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Kaidu
Kaidu
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Kaidu (/ˈkdu/; Middle Mongol: ᠬᠠᠢ᠌ᠳᠤ [ˈqʰaɪd̥ʊ], Modern Mongol: Хайду, Khaidu [ˈχæːtʊ̽]; c. 1235[1] – 1301) was a grandson of Ögedei Khan (1186–1241) and thus leader of the House of Ögedei and the de facto khan of the Chagatai Khanate, a division of the Mongol Empire. He ruled parts of modern-day Xinjiang and Central Asia during the 13th century, and actively opposed his cousin, Kublai, who established the Yuan dynasty. Medieval chroniclers often mistranslated Kadan as Kaidu, mistakenly placing Kaidu at the Battle of Legnica. Kadan was the brother of Güyük, and Kaidu's uncle.[2]

Key Information

Early life

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Kaidu was born in c. 1235 during the reign of his grandfather, the Great Khan Ögedei. Kaidu was the posthumous son of the Mongol Prince Kashin, who was himself the 4th son of Ögedei and his chief consort, the Great Khatun Töregene, and thus a vital part of the House of Ögedei even in his early childhood.[3] His mother was Sebkine Khatun from the Bekrin (Mekrin) tribe of mountaineers, who were "neither Mongols, nor Uighurs".[4][5] During Kaidu's early years, his grandfather, the Great Khan Ögedei, would die in 1241: leading to his grandmother Töregene becoming regent and thus the de-facto ruler of the Mongol Empire until 1246 when Kaidu's uncle Güyük Khan was elected as Great Khan. Güyük himself would rule the Mongol Empire till his own death in 1248 after merely two years on the throne, and his widow Oghul Qaimish would serve as regent until the election of the next Great Khan, a Toluid named Möngke Khan in 1251.

Following the Toluid accession to the throne of the Great Khans after his aunt's tenure as regent came to a violent end, Kaidu, now around 16 years old, was among the few favored Ögedeid princes in the eyes of the new Toluid regime. As such, Kaidu was invested with Qayaliq (now Qoylık southeast of Lake Balkhash in southeastern Kazakhstan) by Möngke Khan in 1252. Although not a particularly great appanage, Qayaliq is described as a prosperous city with busy markets, churches, and temples by William of Rubruck, who passed through in 1253.[6] In 1260, Marco Polo described Yarkand, part of the area under Kaidu as "five days' journey in extent"; that its inhabitants were mostly Muslim although there were also some Nestorian and Jacobite Assyrians; and that it had plenty of food and other necessities, "especially cotton."[7] Nevertheless, despite benefiting from the favor of Möngke, Kaidu arrested the khan's envoy, the judge Shi Tianlin, in 1256, and held him prisoner for twenty years. In the Toluid Civil War between 1260 and 1264, when Möngke's brothers Kublai Khan and Ariq Böke, who was proclaimed Great Khan at Karakorum, disputed the throne, Kaidu is said to have supported Ariq Böke. This is not entirely certain, as Kublai still apportioned a share of the profits of new conquests in China to Kaidu as late as 1265. At any rate, excluded from Kublai's partition of the Mongol territories among the princes, Kaidu would enter into protracted conflict with Kublai and his Ilkhanid allies.[8] With the Chagatayid Khan Alghu supporting Kublai as great khan and ravaging Kaidu's lands, the latter made an alliance with Berke, the ruler of the Golden Horde, another division of the Mongol Empire following Möngke Khan's demise.[9]

Conquest of Transoxiana

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After the defeat of Ariq Böke in 1264, Kublai summoned Kaidu to his court, possibly to discuss the future of the empire and give Kaidu his share of the Ögedeid appanage in China. But Kaidu avoided appearing at his court and said that his horses were too thin to bear long-distance travel. Because Genghis Khan had made a law that all branches of the family had to approve the granting of the title of Great Khan, Kaidu's enmity or non-cooperation was a constant obstacle to Kublai's ambitions.[10][11]

