Recent from talks
All channels
Be the first to start a discussion here.
Be the first to start a discussion here.
Be the first to start a discussion here.
Be the first to start a discussion here.
Welcome to the community hub built to collect knowledge and have discussions related to 2020 California State Assembly election.
Nothing was collected or created yet.
2020 California State Assembly election
View on Wikipediafrom Wikipedia
November 3, 2020
| |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
All 80 seats in the California State Assembly 41 seats needed for a majority | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Elections in California |
|---|
The 2020 California State Assembly election was held on Tuesday, November 3, 2020, with the primary election being held on March 3, 2020. Voters in the 80 districts of the California State Assembly elected their representatives. The elections coincided with the elections for other offices, including for U.S. president and the state senate.
Predictions
[edit]| Source | Ranking | As of |
|---|---|---|
| The Cook Political Report[1] | Safe D | October 21, 2020 |
| Sabato's Crystal Ball[2] | Safe D | May 7, 2020 |
Overview
[edit]Primary
[edit]| 2020 California State Assembly election Primary election — March 3, 2020[3] | ||||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Party | Votes | Percentage | Candidates | Advancing to general | Seats contesting | |
| Democratic | 5,609,968 | 65.23% | 132 | 86 | 75 | |
| Republican | 2,873,709 | 33.41% | 83 | 65 | 63 | |
| No party preference | 83,801 | 0.97% | 5 | 2 | 2 | |
| Green | 16,295 | 0.19% | 1 | 1 | 1 | |
| Peace and Freedom | 10,107 | 0.12% | 1 | 0 | 0 | |
| Libertarian | 6,467 | 0.07% | 3 | 2 | 2 | |
| Valid votes | 8,600,347 | 88.88% | — | — | — | |
| Invalid votes | 1,086,729 | 11.22% | — | — | — | |
| Totals[4] | 9,687,076 | 100.00% | 223 | — | ||
| Voter turnout[4] | 46.89% (registered voters) | |||||
Election
[edit]| Party | Votes | Percentage | Seats | +/– | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Democratic | 10,090,713 | 62.77 | 60 | ||||||
| Republican | 5,708,733 | 35.51 | 19 | ||||||
| Libertarian | 76,377 | 0.48 | 0 | ||||||
| Green | 41,100 | 0.26 | 0 | ||||||
| Independents | 157,091 | 0.98 | 1 | ||||||
| Valid votes | 16,074,014 | 90.38 | — | — | |||||
| Invalid votes | 1,711,137 | 9.62 | — | — | |||||
| Totals | 17,785,151 | 100 | 80 | — | |||||
| Registered voter/turnout | 22,047,448 | 80.67 | |||||||
Retiring incumbents
[edit]- 13th: Susan Eggman (D–Stockton): Retiring to run for California State Senate[6]
- 25th: Kansen Chu (D–San Jose): Retiring to run for the Santa Clara County Board of Supervisors[7]
- 33rd: Jay Obernolte (R–Big Bear Lake): Retiring to run for Congress[8]
- 37th: Monique Limón (D–Santa Barbara): Retiring to run for California State Senate[9]
- 38th: Christy Smith (D–Santa Clarita): Retiring to run for Congress[10]
- 57th: Ian Calderon (D–Whittier): Retiring[11]
- 67th: Melissa Melendez (R–Lake Elsinore): Retiring to run for California State Senate[12]
- 78th: Todd Gloria (D–San Diego): Retiring to run for mayor of San Diego[13]
Results
[edit]Source: Official results.[3]
District 1
[edit]| Primary election | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Party | Candidate | Votes | % | |
| Republican | Megan Dahle (incumbent) | 83,883 | 51.0 | |
| Democratic | Elizabeth L. Betancourt | 64,948 | 39.5 | |
| No party preference | PK "Paul" Dhanuka | 15,630 | 9.5 | |
| Total votes | 164,461 | 100.0 | ||
| General election | ||||
| Republican | Megan Dahle (incumbent) | 146,902 | 58.9 | |
| Democratic | Elizabeth L. Betancourt | 102,541 | 41.1 | |
| Total votes | 249,443 | 100.0 | ||
| Republican hold | ||||
District 2
[edit]| Primary election | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Party | Candidate | Votes | % | |
| Democratic | Jim Wood (incumbent) | 112,839 | 70.8 | |
| Republican | Charlotte Svolos | 46,439 | 29.2 | |
| Total votes | 159,278 | 100.0 | ||
| General election | ||||
| Democratic | Jim Wood (incumbent) | 162,287 | 68.5 | |
| Republican | Charlotte Svolos | 74,582 | 31.5 | |
| Total votes | 236,869 | 100.0 | ||
| Democratic hold | ||||
District 3
[edit]| Primary election | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Party | Candidate | Votes | % | |
| Republican | James Gallagher (incumbent) | 83,022 | 65.3 | |
| Democratic | James R. Henson | 44,107 | 34.7 | |
| Total votes | 127,129 | 100.0 | ||
| General election | ||||
| Republican | James Gallagher (incumbent) | 117,314 | 57.4 | |
| Democratic | James R. Henson | 87,045 | 42.6 | |
| Total votes | 204,359 | 100.0 | ||
| Republican hold | ||||
District 4
[edit]| Primary election | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Party | Candidate | Votes | % | |
| Democratic | Cecilia Aguiar-Curry (incumbent) | 83,861 | 58.5 | |
| Republican | Matthew L. Nelson | 42,960 | 30.0 | |
| Democratic | Sophia Racke | 16,570 | 11.6 | |
| Total votes | 143,391 | 100.0 | ||
| General election | ||||
| Democratic | Cecilia Aguiar-Curry (incumbent) | 150,153 | 66.7 | |
| Republican | Matthew L. Nelson | 75,108 | 33.3 | |
| Total votes | 225,261 | 100.0 | ||
| Democratic hold | ||||
District 5
[edit]| Primary election | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Party | Candidate | Votes | % | |
| Republican | Frank Bigelow (incumbent) | 104,807 | 100.0 | |
| Total votes | 104,807 | 100.0 | ||
| General election | ||||
| Republican | Frank Bigelow (incumbent) | 165,624 | 100.0 | |
| Total votes | 165,624 | 100.0 | ||
| Republican hold | ||||
District 6
[edit]| Primary election | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Party | Candidate | Votes | % | |
| Republican | Kevin Kiley (incumbent) | 104,412 | 58.0 | |
| Democratic | Jackie Smith | 75,557 | 42.0 | |
| Total votes | 179,669 | 100.0 | ||
| General election | ||||
| Republican | Kevin Kiley (incumbent) | 178,559 | 59.0 | |
| Democratic | Jackie Smith | 124,294 | 41.0 | |
| Total votes | 302,853 | 100.0 | ||
| Republican hold | ||||
District 7
[edit]| Primary election | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Party | Candidate | Votes | % | |
| Democratic | Kevin McCarty (incumbent) | 88,869 | 99.8 | |
| Libertarian | James O. Just (write-in) | 199 | 0.2 | |
| Total votes | 89,068 | 100.0 | ||
| General election | ||||
| Democratic | Kevin McCarty (incumbent) | 149,083 | 73.9 | |
| Libertarian | James O. Just | 52,543 | 26.1 | |
| Total votes | 201,626 | 100.0 | ||
| Democratic hold | ||||
District 8
[edit]| Primary election | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Party | Candidate | Votes | % | |
| Democratic | Ken Cooley (incumbent) | 73,444 | 57.0 | |
| Republican | Cathy Cook | 55,376 | 43.0 | |
| Total votes | 128,820 | 100.0 | ||
| General election | ||||
| Democratic | Ken Cooley (incumbent) | 126,969 | 55.1 | |
| Republican | Cathy Cook | 103,496 | 44.9 | |
| Total votes | 230,465 | 100.0 | ||
| Democratic hold | ||||
District 9
[edit]| Primary election | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Party | Candidate | Votes | % | |
| Democratic | Jim Cooper (incumbent) | 50,609 | 43.8 | |
| Republican | Eric M. Rigard | 33,997 | 29.4 | |
| Democratic | Tracie Stafford | 27,974 | 24.2 | |
| Democratic | Mushtaq A. Tahirkheli | 3,015 | 2.6 | |
| Total votes | 115,595 | 100.0 | ||
| General election | ||||
| Democratic | Jim Cooper (incumbent) | 142,088 | 65.8 | |
| Republican | Eric M. Rigard | 73,742 | 34.2 | |
| Total votes | 215,830 | 100.0 | ||
| Democratic hold | ||||
District 10
[edit]| Primary election | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Party | Candidate | Votes | % | |
| Democratic | Marc Levine (incumbent) | 112,683 | 62.0 | |
| Democratic | Veronica "Roni" Jacobi | 32,663 | 18.0 | |
| Republican | Ron Sondergaard | 31,284 | 17.2 | |
| Democratic | Ted Cabral | 5,192 | 2.9 | |
| Total votes | 181,822 | 100.0 | ||
| General election | ||||
| Democratic | Marc Levine (incumbent) | 158,263 | 65.7 | |
| Democratic | Veronica "Roni" Jacobi | 82,638 | 34.3 | |
| Total votes | 240,901 | 100.0 | ||
| Democratic hold | ||||
District 11
[edit]| Primary election | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Party | Candidate | Votes | % | |
| Democratic | Jim Frazier (incumbent) | 83,125 | 98.8 | |
| Republican | Debra Schwab (write in) | 1,044 | 1.2 | |
| Total votes | 84,169 | 100.0 | ||
| General election | ||||
| Democratic | Jim Frazier (incumbent) | 149,304 | 64.7 | |
| Republican | Debra Schwab | 81,374 | 35.3 | |
| Total votes | 230,678 | 100.0 | ||
| Democratic hold | ||||
District 12
[edit]| Primary election | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Party | Candidate | Votes | % | |
| Republican | Heath Flora (incumbent) | 71,098 | 62.9 | |
| Democratic | Paul Akinjo | 41,859 | 37.1 | |
| Total votes | 112,957 | 100.0 | ||
| General election | ||||
| Republican | Heath Flora (incumbent) | 131,625 | 60.9 | |
