-object (Adv-V-S-O) otherwise. For instance, in sentences like "Þa cwæð se biscop" ("Then said the bishop"), the verb follows the adverbial element. Quantitative analyses of Old English texts indicate that approximately 95% of main clauses featured the finite verb in the second, third, or fourth position.[38] During the Middle English period (1100–1500), English underwent a gradual shift from V2 to a more rigid subject-verb-object (SVO) order, particularly in main clauses, influenced by changes in pronoun behavior and contact with Norman French. Pronouns, which in Old English often cliticized to the verb and appeared to the left of it even in V2 contexts, increasingly failed to invert with non-subject-initial elements, disrupting the V2 constraint; by the early 13th century, inversion rates for pronoun subjects dropped to as low as 5% with NP complements in southern dialects. Norman French influence contributed by promoting analytic structures and reducing inflectional morphology, which favored fixed SVO positioning to maintain clarity amid case loss. Studies using the Penn-Helsinki Parsed Corpus of Middle English (PPCME) show that while early Middle English texts maintained high inversion rates (e.g., 93% for NP subjects with NP complements), these declined sharply by the mid-14th century, with V2 compliance falling below 20% in later samples.[39][40][41] The full loss of generalized V2 occurred by the 1400s, marking English's divergence from other Germanic languages, though auxiliary verbs partially preserved V2-like inversion in certain constructions. Corpus evidence from the Helsinki Corpus and PPCME confirms this trajectory, with V2 rates in main clauses dropping from over 70% in late Old English to around 20% in late Middle English, particularly in southern and western dialects by the mid-14th century, reflecting dialectal variation and the rise of SVO as the default.[39] Modern English retains vestiges of V2 in specific contexts, such as yes/no questions ("Does he go?"), where the auxiliary verb inverts with the subject, adverb-topicalized clauses ("Never have I seen such a sight"), and direct quotations ("He said, 'I am tired'"). These remnants, often involving auxiliaries, echo the historical V2 mechanism but are restricted to formal or stylistic uses, without the broad applicability of Old English.[38]

Scandinavian Languages

In the Mainland Scandinavian languages—Danish, Norwegian, and Swedish—the V2 word order is strictly enforced in root clauses, where the finite verb occupies the second position regardless of the subject-verb inversion following topicalization.[42] This structure ensures that declarative main clauses consistently place the finite verb after the first constituent, such as a subject, adverb, or object, as in Swedish Igår läste jag boken ("Yesterday I read the book").[43] In embedded clauses, however, V2 is generally prohibited, resulting in verb-final order, though optional V2 occurs after bridge verbs like sige ("say") or tænke ("think") in Norwegian and Swedish, where the embedded clause retains assertive force similar to a root clause.[44] These embedded V2 instances are discourse-linked, often involving non-subject topicalization, and reflect the same syntactic structure as root clauses in Mainland Scandinavian.[45] In contrast, the Insular Scandinavian languages—Icelandic and Faroese—exhibit near-absolute V2 adherence, extending to many embedded contexts beyond bridge verbs, including subject-initial declaratives and certain adverbial clauses.[46] For instance, Faroese permits V2 in embedded clauses introduced by at ("that"), where the finite verb precedes adverbs, as in Eg veit [at hon kom í gær] ("I know that she came yesterday").[47] Expletive subjects, such as Icelandic það ("it") or Faroese tað, influence positioning by occupying the subject slot in V2 structures, facilitating verb placement after initial non-subjects while maintaining clause integrity.[48] This rigidity underscores the Insular varieties' conservative syntax compared to Mainland flexibility. Dialectal variations introduce exceptions, notably V3 (verb-third) orders in spoken Danish urban dialects, where multiple elements precede the finite verb, often for interactional emphasis in storytelling or epistemic claims.[49] Examples include time adverbials or discourse particles like ("then") initiating clauses, as in Aarhus Danish I går så kom han ("Yesterday then came he"), supplementing standard V2 without fully eroding it.[49] In Faroese dialects, greater adverb fronting is tolerated in non-V2 contexts, with finite verbs more readily preceding certain adverbs like ofta ("often") than negation, showing regional differences such as higher acceptance in northeastern areas like Klaksvík.[50] The V2 pattern has remained stable in Scandinavian languages since Old Norse, where robust V2 orders were already attested in Old Icelandic texts, preserving the finite verb's second position across main and some subordinate clauses without the shifts seen in related languages.[51] Recent studies from the 2010s on bilingual Scandinavian-English speakers, particularly heritage Norwegian in North America, reveal erosion of V2, with increased variable word order in root clauses due to English influence, as heritage speakers produce more non-V2 declaratives in subject-initial contexts.[52] This contact-induced variation highlights potential long-term changes in bilingual communities.[52]