In 1266 Baraq was dispatched to Central Asia to take the throne of Chagatai. Kublai instigated Baraq to attack Kaidu in 1268. At first Baraq defeated Kaidu, however, subsequently, Kaidu defeated Baraq with the assistance of Berke's successor Möngke-Temür. When Baraq advanced towards Kaidu, the latter set a trap for the invader's troops on the bank of the Jaxartes, and defeated his forces. Transoxiana was then ravaged by Kaidu. Baraq fled to Samarkand, then Bukhara, plundering the cities along the way in an attempt to rebuild his army. These actions alarmed Kaidu, who did not want the region to be further devastated. Kaidu also needed to free up his army for a potential conflict with Kublai. Peace was therefore proposed, and Baraq was pressured by the governors of the sedentary areas of the khanate, Mas'ud Beg and Daifu, to accept. He did, and peace was declared at a kurultai, although sources disagree on the time and location. Rashid al-Din claims that the meeting took place in the spring of 1269 in Talas (then called Yangi), while Wassaf writes that it took place around 1267 to the south of Samarkand. Either way, two-thirds of Transoxiana were granted to Baraq, while the other third went to Kaidu and Möngke-Temür. Kaidu also gained control of the region around Bukhara. Neither side gained control of the cities; the administration of these instead devolved to Mas'ud Beg, while Baraq and Kaidu agreed to reside only in the deserts and mountains.[12]

Zenith of Kaidu's power

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Ögedeids coinage of the time of Qaidu. AH 668-701 AD 1269-1302 Otrar mint. Dated AH 685 (AD 1286).
Chaghatayid Khans. temp. Qaidu. Circa AH 668-701 AD 1268-1301. Samarqand mint. Dated AH 685 (AD 1285)

Seeking to rid himself of Baraq, Kaidu encouraged him to attack Ilkhanid Persia. Following some initial success, Baraq suffered a serious defeat at Herat on July 22, 1270 at the hands of the Ilkhan Abaqa, after having been abandoned by Kaidu's troops and Kaidu had advised Abaqa accordingly. Defeated and wounded, Baraq sought Kaidu's help, who reassured him but prepared to encircle and eliminate him. Baraq died before the attack, in August 1271.[13] The Chagatayid princes, including Alghu's sons and Baraq's predecessor Mubarak Shah, submitted to Kaidu, who was invested as ruler of the previously dispersed Ulus of Ögedei at a kurultai at Talas in August/September 1271. Despite this success, Kaidu did eventually encounter opposition: the sons of Alghu and Baraq rebelled in the west and caused much damage, although Kaidu defeated them in the end. Some of the rebels fled to the Ilkhanate, from which they could raid into Kaidu's territory, while others recognized the supremacy of Kublai. Kaidu's early attempt to rule the Chagatayids faced other resistance, even from Negübei, whom Kaidu himself had appointed khan of the Ulus of Chagatai as Baraq's successor in 1271. Kaidu defeated the challenge and Negübei fled, only to be murdered by a cousin, Buqa Temür, in 1272. Kaidu now rewarded Buqa Temür by making him khan of the Ulus of Chagatai. The new khan was no threat to Kaidu, in part because of his physical feebleness, but that also meant that he could not ensure stability in the Ulus by curtailing the attacks of the rebels. Greater stability ensued only after Kaidu appointed Baraq's able and cooperative son Duwa the new khan of the Ulus of Chagatai in 1282.[14]

In 1268, Kaidu had been defeated by the forces of the great khan Kublai in the area of Almaliq, and was forced to regroup in the west, round Talas. To guard against Kaidu, Kublai posted his son Nomukhan and other loyal princes to the region in 1271. The successes of Kublai's general An Tong gave Kaidu pause (or at least he pretended to consider the great khan's demands), but in the end he refused to submit. However, in 1276 a group of princes rebelled, seeking to make Möngke's son Shiregi great khan, and captured Nomukhan, his brother Kököchü, and their general An Tong. Kublai's two sons were then sent off to Möngke Temür in the west, while the general was handed over to Kaidu. Nevertheless, prioritizing his troubles in the west, Kaidu refused to support the rebel princes. They managed to seize Karakorum in 1277, but were quickly driven west of the Altai Mountains by Kublai's generals. The conflict continued until 1282, when the rebels acknowledged defeat; some submitted to the great khan, while others sought refuge with Kaidu.[15]