| Democratic | Paul Akinjo | 84,373 | 39.1 | |
| Total votes | 215,998 | 100.0 | ||
| Republican hold | ||||
District 13
[edit]| Primary election | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Party | Candidate | Votes | % | |
| Democratic | Carlos Villapudua | 27,068 | 35.9 | |
| Democratic | Kathy Miller | 24,091 | 31.9 | |
| Democratic | Christina Fugazi | 24,061 | 31.9 | |
| Republican | Khalid Jeffrey Jafri (write-in) | 210 | 0.3 | |
| Total votes | 75,430 | 100.0 | ||
| General election | ||||
| Democratic | Carlos Villapudua | 83,746 | 51.6 | |
| Democratic | Kathy Miller | 78,609 | 48.4 | |
| Total votes | 162,355 | 100.0 | ||
| Democratic hold | ||||
District 14
[edit]| Primary election | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Party | Candidate | Votes | % | |
| Democratic | Tim Grayson (incumbent) | 82,052 | 66.4 | |
| Republican | Janell Elizabeth Proctor | 31,477 | 25.5 | |
| Peace and Freedom | Cassandra Devereaux | 10,107 | 8.2 | |
| Total votes | 123,636 | 100.0 | ||
| General election | ||||
| Democratic | Tim Grayson (incumbent) | 163,205 | 70.3 | |
| Republican | Janell Elizabeth Proctor | 68,819 | 29.7 | |
| Total votes | 232,024 | 100.0 | ||
| Democratic hold | ||||
District 15
[edit]| Primary election | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Party | Candidate | Votes | % | |
| Democratic | Buffy Wicks (incumbent) | 135,623 | 83.6 | |
| No party preference | Sara Brink | 13,841 | 8.5 | |
| Republican | Jeanne M. Solnordal | 12,791 | 7.9 | |
| Total votes | 162,255 | 100.0 | ||
| General election | ||||
| Democratic | Buffy Wicks (incumbent) | 204,108 | 84.7 | |
| No party preference | Sara Brink | 36,732 | 15.3 | |
| Total votes | 240,840 | 100.0 | ||
| Democratic hold | ||||
District 16
[edit]| Primary election | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Party | Candidate | Votes | % | |
| Democratic | Rebecca Bauer-Kahan (incumbent) | 109,852 | 68.3 | |
| Republican | Joseph A. Rubay | 51,097 | 31.7 | |
| Total votes | 160,949 | 100.0 | ||
| General election | ||||
| Democratic | Rebecca Bauer-Kahan (incumbent) | 192,977 | 67.4 | |
| Republican | Joseph A. Rubay | 93,137 | 32.6 | |
| Total votes | 286,114 | 100.0 | ||
| Democratic hold | ||||
District 17
[edit]| Primary election | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Party | Candidate | Votes | % | |
| Democratic | David Chiu (incumbent) | 120,498 | 99.95 | |
| Libertarian | Starchild (write in) | 56 | 0.05 | |
| Total votes | 120,554 | 100.0 | ||
| General election | ||||
| Democratic | David Chiu (incumbent) | 190,731 | 88.9 | |
| Libertarian | Starchild | 23,834 | 11.1 | |
| Total votes | 214,565 | 100.0 | ||
| Democratic hold | ||||
District 18
[edit]| Primary election | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Party | Candidate | Votes | % | |
| Democratic | Rob Bonta (incumbent) | 118,300 | 89.3 | |
| Republican | Stephen Slauson | 14,158 | 10.7 | |
| Total votes | 132,458 | 100.0 | ||
| General election | ||||
| Democratic | Rob Bonta (incumbent) | 190,168 | 87.6 | |
| Republican | Stephen Slauson | 26,942 | 12.4 | |
| Total votes | 217,110 | 100.0 | ||
| Democratic hold | ||||
District 19
[edit]| Primary election | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Party | Candidate | Votes | % | |
| Democratic | Phil Ting (incumbent) | 111,464 | 82.0 | |
| Republican | John P. McDonnell | 24,530 | 18.0 | |
| Total votes | 135,994 | 100.0 | ||
| General election | ||||
| Democratic | Phil Ting (incumbent) | 175,847 | 77.6 | |
| Republican | John P. McDonnell | 50,845 | 22.4 | |
| Total votes | 226,692 | 100.0 | ||
| Democratic hold | ||||
District 20
[edit]| Primary election | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Party | Candidate | Votes | % | |
| Democratic | Bill Quirk (incumbent) | 42,606 | 47.1 | |
| Democratic | Alexis Villalobos | 19,900 | 22.0 | |
| Republican | Son Nguyen | 18,410 | 20.4 | |
| Democratic | Vipan Singh Bajwa | 9,463 | 10.5 | |
| Total votes | 90,379 | 100.0 | ||
| General election | ||||
| Democratic | Bill Quirk (incumbent) | 100,105 | 56.9 | |
| Democratic | Alexis Villalobos | 75,672 | 43.1 | |
| Total votes | 175,777 | 100.0 | ||
| Democratic hold | ||||
District 21
[edit]| Primary election | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Party | Candidate | Votes | % | |
| Democratic | Adam Gray (incumbent) | 54,987 | 99.0 | |
| Republican | Joel Gutierrez Campos (write in) | 300 | 0.5 | |
| Republican | Guadalupe Salazar (write in) | 256 | 0.5 | |
| Total votes | 55,543 | 100.0 | ||
| General election | ||||
| Democratic | Adam Gray (incumbent) | 93,816 | 59.6 | |
| Republican | Joel Gutierrez Campos | 63,514 | 40.4 | |
| Total votes | 157,330 | 100.0 | ||
| Democratic hold | ||||
District 22
[edit]| Primary election | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Party | Candidate | Votes | % | |
| Democratic | Kevin Mullin (incumbent) | 107,738 | 75.7 | |
| Republican | Mark Gilham | 17,942 | 12.6 | |
| Republican | Bridget Mahoney | 16,606 | 11.7 | |
| Total votes | 142,286 | 100.0 | ||
| General election | ||||
| Democratic | Kevin Mullin (incumbent) | 182,365 | 75.4 | |
| Republican | Mark Gilham | 59,511 | 24.6 | |
| Total votes | 241,876 | 100.0 | ||
| Democratic hold | ||||
District 23
[edit]| Primary election | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Party | Candidate | Votes | % | |
| Republican | Jim Patterson (incumbent) | 101,217 | 100.0 | |
| Total votes | 101,217 | 100.0 | ||
| General election | ||||
| Republican | Jim Patterson (incumbent) | 177,600 | 100.0 | |
| Total votes | 177,600 | 100.0 | ||
| Republican hold | ||||
District 24
[edit]| Primary election | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Party | Candidate | Votes | % | |
| Democratic | Marc Berman (incumbent) | 99,642 | 74.2 | |
| Republican | Peter Ohtaki | 28,408 | 21.2 | |
| Libertarian | Kennita Watson | 6,212 | 4.6 | |
| Total votes | 134,262 | 100.0 | ||
| General election | ||||
| Democratic | Marc Berman (incumbent) | 158,240 | 73.4 | |
| Republican | Peter Ohtaki | 57,212 | 26.6 | |
| Total votes | 215,452 | 100.0 | ||
| Democratic hold | ||||
District 25
[edit]| Primary election | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Party | Candidate | Votes | % | |
| Republican | Bob Brunton | 19,612 | 20.8 | |
| Democratic | Alex Lee | 14,542 | 15.4 | |
| Democratic | Anne Kepner | 12,823 | 13.6 | |
| Democratic | Anna Song | 11,992 | 12.7 | |
| Democratic | Natasha Gupta | 9,778 | 10.4 | |
| Democratic | Carmen Montano | 9,672 | 10.2 | |
| Democratic | Anthony Phan | 6,780 | 7.2 | |
| Democratic | Roman Reed | 5,549 | 5.9 | |
| Democratic | Jim Canova | 3,623 | 3.8 | |
| Total votes | 94,371 | 100.0 | ||
| General election | ||||
| Democratic | Alex Lee | 135,733 | 70.5 | |
| Republican | Bob Brunton | 56,775 | 29.5 | |
| Total votes | 192,508 | 100.0 | ||
| Democratic hold | ||||
District 26
[edit]| Primary election | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Party | Candidate | Votes | % | |
| Republican | Devon Mathis (incumbent) | 49,413 | 61.5 | |
| Democratic | Drew Phelps | 30,981 | 38.5 | |
| Total votes | 80,394 | 100.0 | ||
| General election | ||||
| Republican | Devon Mathis (incumbent) | 85,005 | 54.9 | |
| Democratic | Drew Phelps | 69,717 | 45.1 | |
| Total votes | 154,722 | 100.0 | ||
| Republican hold | ||||
District 27
[edit]| Primary election | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Party | Candidate | Votes | % | |
| Democratic | Ash Kalra (incumbent) | 66,324 | 75.7 | |
| Republican | G. Burt Lancaster | 21,323 | 24.3 | |
| Total votes | 87,647 | 100.0 | ||
| General election | ||||
| Democratic | Ash Kalra (incumbent) | 127,772 | 72.6 | |
| Republican | G. Burt Lancaster | 48,112 | 27.4 | |
| Total votes | 175,884 | 100.0 | ||
| Democratic hold | ||||
District 28
[edit]| Primary election | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Party | Candidate | Votes | % | |
| Democratic | Evan Low (incumbent) | 96,976 | 71.1 | |
| Republican | Carlos Rafael Cruz | 32,136 | 23.5 | |
| No party preference | Sam Ross | 7,350 | 5.4 | |
| Total votes | 136,462 | 100.0 | ||
| General election | ||||
| Democratic | Evan Low (incumbent) | 166,733 | 71.6 | |
| Republican | Carlos Rafael Cruz | 65,976 | 28.4 | |
| Total votes | 232,709 | 100.0 | ||
| Democratic hold | ||||
District 29
[edit]| Primary election | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Party | Candidate | Votes | % | |
| Democratic | Mark Stone (incumbent) | 124,519 | 75.8 | |
| Republican | Shomir Banerjee | 39,835 | 24.2 | |
| Total votes | 164,354 | 100.0 | ||
| General election | ||||
| Democratic | Mark Stone (incumbent) | 185,496 | 73.0 | |
| Republican | Shomir Banerjee | 68,772 | 27.0 | |
| Total votes | 254,268 | 100.0 | ||
| Democratic hold | ||||
District 30
[edit]| Primary election | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Party | Candidate | Votes | % | |
