The White movement, also known as the Whites, was one of the main factions of the Russian Civil War of 1917–1922. It was led mainly by the right-leaning and conservative officers of the Russian Empire, while the Bolsheviks who led the October Revolution in Russia, also known as the Reds, and their supporters, were regarded as the main enemies of the Whites. It operated as a system of governments and administrations united as the Russian State, which functioned as a military dictatorship throughout the most of its existence, and military formations collectively referred to as the White Army, or the White Guard.

Although the White movement included a variety of political opinions in Russia opposed to the Bolsheviks, from the republican-minded liberals through monarchists to the ultra-nationalist Black Hundreds, and lacked a universally-accepted doctrine, the main force behind the movement were the conservative officers, and the resulting movement shared many traits with widespread right-wing counter-revolutionary movements of the time, namely nationalism, racism, distrust of liberal and democratic politics, clericalism, contempt for the common man and dislike of industrial civilization; in November 1918, the movement united on an authoritarian-right platform around the figure of Alexander Kolchak as its principal leader. It generally defended the order of pre-revolutionary Imperial Russia, although the ideal of the movement was a mythical "Holy Russia", what was a mark of its religious understanding of the world. The positive program of the movement was largely summarized in the slogan of "united and indivisible Russia [ru]" which meant the restoration of imperial state borders, and its denial of the right to self-determination. The Whites are associated with pogroms and antisemitism; while the relations with the Jews featured a certain complexity, the movement was largely antisemitic, with the White generals viewing the Revolution as a result of a Jewish conspiracy. Antisemitism and more broad nationalism and xenophobia of the movement were manifested in the acts of the White Terror, which often targeted non-Russian ethnic groups of the former Russian Empire.

Some historians distinguish the White movement from the so-called "democratic counter-revolution" led mainly by the Right SRs and the Mensheviks that adhered to the values of parliamentary democracy and maintained democratic anti-Bolshevik governments (Komuch, Ufa Directory) until November 1918, and then supported either the Whites or the Bolsheviks or opposed both factions, making attempts to overthrow the White administrations and create ones their own, such as the "Political Centre" in 1920.

Following the military defeat of their movement, the Whites expelled from the USSR attempted to continue the struggle by creating armed groups which would wage guerilla warfare in the USSR. Some of the former White commanders also hoped to depose the Soviet authorities by means of collaboration with Nazi Germany during World War II. In exile, remnants and continuations of the movement remained in several organizations, some of which only had narrow support, enduring within the wider White émigré overseas community until after the fall of the European communist states in the Eastern European Revolutions of 1989 and the subsequent dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1990–1991. This community-in-exile of anti-communists often divided into liberal and the more conservative segments, with some still hoping for the restoration of the Romanov dynasty.

In the Russian context after 1917, "White" had three main connotations which were:

Although the Bolsheviks had many opponents that ahered to the values of parliamentary democracy, such as the Mensheviks and the SRs, the main force of the White movement were the imperial army officers, since, unlike the moderate left politicians, they were able to organize an armed movement and had a necessary unity of common experience developed in the army and the wars the Russian Empire was involved in. Although the Whites were disunited by such factors as personal rivalries, distances between the military formations, and lack of a clearly formulated political program and doctrine and a leader with an absolute authority who could formulate those, they shared a common ideological military culture of officer corps of the Russian Empire, which included such key elements as conservatism, distrust of technology and industrial civilization, "faith in élan" as a key to victory, and conservative military anti-intellectualism. During the Civil War, the officers did not produce a political program and a critique of Bolshevism, but instead simply viewed the revolutionaries as inherently evil, viewing their struggle as a fight of Good against Evil and God against Satan, and expected the people to realize this and turn to the conservative values of the Whites. The professional officers rejected "politics", understood primarily as party activities undermining the authority of the Tsar, and modern rational political thought promoting equality and social justice, as threats to the national spirit and the army. In such worldview, the army "stood above politics", while the defense of the autocracy was not a political act, but an article of faith. This stance was not consciously monarchist, and during the February Revolution the officers did not resist the overthrow of Tsarism in order to keep the military effort; in a similar way, they mainly abstained from defending the Provisional Government against the Bolsheviks. Most officers preferred not to engage in political struggle during initial period after October Revolution, while the organizers of the Volunteer Army represented only the most conservative minority.

The White officers believed socialist and pacifist politicians and intellectuals to be their enemies, condemning socialism as materialistic and anti-individualistic as opposed to "spiritual" and patriotic values of the army, and pacifism as threatening these values and allied with socialism. Liberal politics were distrusted as well, and during the Civil War the Whites preferred the Tsarist bureaucrats and officers to liberal civilians to administer the White-controlled territories. Racial antisemitism was widespread in the army and in Russian society in general; the Jews could not become army officers and were mistreated in the army, the officers believing them to be guilty of spreading subversive ideologies and not being able to become good soldiers. During the Civil War, antisemitism varied among the White officers, but was a crucial element of the ideology of the Whites.

Despite their conservatism, the Whites did not openly proclaim a reactionary movement and instead attempted not to alienate potential support and to attract a broad base, avoiding controversial decisions and openly expressing their stance on the major issues, and producing programs subject to various interpretations while neglecting propaganda work and promoting positive ideals. The Whites had the stated aim to reverse the October Revolution and remove the Bolsheviks from power before a constituent assembly, dissolved by the Bolsheviks in January 1918 could be convened. There was no clear position on whether to consider the Provisional Government legitimate. However, while the socialists believed the socialist-dominated Constituent Assembly dissolved by the Bolsheviks to be legitimate, the White leaders did not recognize it and insisted on conveining a new Assembly after the Civil War. From 1918, Anton Denikin, while rejecting the outright slogans for the restoration of Tsarism popular within the officers as a possible detriment to their cause and recruitment and claiming the military could not decide for a government instead of the Russian people, began referring to a future "National Assembly". While its difference from the Constituent Assembly had never been defined, this change could imply that the Whites did not support the principles of popular sovereignty and universal suffrage. While the leaders of the movement continued to formally reject reactionary ideas, and some of the Whites accepted the ideas of the abolition of monarchy and some reforms, in general the movement sought to reestablish the traditional imperial social order. During the last phase of its existence, the movement under the leadership of Baron Pyotr Wrangel reverted to the term "Constituent Assembly", but issued a manifesto which advocated the necessity of "the Russian people" choosing "its own MASTER," implying that Wrangel meant a new Tsar.