Kaidu benefited from the princes' revolt against Kublai, as it left him free to deal with opposition from within the Ulus of Chaghatai. Having solidified his position in the west, he was also able to recover control over Almaliq in the east, and further enhanced his military capabilities by the absorption of the forces of the rebel princes who surrendered to him.[16][17] For his part, Kublai struck back with economic reprisals and ensconced his forces at Beshbaliq from 1278, and proceeded to establish a chain of postal stations and military colonies in Uighuria and along the edge of the Tarim Basin. However, by now Kaidu was stronger than before, and he and his underlings (including the Chagatayid khan Duwa) raided across Kublai's line of stations from 1280. After varied success, Kaidu and Duwa were able to take over Beshbaliq in 1286, forcing Kublai's troops to evacuate Uighuria and the Tarim Basin over the following years. From his newly gained lands, Kaidu could threaten areas within Kublai's area of control, like Qumul and Tibet.[18]

When Nayan rebelled against Kublai in Manchuria in 1287 as head of a coalition of the descendants of Chinggis Khan's brothers, he sought Kaidu's support. Unlike his earlier refusal to support the rebel princes against Kublai, this time Kaidu agreed. Nevertheless, Kublai acted quickly, and was able to defeat, capture, and execute Nayan before the latter could join forces with Kaidu. Undaunted, Kaidu exploited Kublai's preoccupation in Manchuria to raid into northwestern Mongolia proper in 1288, defeating Kublai's grandson Kammala and capturing the old capital Karakorum in 1289. When Kublai himself advanced on Kaidu, however, Kaidu retreated. Kublai's commander Bayan was now stationed in the region, with the aim of expelling any remaining forces of Kaidu's and repulsing future attacks.[19]

Later defeats and death

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Kaidu's brief occupation of Karakorum can be seen as the culmination of his success. His retreat, however, was quickly followed by reverses at the hands of Kublai's commanders, especially Bayan (who defeated Ariq Böke's son Melik Temür in 1292) and Tuq Tuqa (who carried operations west of the Altai mountains and captured three thousand of Kaidu's men in 1293). Tuq Tuqa's successes are credited with discouraging Kaidu from trying to take advantage of Kublai's death in 1294. The new great khan, Temür, Öljeitü Khan (1294–1307), abandoned Kublai's distracting ambitions towards Japan and Southeast Asia, and was therefore able to devote more substantial military forces to the campaign against Kaidu.[20] Despite this resurgence, Kaidu and Duwa were able to minimize or even reverse any temporary losses.[21]

After considering a potential coalition against Kaidu and Duwa with the Ilkhan and Bayan of Eastern Qipchaq, the great khan Temür left operations against them to his brother Kammala and nephew Qayishan. Following Duwa's success in a surprise attack in late 1298 (in which Temür's brother-in-law Körküz was captured), Temür adopted a more aggressive policy, and organized a major campaign against Kaidu and his allies. The attack came in 1300, with Qayishan defeating Kaidu and advancing west of the Altai Mountains. Determined to fight again, Kaidu ordered Duwa to join with him, but Duwa initially refused to come, citing the exhaustion and poor health of his troops and herds. Although badly outnumbered and still delaying in the hope of receiving aid from Duwa, Kaidu was forced to make his stand south of the Altai Range, at Mount Tiejiangu, on 3 September 1301. Here, Kaidu was wounded and suffered a serious defeat; only a ruse, lighting numerous camp fires during the night following the battle saved him from pursuit, as the enemy assumed he had received large reinforcements. Eventually, Duwa did come with reinforcements and at a follow-up battle a little farther to the west, at the presently unidentified Qaraqada, Kaidu and Duwa scored some success, although Qayishan managed to relieve them of their booty and prisoners, while Duwa was wounded in a separate engagement. The final battle of the conflict was effectively a draw: both Qayshan and Kaidu had to retreat to their power bases after it. Kaidu had weathered the storm, for the time being; but his forces were badly battered, he himself had been wounded, and he died shortly afterwards, late in 1301.[22]