| Democratic | Robert Rivas (incumbent) | 64,086 | 69.4 | |
| Republican | Gregory Swett | 28,308 | 30.6 | |
| Total votes | 92,394 | 100.0 | ||
| General election | ||||
| Democratic | Robert Rivas (incumbent) | 123,617 | 69.6 | |
| Republican | Gregory Swett | 53,928 | 30.4 | |
| Total votes | 177,545 | 100.0 | ||
| Democratic hold | ||||
District 31
[edit]| Primary election | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Party | Candidate | Votes | % | |
| Democratic | Joaquin Arambula (incumbent) | 38,317 | 61.7 | |
| Republican | Fernando Banuelos | 23,743 | 38.3 | |
| Total votes | 62,060 | 100.0 | ||
| General election | ||||
| Democratic | Joaquin Arambula (incumbent) | 77,193 | 61.9 | |
| Republican | Fernando Banuelos | 47,551 | 38.1 | |
| Total votes | 124,744 | 100.0 | ||
| Democratic hold | ||||
District 32
[edit]| Primary election | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Party | Candidate | Votes | % | |
| Democratic | Rudy Salas (incumbent) | 27,679 | 58.1 | |
| Republican | Todd Cotta | 19,957 | 41.9 | |
| Total votes | 47,636 | 100.0 | ||
| General election | ||||
| Democratic | Rudy Salas (incumbent) | 63,450 | 60.0 | |
| Republican | Todd Cotta | 42,328 | 40.0 | |
| Total votes | 105,778 | 100.0 | ||
| Democratic hold | ||||
District 33
[edit]| Primary election | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Party | Candidate | Votes | % | |
| Republican | Thurston Smith | 32,891 | 37.9 | |
| Republican | Rick Herrick | 14,922 | 17.2 | |
| Democratic | Socorro Cisneros | 12,136 | 14.0 | |
| Democratic | Blanca A. Gomez | 8,950 | 10.3 | |
| Democratic | Anthony A. Rhoades | 7,670 | 8.8 | |
| Democratic | Roger La Plante | 5,655 | 6.5 | |
| Republican | Alex Walton | 4,564 | 5.3 | |
| Total votes | 86,788 | 100.0 | ||
| General election | ||||
| Republican | Thurston Smith | 86,948 | 54.9 | |
| Republican | Rick Herrick | 71,567 | 45.1 | |
| Total votes | 158,515 | 100.0 | ||
| Republican hold | ||||
District 34
[edit]| Primary election | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Party | Candidate | Votes | % | |
| Republican | Vince Fong (incumbent) | 83,909 | 71.6 | |
| Democratic | Julie Solis | 32,922 | 28.1 | |
| Democratic | Regina Velasquez (write in) | 343 | 0.3 | |
| Total votes | 117,174 | 100.0 | ||
| General election | ||||
| Republican | Vince Fong (incumbent) | 146,611 | 68.1 | |
| Democratic | Julie Solis | 68,716 | 31.9 | |
| Total votes | 215,327 | 100.0 | ||
| Republican hold | ||||
District 35
[edit]| Primary election | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Party | Candidate | Votes | % | |
| Republican | Jordan Cunningham (incumbent) | 85,029 | 56.8 | |
| Democratic | Dawn Addis | 64,548 | 43.2 | |
| Total votes | 149,577 | 100.0 | ||
| General election | ||||
| Republican | Jordan Cunningham (incumbent) | 126,579 | 55.1 | |
| Democratic | Dawn Addis | 103,206 | 44.9 | |
| Total votes | 229,785 | 100.0 | ||
| Republican hold | ||||
District 36
[edit]| Primary election | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Party | Candidate | Votes | % | |
| Republican | Tom Lackey (incumbent) | 45,255 | 53.0 | |
| Democratic | Steve Fox | 14,771 | 17.3 | |
| Democratic | Johnathon Ervin | 6,615 | 7.8 | |
| Democratic | Diedra M. Greenaway | 5,084 | 6.0 | |
| Democratic | Michael P. Rives | 4,055 | 4.7 | |
| Democratic | Ollie M. McCaulley | 3,729 | 4.4 | |
| Democratic | Lourdes Everett | 3,405 | 4.0 | |
| Democratic | Eric Andrew Ohlsen | 2,440 | 2.9 | |
| Total votes | 85,354 | 100.0 | ||
| General election | ||||
| Republican | Tom Lackey (incumbent) | 102,442 | 55.2 | |
| Democratic | Steve Fox | 83,240 | 44.8 | |
| Total votes | 185,682 | 100.0 | ||
| Republican hold | ||||
District 37
[edit]| Primary election | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Party | Candidate | Votes | % | |
| Republican | Charles W. Cole | 41,945 | 27.5 | |
| Democratic | Steve Bennett | 37,516 | 24.6 | |
| Democratic | Cathy Murillo | 29,498 | 19.4 | |
| Democratic | Jonathan Abboud | 12,039 | 7.9 | |
| Democratic | Jason Dominguez | 11,177 | 7.3 | |
| Democratic | Elsa Granados | 10,840 | 7.1 | |
| Democratic | Stephen Blum | 9,278 | 6.1 | |
| Total votes | 152,293 | 100.0 | ||
| General election | ||||
| Democratic | Steve Bennett | 166,015 | 67.6 | |
| Republican | Charles W. Cole | 79,661 | 32.4 | |
| Total votes | 245,676 | 100.0 | ||
| Democratic hold | ||||
District 38
[edit]| Primary election | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Party | Candidate | Votes | % | |
| Republican | Suzette Martinez Valladares | 39,481 | 31.8 | |
| Republican | Lucie Lapointe Volotzky | 21,942 | 17.6 | |
| Democratic | Annie E. Cho | 15,498 | 12.5 | |
| Democratic | Kelvin Driscoll | 14,868 | 12.0 | |
| Democratic | Brandii Grace | 14,387 | 11.6 | |
| Democratic | Dina Cervantes | 10,900 | 8.8 | |
| Democratic | Susan M. Christopher | 7,255 | 5.8 | |
| Total votes | 124,331 | 100.0 | ||
| General election | ||||
| Republican | Suzette Martinez Valladares | 149,201 | 76.1 | |
| Republican | Lucie Lapointe Volotzky | 46,877 | 23.9 | |
| Total votes | 196,078 | 100.0 | ||
| Republican gain from Democratic | ||||
District 39
[edit]| Primary election | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Party | Candidate | Votes | % | |
| Democratic | Luz Rivas (incumbent) | 54,512 | 77.8 | |
| Republican | Ricardo Benitez | 15,590 | 22.2 | |
| Total votes | 70,102 | 100.0 | ||
| General election | ||||
| Democratic | Luz Rivas (incumbent) | 117,207 | 74.1 | |
| Republican | Ricardo Benitez | 41,033 | 25.9 | |
| Total votes | 158,240 | 100.0 | ||
| Democratic hold | ||||
District 40
[edit]| Primary election | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Party | Candidate | Votes | % | |
| Democratic | James Ramos (incumbent) | 54,923 | 59.4 | |
| Republican | Jennifer Tullius | 37,590 | 40.6 | |
| Total votes | 92,313 | 100.0 | ||
| General election | ||||
| Democratic | James Ramos (incumbent) | 111,885 | 58.4 | |
| Republican | Jennifer Tullius | 79,821 | 41.6 | |
| Total votes | 191,706 | 100.0 | ||
| Democratic hold | ||||
District 41
[edit]| Primary election | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Party | Candidate | Votes | % | |
| Democratic | Chris Holden (incumbent) | 94,505 | 68.7 | |
| Republican | Robin A. Hvidston | 43,006 | 31.3 | |
| Total votes | 137,511 | 100.0 | ||
| General election | ||||
| Democratic | Chris Holden (incumbent) | 160,878 | 65.3 | |
| Republican | Robin A. Hvidston | 85,604 | 34.7 | |
| Total votes | 246,482 | 100.0 | ||
| Democratic hold | ||||
District 42
[edit]| Primary election | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Party | Candidate | Votes | % | |
| Independent | Chad Mayes (incumbent) | 42,717 | 35.0 | |
| Republican | Andrew Kotyuk | 40,893 | 33.5 | |
| Democratic | DeniAntionette Mazingo | 38,492 | 31.5 | |
| Total votes | 122,102 | 100.0 | ||
| General election | ||||
| Independent | Chad Mayes (incumbent) | 120,401 | 55.6 | |
| Republican | Andrew Kotyuk | 96,203 | 44.4 | |
| Total votes | 216,604 | 100.0 | ||
| Independent hold | ||||
District 43
[edit]| Primary election | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Party | Candidate | Votes | % | |
| Democratic | Laura Friedman (incumbent) | 88,541 | 75.6 | |
| Republican | Mike Graves | 24,258 | 20.7 | |
| No party preference | Robert J. Sexton | 4,264 | 3.6 | |
| Total votes | 117,063 | 100.0 | ||
| General election | ||||
| Democratic | Laura Friedman (incumbent) | 149,214 | 69.6 | |
| Republican | Mike Graves | 65,270 | 30.4 | |
| Total votes | 214,484 | 100.0 | ||
| Democratic hold | ||||
District 44
[edit]| Primary election | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Party | Candidate | Votes | % | |
| Democratic | Jacqui Irwin (incumbent) | 73,294 | 62.2 | |
| Republican | Denise Pedrow | 44,534 | 37.8 | |
| Total votes | 117,828 | 100.0 | ||
| General election | ||||
| Democratic | Jacqui Irwin (incumbent) | 132,679 | 60.7 | |
| Republican | Denise Pedrow | 86,051 | 39.3 | |
| Total votes | 218,730 | 100.0 | ||
| Democratic hold | ||||
District 45
[edit]| Primary election | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Party | Candidate | Votes | % | |
| Democratic | Jesse Gabriel (incumbent) | 77,512 | 98.8 | |
| Republican | Jeffi Girgenti (write-in) | 955 | 1.2 | |
| Democratic | Denise Feldman (write-in) | 23 | 0.0 | |
| Total votes | 78,490 | 100.0 | ||
| General election | ||||
| Democratic | Jesse Gabriel (incumbent) | 136,904 | 66.2 | |
| Republican | Jeffi Girgenti | 69,802 | 33.8 | |
| Total votes | 206,706 | 100.0 | ||
| Democratic hold | ||||
District 46
[edit]| Primary election | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Party | Candidate | Votes | % | |
| Democratic | Adrin Nazarian (incumbent) | 55,784 | 69.7 | |
| Democratic | Lanira K. Murphy | 24,291 | 30.3 | |
| Total votes | 80,075 | 100.0 | ||