Continental Germanic Languages

In Continental Germanic languages, which include German, Dutch, Afrikaans, and Yiddish, verb-second (V2) word order is a defining syntactic feature of root clauses, where the finite verb consistently occupies the second position following a single constituent, often a topic or subject. This structure enforces a rigid topicalization mechanism, distinguishing these languages from non-V2 systems like English. However, embedded clauses typically exhibit verb-final order, reflecting an underlying SOV base structure, though exceptions and variations arise across languages and registers.[53] German exemplifies the strict adherence to V2 in root clauses, as in Gestern hat Hans das Buch gelesen ("Yesterday has Hans the book read"), where the adverbial gestern precedes the finite verb hat. In most embedded clauses, however, the finite verb remains clause-final, yielding SOV order, such as ...dass Hans das Buch gelesen hat ("...that Hans the book read has"). This root-embedded asymmetry is a hallmark of Standard German syntax, with embedded V2 largely restricted to specific contexts like asyndetic complements under non-factive predicates.[53][54] Dutch and Afrikaans follow a similar pattern to German, maintaining V2 in root clauses but defaulting to verb-final order in embedded contexts. For instance, Dutch root: Morgen koop ik een fiets ("Tomorrow buy I a bike"); embedded: ...dat ik een fiets koop ("...that I a bike buy"). Colloquial Dutch, however, permits more frequent V3 orders—where an adverb or particle intervenes between subject and verb—especially in informal speech, as in Ik heb morgen een fiets gekocht deviating toward SVAuxV patterns. Afrikaans mirrors this but shows greater erosion of V2 under English influence, with increasing SVO-like structures in modern usage, such as relaxed adverb-verb-subject sequences in spoken varieties, reflecting contact-induced drift from traditional Germanic V2 rigidity.[55][56] Yiddish deviates notably by allowing broader embedded V2, particularly in complement clauses, where the finite verb can surface second even under complementizers, as in Ikh veys az er hot dos getun ("I know that he has that done") permitting V2 after az. This generalized V2 pattern, more prevalent in Eastern Yiddish, stems from the language's topic-prominent nature, which favors topicalized elements preceding the verb in discourse-linked contexts, contrasting with German's stricter restrictions.[57][16] Dialectal variations within Continental Germanic further highlight flexibility in embedded clauses. Bavarian dialects, for example, permit V2 in select embedded environments, such as under certain complementizers or in adverbial clauses, allowing structures like Er frog ob er kumt ("He asks if he comes") with verb-seconding despite the wh-complementizer. Similarly, Low German dialects occasionally license embedded V2 in contact-influenced or informal settings, adapting root-like topicalization to subordinate contexts, though verb-final remains dominant.[58][59][60] Corpus-based studies from the 1990s underscore the rarity of embedded V2 in Dutch.