Sometimes considered to have aimed at nothing less than the position of great khan, Kaidu seems to have been concerned with reestablishing the Ulus of Ögedei and asserting its control over that of Chagatai. His long-term opposition to the great khans allowed the emergence not only of an effectively independent Mongol state in Central Asia (ultimately to the benefit of the Chagatais), but also made possible the corresponding formation of other parts of the Mongol Empire as effectively independent khanates, in Qipchaq and Iran.[23] Nevertheless, Kaidu's relationship with the other Mongol rulers, the great khans apart, was complex. He had asserted his domination over the Ulus of Chagatai by force, and only found significant cooperation, which lasted for two decades, once he installed Duwa as khan in 1282.[24] The Ilkhanids, generally allied to the great khans Kublai and Temür, were usually Kaidu's rivals across a common frontier on or near the Oxus, although Kaidu found it convenient to connive with the Ilkhan Abaqa against Baraq in the early 1270s. By 1288, however, Kaidu was at war with the Ilkhan, raiding into Khurasan and supporting rebels against the Ilkhan there. The conflict continued until after Kaidu's death, his son Sarban invading Khurasan in 1302.[25] The Jochid rulers of Qipchaq, the so-called Golden Horde, Berke and Möngke Temür, were instrumental in Kaidu's rise to power. Although he remained basically friendly, Möngke Temür later exhibited a degree of cooperation to the great khan, effectively adopting a neutral stance; his cousins Qonichi and Bayan, rulers of the eastern wing of the Golden Horde, on the other hand, were Kaidu's neighbors along the Jaxartes, and quickly became his rivals over territory and revenue. Accordingly, Kaidu and Duwa supported another of their kinsmen, Küilük, as rival ruler in the region. During the civil war between Toqta and Nogai, Kaidu enjoyed the friendship of Nogai, whose elimination in 1299 deprived him of a potential ally.[26]

Legacy

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Kaidu had perhaps intended for his youngest son by his chief wife Dörbejin, Orus, to succeed him as ruler of the Ulus of Ögedei. The Chagatayid khan Duwa, however, secured the succession of Kaidu's elder son Chapar, either because of friendship, or because Chapar was deemed conveniently weak and pliable. Threatened by another coalition of neighboring Mongol rulers, Duwa and Chapar made peace with the great khan Temür in 1303–1304. Although Duwa had remained loyal to Kaidu until the end, he now sought to exploit his own seniority and position of power vis-a-vis Kaidu's heirs. Chapar fell out with Duwa by 1306, who outmaneuvered him militarily and diplomatically, and finally forced him to surrender by early 1307. Chapar was now retired and replaced by his brother Yangichar. Although Duwa himself died later in 1307 and the Ulus of Chagatai underwent a brief period of instability, Duwa had effectively reversed the situation of Kaidu's reign, largely eliminating the Ulus of Ögedei as a viable Mongol power. It was he and his descendants, who reaped the harvest of Kaidu's establishment of an autonomous Mongol polity in Central Asia. Kaidu's heirs were divided and marginalized, Yangichar and Chapar both submitting to Qayishan, now Külüg Khan (1307–1311) in 1310. Ögedeid princes entered the services of other rulers, and the Chagatai khans allowed the former Ögedeid powerbase in the northeast to pass under the rule of the great khans.[27]

Family

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Kaidu (Qayidu) was the posthumous son of Qashi (by Sebkine Khatun), the 5th son of Ögedei Khan (and the 4th by his chief consort Töregene Khatun). The number of his children is reported variously, but only the following are known by name.[28]

Sons:

  • Chapar, who succeeded his father in 1301, but was deposed in 1307
  • Yangichar, who succeeded his brother in 1307, but died in 1310
  • Orus, who was possibly Kaidu's intended heir
  • Ürük Temür
  • Töde'en
  • Il Buyan (or Īl Tūyār or El Nobar)
  • ʿUmar Khwājah
  • Qahawur (or Qudāwur or Töde'ür)
  • Quril
  • Sorqa Buqa (or ʿUrqā Tūqā)
  • Yisün Buqa (or Eygü Buqa)
  • Li Bakhshi (or Tai Bakhshi)
  • Sarban
  • Könchek
  • Bariqi (or Dörji?)
  • Shāh
  • Köichi
  • Burja Ebügen

Daughters:

  • Qutulun Chaghan, married Abtaqul.
  • Qutuchin Chaghan (or Qortochin Chakha), married Tübshin, the son of Tazai Güregen (who had married a niece of Kublai Khan).