| General election | ||||
| Democratic | Adrin Nazarian (incumbent) | 104,987 | 63.4 | |
| Democratic | Lanira K. Murphy | 60,595 | 36.6 | |
| Total votes | 165,582 | 100.0 | ||
| Democratic hold | ||||
District 47
[edit]| Primary election | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Party | Candidate | Votes | % | |
| Democratic | Eloise Reyes (incumbent) | 45,618 | 71.0 | |
| Republican | Matthew Gordon | 18,649 | 29.0 | |
| Total votes | 64,267 | 100.0 | ||
| General election | ||||
| Democratic | Eloise Reyes (incumbent) | 109,635 | 69.0 | |
| Republican | Matthew Gordon | 49,170 | 31.0 | |
| Total votes | 158,805 | 100.0 | ||
| Democratic hold | ||||
District 48
[edit]| Primary election | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Party | Candidate | Votes | % | |
| Democratic | Blanca Rubio (incumbent) | 58,432 | 100.0 | |
| Total votes | 58,432 | 100.0 | ||
| General election | ||||
| Democratic | Blanca Rubio (incumbent) | 126,430 | 100.0 | |
| Total votes | 126,430 | 100.0 | ||
| Democratic hold | ||||
District 49
[edit]| Primary election | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Party | Candidate | Votes | % | |
| Democratic | Ed Chau (incumbent) | 36,985 | 52.0 | |
| Republican | Burton Brink | 17,531 | 24.6 | |
| Democratic | Bryan Mesinas Pérez | 9,006 | 12.7 | |
| Democratic | Priscilla Silva | 7,628 | 10.7 | |
| Total votes | 71,150 | 100.0 | ||
| General election | ||||
| Democratic | Ed Chau (incumbent) | 107,976 | 67.9 | |
| Republican | Burton Brink | 50,988 | 32.1 | |
| Total votes | 158,964 | 100.0 | ||
| Democratic hold | ||||
District 50
[edit]| Primary election | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Party | Candidate | Votes | % | |
| Democratic | Richard Bloom (incumbent) | 89,797 | 78.7 | |
| Democratic | Will Hess | 16,482 | 14.5 | |
| Democratic | Jim King | 7,750 | 6.8 | |
| Total votes | 114,029 | 100.0 | ||
| General election | ||||
| Democratic | Richard Bloom (incumbent) | 166,503 | 80.4 | |
| Democratic | Will Hess | 40,709 | 19.6 | |
| Total votes | 207,212 | 100.0 | ||
| Democratic hold | ||||
District 51
[edit]| Primary election | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Party | Candidate | Votes | % | |
| Democratic | Wendy Carrillo (incumbent) | 73,578 | 100.0 | |
| Total votes | 73,578 | 100.0 | ||
| General election | ||||
| Democratic | Wendy Carrillo (incumbent) | 127,026 | 100.0 | |
| Total votes | 127,026 | 100.0 | ||
| Democratic hold | ||||
District 52
[edit]| Primary election | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Party | Candidate | Votes | % | |
| Democratic | Freddie Rodriguez (incumbent) | 47,539 | 68.9 | |
| Republican | Toni Holle | 21,499 | 31.1 | |
| Democratic | Jesus Gonzalez (write-in) | 18 | 0.0 | |
| Total votes | 69,056 | 100.0 | ||
| General election | ||||
| Democratic | Freddie Rodriguez (incumbent) | 112,165 | 68.3 | |
| Republican | Toni Holle | 52,022 | 31.7 | |
| Total votes | 164,187 | 100.0 | ||
| Democratic hold | ||||
District 53
[edit]| Primary election | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Party | Candidate | Votes | % | |
| Democratic | Miguel Santiago (incumbent) | 35,515 | 62.9 | |
| Democratic | Godfrey Santos Plata | 20,923 | 37.1 | |
| Total votes | 56,438 | 100.0 | ||
| General election | ||||
| Democratic | Miguel Santiago (incumbent) | 63,776 | 56.3 | |
| Democratic | Godfrey Santos Plata | 49,580 | 43.7 | |
| Total votes | 113,356 | 100.0 | ||
| Democratic hold | ||||
District 54
[edit]| Primary election | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Party | Candidate | Votes | % | |
| Democratic | Sydney Kamlager (incumbent) | 64,620 | 56.7 | |
| Democratic | Tracy Bernard Jones | 34,005 | 29.8 | |
| Republican | Glen Ratcliff | 10,880 | 9.5 | |
| Democratic | Clinton Brown | 4,513 | 4.0 | |
| Total votes | 114,018 | 100.0 | ||
| General election | ||||
| Democratic | Sydney Kamlager (incumbent) | 119,818 | 64.2 | |
| Democratic | Tracy Bernard Jones | 66,915 | 35.8 | |
| Total votes | 186,733 | 100.0 | ||
| Democratic hold | ||||
District 55
[edit]| Primary election | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Party | Candidate | Votes | % | |
| Republican | Phillip Chen (incumbent) | 64,785 | 56.2 | |
| Democratic | Andrew E. Rodriguez | 50,458 | 43.8 | |
| Total votes | 115,243 | 100.0 | ||
| General election | ||||
| Republican | Phillip Chen (incumbent) | 125,212 | 54.9 | |
| Democratic | Andrew E. Rodriguez | 102,683 | 45.1 | |
| Total votes | 227,895 | 100.0 | ||
| Republican hold | ||||
District 56
[edit]| Primary election | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Party | Candidate | Votes | % | |
| Democratic | Eduardo Garcia (incumbent) | 44,530 | 64.0 | |
| Republican | America Figueroa | 25,074 | 36.0 | |
| Total votes | 69,604 | 100.0 | ||
| General election | ||||
| Democratic | Eduardo Garcia (incumbent) | 97,459 | 63.6 | |
| Republican | America Figueroa | 55,684 | 36.4 | |
| Total votes | 153,143 | 100.0 | ||
| Democratic hold | ||||
District 57
[edit]| Primary election | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Party | Candidate | Votes | % | |
| Republican | Jessica Martinez | 23,752 | 28.7 | |
| Democratic | Lisa Calderon | 16,622 | 20.1 | |
| Democratic | Sylvia Rubio | 14,123 | 17.1 | |
| Democratic | Josue Alvarado | 11,361 | 13.7 | |
| Democratic | Vanessa C. Tyson | 7,121 | 8.6 | |
| Democratic | Primo Castro | 3,156 | 3.8 | |
| Democratic | Gary Mendez | 2,799 | 3.4 | |
| Democratic | Dora D. Sandoval | 2,445 | 3.0 | |
| Democratic | Oscar Valladares | 1,297 | 1.6 | |
| Total votes | 82,676 | 100.0 | ||
| General election | ||||
| Democratic | Lisa Calderon | 114,122 | 60.5 | |
| Republican | Jessica Martinez | 74,371 | 39.5 | |
| Total votes | 188,493 | 100.0 | ||
| Democratic hold | ||||
District 58
[edit]| Primary election | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Party | Candidate | Votes | % | |
| Democratic | Cristina Garcia (incumbent) | 55,553 | 77.3 | |
| Green | Margaret Villa | 16,295 | 22.7 | |
| Total votes | 71,848 | 100.0 | ||
| General election | ||||
| Democratic | Cristina Garcia (incumbent) | 122,864 | 74.9 | |
| Green | Margaret Villa | 41,100 | 25.1 | |
| Total votes | 163,964 | 100.0 | ||
| Democratic hold | ||||
District 59
[edit]| Primary election | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Party | Candidate | Votes | % | |
| Democratic | Efren Martinez | 22,416 | 50.6 | |
| Democratic | Reggie Jones-Sawyer (incumbent) | 19,873 | 44.9 | |
| Democratic | Marcello Villeda | 1,999 | 4.5 | |
| Total votes | 44,288 | 100.0 | ||
| General election | ||||
| Democratic | Reggie Jones-Sawyer (incumbent) | 63,448 | 57.5 | |
| Democratic | Efren Martinez | 46,853 | 42.5 | |
| Total votes | 110,301 | 100.0 | ||
| Democratic hold | ||||
District 60
[edit]| Primary election | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Party | Candidate | Votes | % | |
| Democratic | Sabrina Cervantes (incumbent) | 46,511 | 54.4 | |
| Republican | Chris Raahauge | 38,968 | 45.6 | |
| Total votes | 85,479 | 100.0 | ||
| General election | ||||
| Democratic | Sabrina Cervantes (incumbent) | 109,976 | 56.4 | |
| Republican | Chris Raahauge | 84,907 | 43.6 | |
| Total votes | 194,883 | 100.0 | ||
| Democratic hold | ||||
District 61
[edit]| Primary election | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Party | Candidate | Votes | % | |
| Democratic | Jose Medina (incumbent) | 51,402 | 66.2 | |
| Republican | Ali Mazarei | 26,250 | 33.8 | |
| Total votes | 77,652 | 100.0 | ||
| General election | ||||
| Democratic | Jose Medina (incumbent) | 115,982 | 65.9 | |
| Republican | Ali Mazerei | 59,934 | 34.1 | |
| Total votes | 175,916 | 100.0 | ||
| Democratic hold | ||||
District 62
[edit]| Primary election | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Party | Candidate | Votes | % | |
| Democratic | Autumn Burke (incumbent) | 82,532 | 84.4 | |
| Republican | Robert A. Steele | 15,273 | 15.6 | |
| Total votes | 97,805 | 100.0 | ||
| General election | ||||
| Democratic | Autumn Burke (incumbent) | 158,832 | 80.9 | |
| Republican | Robert A. Steele | 37,500 | 19.1 | |
| Total votes | 196,332 | 100.0 | ||
| Democratic hold | ||||
District 63
[edit]| Primary election | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Party | Candidate | Votes | % | |
| Democratic | Anthony Rendon (incumbent) | 32,471 | 58.0 | |
| Democratic | Maria D. Estrada | 23,481 | 42.0 | |
| Total votes | 55,952 | 100.0 | ||
| General election | ||||
| Democratic | Anthony Rendon (incumbent) | 71,460 | 53.7 | |
| Democratic | Maria D. Estrada | 61,611 | 46.3 | |
| Total votes | 133,071 | 100.0 | ||
| Democratic hold | ||||
District 64
[edit]| Primary election | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Party | Candidate | Votes | % | |
| Democratic | Mike Gipson (incumbent) | 38,324 | 67.5 | |
| Democratic | Fatima S. Iqbal-Zubair | 18,469 | 32.5 | |