Romance and Other Languages

In medieval Old French, main clauses exhibited partial verb-second (V2) word order, where the finite verb typically occupied the second position regardless of the initial constituent's nature, akin to Germanic patterns but asymmetrically applied only in root contexts.[61] This V2 property emerged as an innovation from Latin's underlying subject-object-verb (SOV) base, potentially influenced by contact with Frankish during the early medieval period, though the exact mechanisms remain debated.[62] By the 14th century, this V2 system had largely eroded, giving way to a more rigid subject-verb-object (SVO) order in declarative clauses, with residual inversions persisting in questions and exclamatives.[63] Medieval Occitan similarly displayed V2 characteristics in main clauses, driven by a low left-peripheral head (Fin) that enforced verb movement after an initial XP, yielding descriptively 'relaxed' V2 without strict subject postposition.[64] Unlike stricter Germanic varieties, Occitan permitted some variation, such as topic continuity without full inversion, but maintained V2 as a core syntactic feature across prose and verse texts from the 12th to 14th centuries.[65] This system, too, declined by the late medieval period under pressures from analogical leveling and shift toward SVO, paralleling the trajectory in neighboring Romance languages.[66] Classical Portuguese (roughly 16th–18th centuries) showed partial V2 tendencies, particularly in interrogative contexts where the finite verb followed an initial wh-element or subject, though non-V2 orders like subject-verb were also attested, indicating an unstable hybrid system.[67] In affirmative declaratives, V2 was less consistent, with pro-drop and adverbial fronting sometimes triggering inversion, but the overall grammar favored SVO flexibility over rigid V2 enforcement.[68] Beyond Romance, V2 appears in diverse non-Germanic contexts, often as stylistic or discourse-driven phenomena. In Welsh, Middle Welsh (c. 1150–1500) developed V2 orders from earlier verb-initial patterns through the grammaticalization of hanging topics and focused clefts into preverbal positions, creating inversion in narrative and literary registers.[69] Modern Welsh retains stylistic V2 in formal or emphatic clauses, but defaults to verb-initial (V1) in colloquial speech, marking a partial retention rather than inheritance.[70] Estonian, a Finno-Ugric language, enforces partial V2 in written affirmative declaratives, with the finite verb in second position in approximately 95% of cases, though spoken varieties allow more adverb-verb-subject deviations.[71] Non-Indo-European languages provide further instances of V2 convergence. Ingush, a Northeast Caucasian language, maintains strict V2 in main clauses, where the finite verb follows an initial constituent (often a topic or focus), integrated with its ergative morphology and verb-final tendencies in subordinates. Similarly, Tohono O'odham (Uto-Aztecan) exhibits verb-second patterns in focus constructions, with the auxiliary obligatorily in second position after a fronted element, serving as the default order while permitting auxiliary-initial exceptions for emphasis.[72] Rare V2 traits surface in isolates and peripheral languages, such as Wymysorys (a Germanic isolate spoken in Poland), which alternates between V2 and SVO systems, allowing speakers to toggle verb inversion based on discourse needs in main clauses.[73] In Indo-Aryan Kotgarhi, spoken in northern India, fragmentary V2-like orders appear in certain emphatic or question constructions, diverging from the family's typical SOV base, though documentation remains sparse. Research on V2 in peripheral Romance varieties like Sursilvan Romansh (a Rhaeto-Romance dialect) highlights ongoing gaps, with post-2000 studies limited to embedded V2 and left-periphery effects, but broader Austronesian influences or comparative analyses underexplored despite potential contact scenarios in multilingual regions.[74]