Although Kaidu had many sons, he is said to have relied mostly on his daughter Qutulun for advice and aid in military matters.[29]

Cultural references

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See also

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References

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Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia

Kaidu (c. 1230–1301), grandson of and great-grandson of , was a Mongol ruler who led the Ögedeid house and served as khan of the , controlling territories in including and minting coins with his tamgha as evidence of sovereignty.
His most defining conflict was the (1268–1301), a protracted struggle against Kublai Khan's that challenged centralized Mongol authority, allied with figures like to consolidate the , and ultimately contributed to the irreversible division of the empire into autonomous khanates following his death from battle wounds near .

Origins and Early Career

Ancestry and Family Background

Kaidu belonged to the Ögedeid lineage within the clan, as the grandson of (c. 1186–1241), who succeeded as the second Great Khan of the in 1229. Ögedei's reign expanded the empire's administrative and military systems, but his line faced systematic elimination under subsequent Toluid rulers, particularly (r. 1251–1259), who purged many Ögedeid princes to consolidate power. As the son of Kashin—one of Ögedei's lesser-known younger sons—Kaidu (c. 1230–1301) inherited claims to the Ögedeid in , including regions around Almalik (modern area). This paternal descent linked him directly to (c. 1162–1227) as a great-grandson, embedding him in the core imperial aristocracy despite the factional decline of his branch. Historical accounts, including those drawing from Persian chroniclers like Rashid al-Din, portray Kashin's obscurity as a factor in Kaidu's early evasion of purges, allowing the family to retain nomadic bases in the and Ili valleys. Kaidu's maternal background involved Shabkana , a consort from a Naiman tribal affiliation, which provided alliances amid the empire's multi-ethnic ; however, primary lineages emphasized the paternal descent for legitimacy in khanal claims. This ancestry fueled Kaidu's later assertions of universal Mongol sovereignty against Kublai Khan's Yuan reforms, positioning the Ögedeids as guardians of traditional governance over sedentary influences.

Entry into Post-Great Khan Succession Struggles

Kaidu, as a grandson of and heir to the Ögedeid lineage's appanages in Semirechye and adjacent Central Asian territories, initially maintained a position of relative autonomy during the immediate outbreak of the following Möngke Khan's death on August 11, 1259. However, the war's extension into the drew him into direct confrontation with Kublai Khan's expanding authority. In 1261, Alghu, recently installed as by but who rebelled and aligned with Kublai, sought to consolidate control over eastern Chagatai lands, including those bordering Kaidu's holdings; Kaidu resisted this encroachment, leading to armed clashes that positioned him as an opponent to Kublai's proxies. After Alghu's death around 1265–1266 and the ascension of the anti-Kublai Baraq Khan in the , Kaidu forged an initial alliance with Baraq to counter Yuan influence, marking a strategic escalation in his involvement in the post-succession fragmentation. This partnership, rooted in shared resistance to Toluid dominance, enabled Kaidu to expand his military reach into Turkistan by 1263, though tensions with Baraq soon emerged. By 1268, Kaidu's raids on Yuan frontiers, including incursions into Uyghur territories and Beshbaliq, provoked direct Yuan counteroffensives, solidifying his role as a central figure in the ongoing struggles against Kublai's claim to universal khanate overlordship. These actions reflected Kaidu's commitment to restoring Ögedeid primacy amid the empire's decentralizing dynamics.