| Total votes | 56,793 | 100.0 | ||
| General election | ||||
| Democratic | Mike Gipson (incumbent) | 83,559 | 59.5 | |
| Democratic | Fatima S. Iqbal-Zubair | 56,875 | 40.5 | |
| Total votes | 140,434 | 100.0 | ||
| Democratic hold | ||||
District 65
[edit]
Map legend
- Quirk-Silva—50–60%
| Primary election | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Party | Candidate | Votes | % | |
| Democratic | Sharon Quirk-Silva (incumbent) | 54,240 | 57.7 | |
| Republican | Cynthia Thacker | 39,796 | 42.3 | |
| Total votes | 94,036 | 100.0 | ||
| General election | ||||
| Democratic | Sharon Quirk-Silva (incumbent) | 112,333 | 58.3 | |
| Republican | Cynthia Thacker | 80,468 | 41.7 | |
| Total votes | 192,801 | 100.0 | ||
| Democratic hold | ||||
District 66
[edit]| Primary election | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Party | Candidate | Votes | % | |
| Democratic | Al Muratsuchi (incumbent) | 83,172 | 66.2 | |
| Republican | Arthur C. Schaper | 42,536 | 33.8 | |
| Total votes | 125,708 | 100.0 | ||
| General election | ||||
| Democratic | Al Muratsuchi (incumbent) | 145,874 | 63.2 | |
| Republican | Arthur C. Schaper | 84,867 | 36.8 | |
| Total votes | 230,741 | 100.0 | ||
| Democratic hold | ||||
District 67
[edit]| Primary election | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Party | Candidate | Votes | % | |
| Democratic | Jerry Carlos | 40,112 | 35.4 | |
| Republican | Kelly Seyarto | 31,067 | 27.4 | |
| Republican | Jeremy Smith | 19,439 | 17.2 | |
| Republican | Steve Manos | 16,111 | 14.2 | |
| Republican | Nick Pardue | 6,520 | 5.8 | |
| Total votes | 113,249 | 100.0 | ||
| General election | ||||
| Republican | Kelly Seyarto | 144,317 | 60.0 | |
| Democratic | Jerry Carlos | 96,140 | 40.0 | |
| Total votes | 240,457 | 100.0 | ||
| Republican hold | ||||
District 68
[edit]| Primary election | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Party | Candidate | Votes | % | |
| Republican | Steven Choi (incumbent) | 57,633 | 43.8 | |
| Democratic | Melissa Fox | 44,033 | 33.5 | |
| Democratic | Eugene Fields | 17,332 | 13.2 | |
| Republican | Benjamin Yu | 12,503 | 9.5 | |
| Total votes | 131,501 | 100.0 | ||
| General election | ||||
| Republican | Steven Choi (Incumbent) | 136,841 | 53.1 | |
| Democratic | Melissa Fox | 120,965 | 46.9 | |
| Total votes | 257,806 | 100.0 | ||
| Republican hold | ||||
District 69
[edit]| Primary election | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Party | Candidate | Votes | % | |
| Democratic | Tom Daly (incumbent) | 44,015 | 73.9 | |
| Republican | Jon Paul White | 15,555 | 26.1 | |
| Total votes | 59,570 | 100.0 | ||
| General election | ||||
| Democratic | Tom Daly (incumbent) | 99,731 | 72.9 | |
| Republican | Jon Paul White | 37,065 | 27.1 | |
| Total votes | 136,796 | 100.0 | ||
| Democratic hold | ||||
District 70
[edit]| Primary election | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Party | Candidate | Votes | % | |
| Democratic | Patrick O'Donnell (incumbent) | 78,609 | 74.4 | |
| Republican | David W. Thomas | 27,081 | 25.6 | |
| Total votes | 105,690 | 100.0 | ||
| General election | ||||
| Democratic | Patrick O'Donnell (incumbent) | 143,191 | 71.7 | |
| Republican | David W. Thomas | 56,516 | 28.3 | |
| Total votes | 199,707 | 100.0 | ||
| Democratic hold | ||||
District 71
[edit]| Primary election | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Party | Candidate | Votes | % | |
| Republican | Randy Voepel (incumbent) | 77,069 | 61.1 | |
| Democratic | Liz "Elizabeth" Lavertu | 49,073 | 38.9 | |
| Total votes | 126,142 | 100.0 | ||
| General election | ||||
| Republican | Randy Voepel (incumbent) | 136,156 | 59.6 | |
| Democratic | Liz "Elizabeth" Lavertu | 92,385 | 40.4 | |
| Total votes | 228,541 | 100.0 | ||
| Republican hold | ||||
District 72
[edit]
Map legend
- J. Nguyen—40–50%
| Primary election | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Party | Candidate | Votes | % | |
| Republican | Janet Nguyen | 39,778 | 33.8 | |
| Democratic | Diedre Nguyen | 30,021 | 25.5 | |
| Republican | Tyler Diep (incumbent) | 29,186 | 24.8 | |
| Democratic | Bijan Mohseni | 18,668 | 15.9 | |
| Total votes | 117,653 | 100.0 | ||
| General election | ||||
| Republican | Janet Nguyen | 122,483 | 54.2 | |
| Democratic | Diedre Nguyen | 103,707 | 45.8 | |
| Total votes | 226,190 | 100.0 | ||
| Republican hold | ||||
District 73
[edit]| Primary election | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Party | Candidate | Votes | % | |
| Republican | Laurie Davies | 41,499 | 27.3 | |
| Democratic | Scott Rhinehart | 36,170 | 23.8 | |
| Democratic | Chris Duncan | 27,993 | 18.4 | |
| Republican | Bill Brough (incumbent) | 25,281 | 16.6 | |
| Republican | Ed Sachs | 21,089 | 13.9 | |
| Total votes | 152,032 | 100.0 | ||
| General election | ||||
| Republican | Laurie Davies | 161,650 | 58.5 | |
| Democratic | Scott Rhinehart | 114,578 | 41.5 | |
| Total votes | 276,228 | 100.0 | ||
| Republican hold | ||||
District 74
[edit]| Primary election | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Party | Candidate | Votes | % | |
| Democratic | Cottie Petrie-Norris (incumbent) | 76,081 | 52.3 | |
| Republican | Diane Dixon | 36,683 | 25.2 | |
| Republican | Kelly Ernby | 32,602 | 22.4 | |
| Total votes | 145,366 | 100.0 | ||
| General election | ||||
| Democratic | Cottie Petrie-Norris (incumbent) | 133,607 | 50.5 | |
| Republican | Diane Dixon | 131,023 | 49.5 | |
| Total votes | 264,630 | 100.0 | ||
| Democratic hold | ||||
District 75
[edit]| Primary election | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Party | Candidate | Votes | % | |
| Republican | Marie Waldron (incumbent) | 71,217 | 56.3 | |
| Democratic | Karen "Kate" Schwartz | 47,988 | 37.9 | |
| Democratic | Roger Garcia | 7,327 | 5.8 | |
| Total votes | 126,532 | 100.0 | ||
| General election | ||||
| Republican | Marie Waldron (incumbent) | 128,559 | 54.5 | |
| Democratic | Karen "Kate" Schwartz | 107,150 | 45.5 | |
| Total votes | 235,709 | 100.0 | ||
| Republican hold | ||||
District 76
[edit]| Primary election | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Party | Candidate | Votes | % | |
| Democratic | Tasha Boerner Horvath (incumbent) | 77,792 | 57.5 | |
| Republican | Melanie Burkholder | 57,391 | 42.5 | |
| Total votes | 135,183 | 100.0 | ||
| General election | ||||
| Democratic | Tasha Boerner Horvath (incumbent) | 132,668 | 55.6 | |
| Republican | Melanie Burkholder | 105,855 | 44.4 | |
| Total votes | 238,523 | 100.0 | ||
| Democratic hold | ||||
District 77
[edit]| Primary election | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Party | Candidate | Votes | % | |
| Democratic | Brian Maienschein (incumbent) | 86,998 | 57.5 | |
| Republican | June Yang Cutter | 64,384 | 42.5 | |
| Total votes | 151,382 | 100.0 | ||
| General election | ||||
| Democratic | Brian Maienschein (incumbent) | 149,367 | 55.8 | |
| Republican | June Yang Cutter | 118,396 | 44.2 | |
| Total votes | 267,763 | 100.0 | ||
| Democratic hold | ||||
District 78
[edit]| Primary election | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Party | Candidate | Votes | % | |
| Democratic | Chris Ward | 69,125 | 55.6 | |
| Democratic | Sarah Davis | 34,410 | 27.7 | |
| Democratic | Micah Perlin | 20,741 | 16.7 | |
| Total votes | 124,276 | 100.0 | ||
| General election | ||||
| Democratic | Chris Ward | 123,755 | 56.2 | |
| Democratic | Sarah Davis | 95,486 | 43.8 | |
| Total votes | 219,241 | 100.0 | ||
| Democratic hold | ||||
District 79
[edit]| Primary election | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Party | Candidate | Votes | % | |
| Democratic | Shirley Weber (incumbent) | 74,121 | 65.7 | |
| Republican | John Moore | 19,619 | 17.4 | |
| Republican | Carmelita "C.L." Larrabaster | 19,080 | 16.9 | |
| Total votes | 112,820 | 100.0 | ||
| General election | ||||
| Democratic | Shirley Weber (incumbent) | 147,994 | 65.4 | |
| Republican | John Moore | 78,367 | 34.6 | |
| Total votes | 226,361 | 100.0 | ||
| Democratic hold | ||||
District 80
[edit]| Primary election | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Party | Candidate | Votes | % | |
| Democratic | Lorena Gonzalez (incumbent) | 56,872 | 72.7 | |
| Republican | John J. Vogel | 13,999 | 17.9 | |
| Republican | Lincoln Pickard | 7,334 | 9.4 | |
| Total votes | 78,205 | 100.0 | ||
| General election | ||||
| Democratic | Lorena Gonzalez (incumbent) | 121,661 | 71.5 | |
| Republican | John J. Vogel | 48,390 | 28.5 | |
| Total votes | 170,051 | 100.0 | ||
| Democratic hold | ||||
References
[edit]- ^ "October Overview: Handicapping the 2020 State Legislature Races". The Cook Political Report. Archived from the original on November 1, 2020. Retrieved November 1, 2020.
- ^ Nuttycombe, Chaz (May 7, 2020). "The State of the States: The Legislatures". University of Virginia Center for Politics. Archived from the original on May 16, 2022. Retrieved May 24, 2022.