Structural Analyses

Dependency Grammar

In dependency grammar, verb-second (V2) word order is analyzed as a head-initial dependency relation where the finite verb serves as the root of the clause, governing all other constituents while adhering to a linear precedence constraint that allows exactly one dependent to precede it in the surface order. This framework treats the clause as a dependency tree with the verb at its core, emphasizing binary head-dependent relations over phrasal groupings. The approach aligns with the foundational principles of structural syntax, where word order emerges from precedence rules applied to the dependency structure rather than from underlying hierarchical rearrangements.[75] Dependency trees under this analysis depict the finite verb as the central node, with subjects, objects, adverbials, and other modifiers as its dependents; a key linearization mechanism is the left sibling constraint, which prohibits more than one dependent from appearing immediately to the left of the verb unless specified otherwise by clause type or embedding. For instance, in a main clause like the German "Gestern habe ich das Buch gelesen" (Yesterday have I the book read), "gestern" (yesterday) is the sole left dependent (adverbial) of the root verb "habe," satisfying the V2 requirement through precedence ordering among siblings. This structure naturally extends to variations, such as verb-final tendencies in infinitivals, by relaxing the precedence rules without altering the underlying dependencies.[75][76] One major advantage of this dependency-based account is its ability to handle free topicalization without invoking movement operations: any single constituent can occupy the initial position as the leftmost dependent, with the verb following due to precedence, thereby capturing the discourse-driven flexibility of V2 clauses in Germanic languages. Additionally, it readily accommodates V3 orders—where more than one element precedes the verb—as cases of multiple left dependents, often arising in coordinated structures or specific illocutionary contexts, without needing ad hoc adjustments to the core tree. Lucien Tesnière's Éléments de syntaxe structurale (1959) provides the theoretical bedrock for these analyses, introducing dependency trees (stemmata) and applying them to syntactic relations in languages with flexible orders, including early extensions to Germanic V2 patterns by later scholars.[75][76] Critics argue that dependency grammars are less adept at explaining the systematic deviation from V2 in embedded clauses, such as the verb-final order in subordinate clauses of languages like German or Dutch, where phrase structure models offer clearer hierarchical distinctions through designated positions like CP and TP projections. In non-projective embeddings involving long-distance dependencies, dependency approaches may require global ordering rules that violate locality principles, complicating parsing and explanatory adequacy compared to constituency-based alternatives.[77][75]

Generative Grammar

In generative grammar, particularly within the Government and Binding (GB) framework, the V2 word order in main clauses of Germanic languages is analyzed as resulting from the finite verb raising to the complementizer (C) head position, accompanied by movement of some maximal projection (XP), often a topicalized element, to the specifier of CP (SpecCP). This derives the surface structure where the finite verb appears in second position, with the subject typically remaining in SpecIP unless displaced. The verb movement follows a stepwise path: from its base position in V, through I (inflection), to C, adhering to the Head Movement Constraint. This analysis posits that CP projection is obligatory in root clauses, enabling the attraction of the verb to C via feature percolation or attraction.[78][1] Hans den Besten, in his seminal 1983 work on Dutch and German syntax, formalized V2 as a form of topicalization, where the preverbal XP moves to SpecCP for operator-variable relations, and the finite verb raises to C to satisfy selectional requirements, ensuring that complementizers and finite verbs are in complementary distribution. This account explains why V2 enforces a single preverbal constituent in root contexts, treating apparent exceptions as involving adjunction or multiple specifiers.[78][1] In embedded clauses, V2 is generally absent in asymmetric V2 languages like German and Dutch, as the presence of a complementizer occupies C, blocking V-to-C movement and preventing XP fronting to SpecCP; instead, the clause projects only as IP with the verb in I, resulting in subject-verb inversion or final verb position in OV languages. This clause-type asymmetry underscores the role of C-projection in licensing root phenomena.[1] Within the Minimalist Program developed post-1995, V2 phenomena are reinterpreted through feature-checking mechanisms, where the C head bears an EPP (Extended Projection Principle) feature that attracts an XP to SpecCP, and the finite verb moves to C to check tense or agreement features under Attract/Move. Alternatively, some analyses attribute the effect to an EPP feature on T driving generalized subject or XP movement, with V-to-T-to-C as a chain satisfying locality. This framework emphasizes economy, deriving V2 from universal computational principles rather than language-specific parameters alone.[79][1] Challenges to the standard analysis include accounting for V1 orders (e.g., in yes/no questions or imperatives, where no XP precedes the verb in C) and V3 deviations (e.g., in coordinated or adverbial contexts), which suggest variability in specifier filling or blocking effects. Recent cartographic approaches extend the left periphery into a finer-grained structure of functional projections (e.g., ForceP, TopP, FocP, FinP), allowing multiple XPs to map pragmatically motivated positions while preserving V-in-C, thus addressing exceptions without abandoning movement-based derivations.[1][80]

References

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