Rise to Power in Central Asia

Claim to Turkistan and Initial Conquests

Kaidu, grandson of , first asserted his claim to Turkistan around 1264–1265, drawing on his lineage's traditional appanage in the region and securing military support from Khan of the to counter rivals within the . This alliance enabled him to challenge Alghu, the appointed by , whom Kaidu defeated circa 1265, facilitating his expansion into eastern . Following Alghu's death in 1266, Kaidu seized control of Almalik, the former capital of the Ögedeid ulus located in Semirechye, thereby consolidating his hold over key territories in Turkistan including areas eastward toward Uighuria. By 1268, he had reasserted dominance over Almalik after temporary setbacks, marking an initial conquest that strengthened his base against Yuan incursions. Conflicts escalated with , who had usurped the Chagatai throne in 1266 and invaded Kaidu's domains; Kaidu repelled Baraq near Khojand circa 1269, aided by reinforcements from Möngke-Temür of the , and decisively defeated him at on July 22, 1270. These victories allowed Kaidu to gain partial control over , including one-third of its territories by 1269, and extend influence up to the Oxus River. In August–September 1271, Kaidu was proclaimed khan at a qurultai in the , formalizing his authority over Semirechye, Almalik, and eastern Chagatai lands through alliances with Chagatai princes and the installation of puppet rulers. Subsequent efforts regained after 1273 by supporting Negübei as , further entrenching his conquests in western Turkistan despite ongoing skirmishes, such as with Negübei in early 1274.

Talas Qurultai and Formation of Alliances

In 1269, Kaidu convened the Talas Qurultai, a Mongol assembly held in the vicinity of the Talas River (modern , near sites associated with Yangi ), to address ongoing disputes among the descendants of following Möngke Khan's death in 1259 and the ensuing civil wars. Participants included representatives from the uluses of Ögedei (led by Kaidu), Chagatai (Baraq Khan), (Berkechar with 50,000 troops), and nominally Kublai and Hülegü, though the gathering primarily served Kaidu's aim to consolidate opposition to Kublai's centralizing authority and sinicized rule from the . The qurultai formalized a covenant through oaths sworn on gold tablets, establishing legal borders, dividing pastures, and prohibiting interference in each other's urban appanages beyond tax collection, thereby marking the effective fragmentation of the into semi-independent states. Central to the proceedings was Kaidu's alliance with Baraq Khan, who had repudiated Kublai's suzerainty around 1266; the Talas Covenant divided the , granting Baraq control over and Mawarannahr while Kaidu secured Semirechye, the eastern steppes, and influence over Turkistan, enabling joint resistance against Yuan incursions. Kaidu also leveraged ties with the Jochid ulus (), where Berkechar's military presence underscored mutual interests against the and Yuan, fostering a coalition that preserved nomadic traditions against Kublai's imperial ambitions. These pacts, while nominally recognizing Tuluid branches like Kublai's, empowered Kaidu as khan of Ögedeid and Chagataid territories by 1269, setting the stage for prolonged warfare. The alliances proved pragmatic but unstable; Kaidu's defeat of Baraq in subsequent clashes (aided by Jochid forces) by 1271 highlighted internal frictions, yet the Talas framework endured, bolstering Kaidu's control over Central Asia until alliances shifted with Duwa's installation as Chagataid khan in 1282. This assembly's outcomes reflected causal dynamics of Mongol politics—kinship rivalries and resource competition—overriding Kublai's universal khanate claims, as evidenced by the rapid devolution into autonomous uluses rather than renewed unity.