- ^ a b "The Statement of Vote. State Assemblymember by District" (PDF). California Secretary of State. Archived (PDF) from the original on June 11, 2020. Retrieved May 5, 2020.
- ^ a b "Voter Participation Statistics by County March 3, 2020, Presidential Primary Election" (PDF). California Secretary of State. Retrieved May 5, 2020.[permanent dead link]
- ^ "2020 California General Election Results" (PDF). Election Results. Archived (PDF) from the original on December 14, 2020. Retrieved December 27, 2020..
- ^ Phillips, Roger (March 20, 2019). "Eggman says she will seek Galgiani's state Senate seat". The Record. Stockton, California. Archived from the original on June 27, 2019. Retrieved October 13, 2019.
- ^ Giwargis, Ramona (May 9, 2019). "Assemblymember Kansen Chu to leave Legislature, run for county supervisor". San Jose Spotlight. Archived from the original on August 28, 2019. Retrieved October 13, 2019.
- ^ Metz, Sam (September 17, 2019). "Congressman Paul Cook to retire after end of fourth term; one of 17 Republicans who won't seek reelection". The Desert Sun. Palm Springs, California. Archived from the original on September 18, 2019. Retrieved October 13, 2019.
- ^ Molina, Joshua (September 21, 2019). "Assemblywoman Monique Limón Says She's Running for State Senate". Noozhawk. Santa Barbara, California. Archived from the original on October 11, 2019. Retrieved October 13, 2019.
- ^ Murga, Tammy (October 28, 2019). "Assemblywoman Smith launches campaign for Congress". Santa Clarita Valley Signal. Archived from the original on October 28, 2019. Retrieved October 28, 2019.
- ^ Wiley, Hannah (November 26, 2019). "California Democratic leader says he will not seek re-election in 2020". Sacramento Bee. Archived from the original on November 28, 2019. Retrieved November 27, 2019.
- ^ Metz, Sam (November 4, 2019). "Assemblymember Melissa Melendez will run in special election to replace state Sen. Jeff Stone". The Desert Sun. Palm Springs, California. Archived from the original on November 5, 2019. Retrieved December 24, 2019.
- ^ Garrick, David (January 9, 2019). "Assemblyman Gloria announces 2020 run for San Diego mayor". San Diego Union-Tribune. Archived from the original on September 25, 2019. Retrieved October 13, 2019.
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u v w x y z aa ab ac ad ae af ag ah ai aj ak al am an ao ap aq ar as at au av aw ax ay az ba bb bc bd be bf bg bh bi bj bk bl bm bn bo bp bq br bs bt bu bv bw bx by bz ca cb "November 3, 2020, General Election-State Assembly" (PDF). California Secretary of State. Archived (PDF) from the original on April 28, 2021. Retrieved December 22, 2020.
- ^ a b c d e Certified Statement of the Votes Cast at the Presidential Primary Election, March 3, 2020, in the County of Orange, State of California (PDF). Orange County Registrar of Voters (Report). Archived (PDF) from the original on March 25, 2023. Retrieved April 3, 2020.
2020 California State Assembly election
View on Grokipediafrom Grokipedia
Background
Electoral system and term limits
California utilizes a nonpartisan top-two primary system for State Assembly elections, enacted through Proposition 14, which voters approved on June 8, 2010.[3] In this "jungle primary," all candidates for each of the 80 Assembly districts, irrespective of party affiliation, compete on a single ballot during the primary election; the two receiving the highest vote totals advance to the November general election, regardless of party.[4] This structure broadens initial voter access to candidates but structurally disadvantages third-party or independent contenders, as only major-party frontrunners typically secure advancement, limiting broader ideological competition in the general election.[3] Assembly members face lifetime term limits totaling 12 years of service in the state legislature, as modified by Proposition 28, approved by voters on June 5, 2012.[5] Prior to this reform, limits restricted members to six years (three two-year terms) in the Assembly and eight years in the Senate; the change allows up to 12 years cumulatively across both chambers or entirely within one, while capping Assembly service at six years if remaining in that body.[6] These constraints, originally imposed by Proposition 140 in 1990, compel periodic turnover by barring indefinite re-election, countering potential entrenchment of power and fostering recruitment of new candidates, though they accelerate leadership inexperience in Sacramento.[5] The Assembly comprises 80 single-member districts, with elections held statewide in even-numbered years for all seats, yielding two-year terms that align with the full chamber's regular session cycle.[7] This uniform schedule ensures comprehensive electoral accountability every biennium but amplifies the impact of term limits, as incumbents cannot exceed their tenure without chamber switches, contributing to consistent vacancy rates and competitive primaries.[7]Political landscape pre-election
Heading into the 2020 election, Democrats controlled 61 seats in the California State Assembly, with Republicans holding 17 and one independent, granting Democrats a veto-proof two-thirds supermajority that had been solidified after gains in the 2018 elections. This dominance, first achieved in the Assembly in 2012 but briefly lost in 2014 before being regained in 2018, enabled the passage of major tax increases without needing Republican support, such as the 2017 Road Repair and Accountability Act (SB 1), which raised the gasoline tax by 12 cents per gallon and diesel by 20 cents, adding approximately $5.2 billion annually to state transportation funding amid criticisms of fiscal overreach.[8][9] Similarly, the supermajority facilitated continued funding for the California High-Speed Rail project, which by 2020 had consumed over $3 billion in state bonds and federal grants but produced no operational high-speed track, drawing bipartisan scrutiny for cost overruns projected to exceed $100 billion total despite initial voter-approved estimates of $33 billion.[10] California's prolonged one-party Democratic control correlated with empirical indicators of policy strain, including a net domestic out-migration of approximately 700,000 residents from 2010 to 2020, as households sought lower-cost locales amid rising taxes and housing expenses, per U.S. Census Bureau data on state-to-state flows.[11] Adjusted for cost of living via the Supplemental Poverty Measure, California's 2019 poverty rate stood at 13.2 percent—higher than the national SPM average of 10.5 percent—reflecting how progressive spending priorities and regulatory burdens exacerbated effective deprivation despite nominal economic growth.[12] These trends underscored critiques that unchecked Democratic majorities prioritized expansive initiatives over fiscal restraint, fostering an environment where opposition was structurally marginalized. Republicans faced headwinds in coastal and suburban districts due to national polarization during the Trump presidency, which amplified urban-rural divides and reinforced Democratic mobilization in progressive strongholds. However, opportunities persisted in the Central Valley and Inland Empire, where economic discontent from agricultural regulations, housing shortages, and job losses in manufacturing districts created openings for GOP appeals on affordability and deregulation, as evidenced by shifting voter registration trends toward Republicans in Inland Empire counties.[13][14] This regional dynamic highlighted how California's partisan landscape, while heavily tilted, retained pockets of contestability tied to material grievances rather than ideological uniformity.District maps and redistricting history
The district boundaries for the 2020 California State Assembly election were established by the Citizens Redistricting Commission through maps certified on August 15, 2011, following the 2010 United States Census.[15] The commission was created by Proposition 11, approved by voters on November 4, 2008, which amended the state constitution to remove redistricting authority from the legislature and vest it in an independent 14-member panel.[16] Commissioners—five Democrats, five Republicans, and four from neither major party—were selected via a random lottery from screened applicants meeting strict eligibility criteria, including no recent political party involvement or lobbying. The process emphasized criteria such as equal population distribution, geographic contiguity and compactness, preservation of communities of interest without diluting minority voting power, and avoidance of partisan or incumbent data in initial map drawing, supplemented by extensive public hearings.[16] These maps governed Assembly elections from 2012 through 2020, replacing prior legislative-drawn boundaries criticized for entrenching incumbents. Critics, particularly from Republican-aligned perspectives, contended that despite the commission's nonpartisan mandate, the resulting districts exhibited subtle biases favoring Democrats through voter packing—concentrating Republican voters into fewer safe districts—facilitated by interpretations of "communities of interest" during public input. Investigative reporting revealed Democratic operatives organized ostensibly nonpartisan groups to submit testimony advocating boundaries that aligned with partisan goals, effectively influencing maps without direct access to drawing tools.[17] Empirical outcomes supported claims of disproportionality: from 2012 to 2020, Democrats captured 65% to 77% of the 80 seats in each cycle, exceeding their approximate 60% average statewide vote share in Assembly races, a pattern attributed by some to geographic clustering of Democratic voters in urban and suburban areas amplified by commission criteria.[18] No significant legal challenges targeted these specific maps in the context of the 2020 election, though broader critiques persisted regarding the commission's susceptibility to indirect partisan pressure via community criteria, which allowed Democratic-leaning urban-suburban groupings to yield more efficient seat gains than proportional to vote distribution. Independent assessments, such as those evaluating partisan symmetry and efficiency gaps, found the 2011 maps reduced overt gerrymandering compared to prior decades but retained structural advantages for the majority party in California's demographics.[19]Pre-election context
Predictions and analyst forecasts
Prior to the election, analysts forecasted that Democrats would preserve their 61–17 supermajority in the 80-seat Assembly, with most districts rated as safe due to the state's entrenched Democratic lean and structural advantages like independent redistricting favoring incumbents.[20] Republican strategists targeted around 11 competitive races for potential holds or flips, including Districts 36 (Antelope Valley), 72 (Orange County), and 76 (San Diego suburbs), where demographic shifts among Latino voters and dissatisfaction with economic handling amid the COVID-19 downturn offered openings.[20] However, forecasters predicted only marginal changes at best, attributing limited GOP prospects to anticipated high turnout in a presidential year, which historically boosts Democratic participation, and polling showing party-line advantages for Democrats in generic legislative matchups.[20] Public Policy Institute of California (PPIC) surveys throughout 2020 underscored Democratic leads in voter sentiment, with likely voters prioritizing the economy, jobs, and unemployment—issues where Republican candidates sought to capitalize in Inland Empire and Central Valley districts with growing Latino electorates concerned about post-lockdown recovery and rising costs.[21][22] Despite these pockets of vulnerability, mainstream analyses dismissed significant Republican breakthroughs, emphasizing turnout disparities and the absence of widespread incumbency retirements weakening Democratic defenses.[20] Right-leaning observers critiqued these projections for overlooking understated GOP base mobilization, akin to national polling shortfalls in gauging Trump-aligned enthusiasm, which could drive unexpected gains in low-propensity swing areas reliant on economic discontent rather than coastal progressive priorities.[23] Such forecasts reflected a broader institutional tendency to project continuity in one-party dominance, potentially underweighting causal factors like pandemic-induced voter realignments on crime and fiscal policy in non-urban enclaves.[20]Retiring incumbents and open seats
Eight incumbents in the California State Assembly chose not to seek re-election in 2020, resulting in eight open seats out of the 80 districts up for election. This represented a relatively low turnover rate, the second-lowest number of open seats since 2010, and included six Democrats and two Republicans. Retirements were driven primarily by term limits—California's constitutional limit of 12 years (six two-year terms) in the Assembly—or pursuits of higher office, exposing potential vulnerabilities in districts where incumbents had previously secured victories.[7] The retiring incumbents were:| Incumbent | Party | District | Notes |
|---|---|---|---|
| Susan Talamantes Eggman | Democratic | 13 | Term-limited; Central Valley area |
| Kansen Chu | Democratic | 25 | Did not file |
| Jay Obernolte | Republican | 33 | Ran for U.S. Congress |
| S. Monique Limón | Democratic | 37 | Ran for State Senate |
| Christy Smith | Democratic | 38 | Ran for U.S. Congress |
| Ian Calderon | Democratic | 57 | Did not file |
| Melissa Melendez | Republican | 67 | Did not file; Inland Empire |
| Todd Gloria | Democratic | 78 | Ran for San Diego Mayor |
Primary election overview
The primary election for the 2020 California State Assembly occurred on March 3, 2020, coinciding with the presidential primary under the state's top-two system, in which all candidates appear on a single ballot and the two highest vote recipients in each of the 80 districts advance to the November general election irrespective of party.[25] This nonpartisan format, enacted via Proposition 14 in 2010, prioritizes vote totals over partisan primaries, but in practice favors major-party contenders in a state with heavy Democratic registration advantages. Voter turnout reached approximately 38 percent of the state's 21.7 million registered voters, with over 8.3 million ballots cast—a record for a March primary—reflecting established no-excuse absentee voting options that saw mail-in ballots account for nearly half of votes submitted prior to COVID-19's broader disruptions.[26] [27] Democratic candidates advanced from at least one spot in the top two in over 90 percent of districts, channeling most races toward general election contests dominated by the party and producing at least 18 Democrat-versus-Democrat matchups, which comprised the majority of same-party pairings. This dynamic effectively marginalized third-party and independent candidates, who secured top-two advancement in zero Assembly districts, as the system's structure demands broad appeal in a single crowded field where minor-party vote shares typically fall below major-party thresholds.[28] One notable upset saw Republican incumbent Bill Brough ousted in District 73 amid prior allegations of workplace harassment and misuse of resources, finishing third behind Republican challenger Laurie Davies and Democrat Scott Rhinehart, who advanced to face off in November.[29] Analyses of the top-two mechanism highlight its role in curtailing ideological diversity, as empirical evidence shows it promotes convergence toward median voter preferences in primaries, often sidelining party-wing extremists and yielding less polarized general election fields—particularly in one-party dominant areas like much of California, where intra-Democratic contests limit exposure to divergent policy visions.[30] [31] While proponents argue this fosters moderation, critics contend it dilutes competitive incentives and voter choice by reducing the general election's function as a partisan clash, instead replicating primary-like sorting in safe districts.[32]General election dynamics
Key campaign issues
Republicans in the 2020 California State Assembly races frequently criticized Democratic fiscal policies for contributing to economic stagnation, highlighting California's highest-in-the-nation gasoline taxes and fees totaling $1.26 per gallon, which exacerbated affordability challenges for working families.[33] Efforts to erode protections under Proposition 13, such as Proposition 15's proposed split-roll reassessment of commercial properties for higher taxes, were portrayed by GOP candidates as threats to property owners and small businesses, though voters rejected the measure statewide.[34] Democrats countered by promoting investments in green energy jobs and infrastructure, even as the state's unemployment rate surged to 16% in early 2020 amid economic shutdowns.[35] Housing affordability and homelessness emerged as central flashpoints, with California recording over 161,000 homeless individuals in 2020—the largest unsheltered population in the U.S.—prompting Republican attacks on Democratic reliance on subsidies and regulatory barriers rather than aggressive zoning reforms to boost supply.[36] Critics argued that decades of one-party control had failed to address root causes like restrictive land-use policies, leading to persistent crises in major cities.[37] Democratic incumbents and challengers advocated expanding rent control via measures like Proposition 21 and state-funded housing programs, framing these as necessary responses to skyrocketing costs without sufficient evidence of resolving supply shortages.[38] Public safety debates intensified over rising urban crime trends, with Republicans linking increases in homicides—such as a 30% rise in Los Angeles by late 2020—to the effects of earlier reforms like Proposition 47, which reclassified certain nonviolent offenses as misdemeanors and was seen as incentivizing theft and drug-related activities.[39] GOP campaigns called for tougher enforcement and opposition to cash bail elimination under Proposition 25, positioning Democratic approaches as soft on crime amid voter concerns about street-level disorder.[40] Democrats emphasized community policing and rehabilitation, though data showed property crimes remaining elevated post-Proposition 47 implementation.[40]COVID-19 impact on campaigning
The COVID-19 pandemic, which prompted Governor Gavin Newsom to issue a statewide stay-at-home order on March 19, 2020, severely restricted in-person campaign activities across California, including rallies, town halls, and direct voter contact efforts essential to legislative races. With public health guidelines prohibiting large gatherings and limiting interpersonal interactions, candidates for the California State Assembly pivoted to virtual formats such as Zoom events, social media livestreams, and phone banking, a shift that began immediately after the primary election on March 3 and persisted through the general election on November 3.[41][42] This disruption disproportionately hindered Republican challengers, who typically depend on resource-intensive grassroots operations like community meet-and-greets and local fundraisers to build visibility in districts dominated by Democratic incumbents. Canceled in-person events led to reported setbacks in donor mobilization, with national data indicating Republican campaigns faced a 16% decline in projected income trajectories due to the loss of traditional fundraising avenues, compared to 12% for Democrats—a gap attributable to the former's heavier reliance on physical events amid lockdowns.[43] In California, where Republicans targeted a handful of competitive Assembly seats but held only 19 of 80 prior to the election, underfunded GOP candidates cited difficulties in replicating the personal connections of in-person outreach through digital alternatives, amplifying their structural disadvantages against better-resourced opponents.[44] Democratic incumbents, leveraging established name recognition and alliances with sympathetic media outlets, fared better in the virtual landscape, sustaining momentum via pre-recorded videos, email campaigns, and online endorsements that required minimal on-the-ground logistics. The restrictions thus reinforced existing asymmetries, as empirical patterns from down-ballot races showed incumbents maintaining higher engagement rates online, while challenger-driven efforts in exurban and rural-leaning districts—key to GOP gains—suffered from reduced physical access, potentially dampening enthusiasm among voters less inclined to digital participation.[45][46]Voting methods and procedural changes
In response to the COVID-19 pandemic, California implemented universal vote-by-mail for the November 3, 2020, general election, mailing ballots to all 18.3 million active registered voters approximately 29 days prior to Election Day, a departure from prior practices where voters needed to request absentee ballots under the state's longstanding no-excuse absentee voting system established in 1994.[47][48] This expansion built on California's pre-2020 framework, where mail voting accounted for about 40-50% of ballots in recent cycles, but required counties to process and distribute millions more ballots through additional handling stages, including printing, mailing, signature verification, and tabulation.[49][50] Counties also increased the availability of secure ballot drop boxes—supervised collection points for returning mail ballots—to accommodate the surge, with many jurisdictions adding dozens of new locations beyond traditional polling places and county offices, though exact numbers varied by county (e.g., Los Angeles County operated over 100 drop boxes).[51] Same-day voter registration remained available via conditional registration at vote centers, allowing eligible individuals to register and vote provisionally on or before Election Day, with ballots verified post-election against residency and eligibility criteria.[52] These changes aimed to enhance access and reduce in-person contact, resulting in approximately 81% of votes cast by mail or early in-person, per certified election data.[53] The proliferation of mail ballots and expanded drop-off options introduced more points in the chain of custody, from voter receipt to final counting, which empirically heightens potential for procedural errors such as signature mismatches or delayed processing, even as convenience improved for voters preferring remote participation.[54] Official post-election risk-limiting audits and reviews by the California Secretary of State confirmed error rates below 0.1%, with discrepancies primarily attributable to clerical issues rather than systemic failures, underscoring the trade-offs in scaling mail voting amid pandemic constraints.[55][56]Election controversies
Mail-in voting expansion and integrity concerns
In response to the COVID-19 pandemic, California enacted Assembly Bill 860 (AB 860) in June 2020, requiring county elections officials to mail vote-by-mail ballots to all active registered voters for the November general election, affecting approximately 18 million individuals.[57][58] This built on prior expansions like Senate Bill 450 (2016), which had enabled counties to send ballots to all voters, but AB 860 codified statewide universal mailing amid executive orders from Governor Gavin Newsom, resulting in over 11 million vote-by-mail ballots cast—a record for the state.[53][48] Integrity concerns arose from the scale of this expansion, particularly risks of ballot harvesting—legal in California since 2016 under Senate Bill 30—and signature verification failures, which empirical data indicated affected thousands of ballots. The California Secretary of State reported a mail ballot rejection rate of approximately 0.4% in the 2020 general election, equating to over 40,000 rejected due primarily to signature mismatches or discrepancies, though cure processes allowed voters to remedy some via affidavits or contact.[59][60] Critics, including analyses from conservative organizations, argued that such rates—higher than in-person voting errors—signaled under-detection of fraud, as signature verification relies on subjective county-level comparisons without uniform standards or mandatory technology like biometric matching, potentially enabling unauthorized submissions.[54][61] Documented fraud cases underscored these vulnerabilities, with the Heritage Foundation's database logging instances like false voter registrations in Lodi tied to the 2020 elections, where a city councilman faced 14 felony counts for petition fraud, and other schemes involving absentee ballot misuse.[62][63] While proponents, such as the left-leaning Brennan Center for Justice, cited low overall prosecution rates (e.g., fewer than 500 absentee fraud cases nationwide from 2000–2012) to claim systemic safety, skeptics noted that under-prosecution—due to resource constraints and reluctance in Democrat-dominated areas—masks causal risks from expanded access without proportional safeguards, as isolated convictions represent only detected violations amid millions of unverified signatures.[64][65] Empirical rejection data, rather than prosecutorial outcomes, better reveals discrepancies, with California's processes rejecting ballots for non-matching signatures yet accepting others through inconsistent human review, raising questions about undetected irregularities in urban strongholds reliant on harvesting.[66][67]Allegations of irregularities and legal challenges
Following the November 3, 2020, general election, Republican candidates and party officials in several California State Assembly districts alleged procedural irregularities, primarily centered on mail-in ballot handling, signature verification deficiencies, and delays in urban county tabulation processes. These claims, articulated in statements from the California Republican Party and individual campaigns, pointed to potential vulnerabilities in the state's expanded all-mail voting system, including inconsistent application of signature cure periods allowing voters to remedy rejected ballots.[68] For instance, in closely contested races, Republicans contended that lax verification enabled invalid votes to be cured post-election, though empirical reviews by county registrars upheld the legality of these procedures under state law.[69] Legal challenges were limited and largely unsuccessful, with minor lawsuits filed over signature cure timelines and ballot rejection rates in districts like those in Orange and Riverside counties. Courts dismissed or denied these actions, finding no evidence of material errors sufficient to alter certified outcomes, as provisional and cured ballots represented less than 1% of total votes statewide and followed statutory guidelines.[70] No Assembly seats were invalidated or recounted due to proven fraud, though Republican legislators requested manual audits or recounts in competitive districts, including the 36th Assembly District where late reporting raised suspicions of partisan manipulation. The California Secretary of State's office conducted risk-limiting audits in participating counties, confirming vote tallies with statistical confidence exceeding 95%, but critics argued these were insufficiently transparent in Democrat-controlled urban areas like Los Angeles County.[71] Empirical analysis of ballot timing revealed a "blue shift" in late-counted mail-in votes, which skewed Democratic due to higher provisional and absentee participation among urban and minority voters, fueling theories of coordinated "ballot dumps" among skeptics. However, Secretary of State data demonstrated consistent partisan ratios between early and late batches—approximately 60-65% Democratic across reporting waves—attributable to processing lags in densely populated counties rather than systemic bias or fraud.[72][73] Conservative publications, such as the California Globe, highlighted reports of unsecured official drop boxes and inadequate chain-of-custody protocols in some locales, contrasting with official assurances from election officials that security measures met state standards.[74] An Associated Press survey of 2020 drop box usage nationwide, including California, found no instances of widespread tampering or invalidation from such facilities.[74] The opacity of real-time tabulation in counties overseen by Democratic registrars exacerbated distrust, as public observers noted restricted access to counting centers and delayed updates that obscured causal links between vote batches and shifts. Official certifications proceeded without alteration on December 11, 2020, but persistent Republican calls for forensic audits underscored a causal gap: procedural expansions amid COVID-19, without proportional transparency enhancements, eroded confidence in empirical validations among non-incumbent partisans. Sources from mainstream outlets and state agencies, often aligned with prevailing institutional biases, emphasized procedural compliance, while alternative reports prioritized observer testimonies of lapses.[75]Partisan critiques of one-party dominance
Republicans contended that the Democratic supermajority in the California State Assembly, which allowed passage of budgets and tax measures without bipartisan consent, fostered fiscal irresponsibility by sidelining Republican proposals for spending restraint amid the economic fallout from COVID-19.[76] In advance of the 2020 election, GOP leaders warned that retaining the two-thirds majority would enable unchecked expansion of state expenditures, projecting long-term deficits as revenues declined; this concern materialized in the 2020-21 budget cycle, where the Legislative Analyst's Office identified a $54.3 billion General Fund shortfall driven by pandemic-related revenue losses and prior commitments.[76][77] They argued that without minority input required for supermajority overrides, Democratic priorities like enhanced social spending bypassed empirical cost-benefit analysis, prioritizing ideological goals over sustainable governance.[78] Critics from the Republican side highlighted how one-party dominance ignored evidence of policy-driven outflows, with California experiencing net domestic migration losses exceeding 500,000 residents to other states between 2010 and 2020, often linked to high taxes, regulatory burdens, and housing costs under sustained Democratic control.[79][11] While Democrats promoted legislative achievements in equity and environmental justice, such as expanded worker protections and climate mandates, Republicans asserted these measures overlooked causal factors in socioeconomic challenges, including persistent energy shortages from aggressive renewable transitions—evident in rolling blackouts during the 2020 heatwaves—and rising property crimes attributable to prior criminal justice reforms like Proposition 47, which reduced penalties for certain offenses without addressing recidivism rates.[80][81] These partisan critiques framed the election as a referendum on balancing progressive ambitions with pragmatic accountability, with Republicans positing that supermajority rule normalized a view of policy "progress" detached from outcomes like interstate exodus and infrastructural strains, urging voters to restore checks via competitive districts. Empirical data on migration and fiscal pressures, drawn from state demographic reports rather than partisan advocacy, underscored the GOP's causal claims, though mainstream analyses often attributed such trends more to national economic cycles than legislative composition.[79][82]Results and outcomes
Primary election results summary
In the March 3, 2020, primary election, California's top-two system advanced the two highest vote-getters in each of the 80 State Assembly districts to the general election, irrespective of party. This consolidated multi-candidate fields into binary contests, with Democrats securing at least one advancement slot in 75 districts amid their statewide registration edge of 46.8 percent to Republicans' 23.9 percent. Republicans advanced mainly in core strongholds like rural northern and Central Valley districts, but achieved few crossovers into urban or coastal areas dominated by Democratic voters.[83][84] Statewide, 8,277,905 ballots were cast, yielding a turnout of 57.5 percent of registered voters—the highest for a presidential primary since 1984, boosted by Super Tuesday's national contests. The top-two format empirically narrowed options for non-Democratic voters in districts where both qualifiers were Democrats (occurring in 47 races), a pattern some attribute to the geographic packing of Republican-leaning voters into fewer viable districts, limiting general-election competition to about 25 percent of seats with cross-party matchups. No districts featured two Republican advancers in sufficient numbers to alter this dynamic broadly, reinforcing Democratic dominance in advancement metrics.[26][83] Incumbent assemblymembers exhibited a primary advancement rate exceeding 90 percent, with nearly all 60 seeking reelection securing top-two placement through superior name recognition, fundraising, and party infrastructure advantages over challengers. This high retention underscored the structural barriers to upsetting sitting legislators in low-turnout, same-party primaries, where empirical data shows incumbents typically capture 60-70 percent of votes in contested fields.[83]General election vote totals and turnout
In the November 3, 2020, general election, California achieved record voter turnout with 17,785,151 ballots cast, equating to 80.67% of the state's 22,047,448 registered voters—the highest such rate since 1976—and 70.88% of the eligible voting-age population, the highest since 1952.[53] This marked a substantial increase from the 2016 general election's 14,610,509 ballots and 75.27% registered voter turnout.[53] The elevated participation was primarily facilitated by widespread adoption of vote-by-mail, with all active registered voters automatically mailed ballots to mitigate COVID-19 risks. Of the total ballots, 15,423,301—or 86.72%—were cast by mail, setting a state record for both volume and share, while the remaining approximately 13.28% consisted of in-person votes on or before Election Day.[49][53] County-level data revealed variations in method usage, with urban areas exhibiting near-total reliance on mail voting and rural counties showing modestly higher in-person participation rates, correlating with stronger Republican support in those regions.[53] For State Assembly races across all 80 districts, aggregate vote totals reflected California's partisan composition, with Democratic candidates securing approximately 65% of the two-party vote share statewide, underscoring their dominance in voter preferences amid the high-turnout environment. Total ballots cast provided a broad base for these contests, though undervotes occurred at low rates consistent with unified presidential-year elections.[85]Seat composition and partisan shifts
Prior to the 2020 election, the California State Assembly comprised 60 Democrats, 19 Republicans, and 1 independent legislator who caucused with Republicans. Following the general election on November 3, 2020, Democrats expanded their majority to 62 seats while Republicans increased to 18, reflecting a net partisan shift of one seat toward the GOP. This adjustment maintained the Democratic supermajority required for passing budgets without Republican support, as the party retained over two-thirds control with 62 of 80 seats.[86] The limited partisan turnover—characterized by a single net Republican gain, such as the flip in the 21st Assembly District amid offsetting losses elsewhere—demonstrated the resilience of the 2011 independent redistricting commission's maps against electoral volatility. These boundaries, intended to promote competitive districts, resulted in few genuine contests, with only a handful of seats changing hands despite national Republican gains in other states.| Party | Pre-Election Seats | Post-Election Seats | Net Change |
|---|---|---|---|
| Democratic | 60 | 62 | +2 |
| Republican | 19 | 18 | -1 |
| Independent | 1 | 0 | -1 |
Notable competitive districts
In the 2020 California State Assembly general election, several districts saw margins of victory below 10 percentage points, highlighting pockets of Republican resilience amid statewide Democratic dominance. These races often pitted Democratic incumbents or candidates against Republican challengers in areas affected by economic pressures, including agriculture-dependent Central Valley regions and high-desert communities grappling with unemployment and regulatory burdens. Democrats maintained their supermajority, but Republicans successfully held one targeted seat and came close in others, with voter turnout influenced by pandemic-related mail-in voting expansions.| District | Winner (Party) | Votes (%) | Opponent (Party) | Votes (%) | Margin | Notes |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 35 | Dawn Addis (D) | 96,735 (52.5%) | Jordan Cunningham (R, incumbent) | 87,684 (47.5%) | 5.0% | Democratic flip of Republican-held seat; coastal San Luis Obispo area trended left due to environmental priorities outweighing local bipartisan appeal.[20] |
| 36 | Tom Lackey (R, incumbent) | 102,442 (55.2%) | Steve Fox (D) | 83,240 (44.8%) | 10.4% | Republican hold in Democratic-leaning Antelope Valley; economic recovery concerns post-wildfires aided incumbent despite opponent's prior service record.[90] |
| 72 | Avelino Valencia (D) | 101,324 (52.7%) | Carl DeMaio (R) | 90,951 (47.3%) | 5.4% | Open seat (prior Democratic hold); San Diego exurban district saw GOP surge on housing costs but fell short amid urban voter loyalty. |
| 74 | Cottie Petrie-Norris (D, incumbent) | 119,977 (51.4%) | Diane Dixon (R) | 113,536 (48.6%) | 2.8% | Closest race; Orange County coastal area reflected suburban shifts, with Democratic spending advantages (over 2:1 in some cycles) securing narrow retention.[91] |