Conflict with the Yuan Dynasty

Outbreak of the Kaidu-Kublai War

The Kaidu–Kublai War erupted from longstanding tensions over authority within the fracturing Mongol Empire, particularly Kaidu's rejection of Kublai Khan's centralizing reforms and claims to overlordship following the Toluid Civil War's conclusion in 1264. Kaidu, representing the House of Ögedei, viewed Kublai's Yuan dynasty innovations—such as adopting Chinese administrative practices and relocating the capital to Dadu (modern Beijing)—as deviations from traditional steppe nomadic governance, prioritizing instead decentralized ulus autonomy for Ögedeid and Chagatai lineages. By 1266, Kublai's appointment of Baraq as Chagatai Khan aimed to secure loyalty in Central Asia, yet Baraq, initially allied with Kaidu, defied Yuan directives, launching attacks on Kublai's governors in the Ili River valley and Tarim Basin. Open warfare commenced in 1268 with Kaidu's initiation of raids into Yuan frontiers, targeting outposts near and disrupting trade routes essential to Kublai's western communications. These incursions, involving Ögedeid tumens reinforced by Chagatai dissidents, numbered in the thousands and exploited the Yuan's overextension amid southern campaigns against the . Kublai countered by fortifying the with Han Chinese and Muslim troops under generals like An Tong, but logistical strains from the and mountains limited rapid responses, allowing Kaidu to consolidate gains in Semirechye (modern southeastern ). The raids escalated mutual reprisals, with Yuan forces retaliating against Kaidu's Almalik base, though neither side achieved decisive victories in the initial phase. The Talas Qurultai of spring 1269 crystallized the breach, as Kaidu convened Ögedeid, Chagatai, and even nominal representatives to affirm his leadership over the Mongol "right wing" (western territories), explicitly denying Kublai's universal khanate and rejecting a to the Yuan court. This assembly, held on the Talas River meadows, forged a excluding Toluid loyalists and marked Kaidu's shift from proxy resistance to direct claims, prompting Kublai to declare Kaidu a rebel and mobilize ilkhans like Abaqa for joint operations. The event's defiance, attended by approximately 20,000 warriors, transformed sporadic border clashes into a protracted ideological and territorial struggle, fragmenting Mongol unity irreparably.

Key Military Campaigns and Strategies

Kaidu's military engagements against the were characterized by protracted raids, defensive maneuvers, and opportunistic alliances rather than large-scale pitched battles, leveraging the mobility of Mongol nomadic cavalry to harass Yuan garrisons in northwestern territories. Beginning in the late 1260s, Kaidu initiated invasions into Yuan-controlled regions of , with an early assault on disrupting supply lines and administrative control. These operations exploited the Yuan's overextended frontiers, where Kublai's forces struggled with logistics across vast distances from their Chinese heartland. Throughout the 1270s and 1280s, Kaidu's forces conducted repeated incursions into the , undermining Yuan fortifications established between 1276 and 1283 and preventing full consolidation of authority in . His strategy emphasized , drawing on traditional Mongol composite bows and horse archery to outmaneuver slower Yuan infantry-heavy armies supplemented by Central Asian levies. By allying with Chagatai khans and occasionally the , Kaidu divided Yuan attention, forcing Kublai to divert resources from eastern campaigns and maintain multiple fronts. In the 1290s, following Kublai's death in 1294, Kaidu intensified pressure with offensives that achieved temporary successes against Yuan armies in 1300, including advances toward the . However, these gains were reversed in 1301 when Yuan forces under inflicted a decisive defeat on Kaidu near the Tarbagatai Mountains, exploiting superior numbers and coordinated assaults to shatter his . Kaidu's overall approach prioritized territorial denial and economic disruption over conquest, sustaining resistance for over three decades through decentralized command and adaptation to steppe terrain advantages.

Zenith of Influence

Territorial Control and Governance

Kaidu exercised de facto authority over the eastern Chagatai Khanate, including Semirechye (modern Zhetysu region), the Ili River valley, Kashgaria (eastern Turkistan), and parts of Transoxania, after defeating Chagatai khan Baraq Khan in 1270 and reducing the Chagatai dynasty to nominal vassalage. His initial territorial base was Qayaliq, from which he expanded into the Almalik (Almaliq) region, establishing his court there and incorporating areas like the Tarim Basin, Tarbagatai mountains, and the upper Irtysh River basin through military campaigns and alliances with local Turkic and Mongol tribes. At its zenith around 1280–1290, Kaidu's domain extended westward to challenge Yuan influence in Mongolia proper, briefly capturing Karakorum in 1277–1278 and asserting control over Ilibalik and surrounding steppe territories, though these gains were contested and temporary due to ongoing warfare. Governance under Kaidu blended traditional Mongol nomadic hierarchies with pragmatic adaptations to sedentary Central Asian societies, emphasizing military loyalty over centralized . He installed puppet Chagatai khans, such as Negübei (r. 1269–1271) and later Mubarak Shah, to legitimize rule without claiming the khanate's throne himself, thereby preserving alliances with Chagatai ulus members while wielding personal command through Ogedeid kin and tribal assemblies (qurultais). Administrative roles were delegated to relatives and trusted noyans (nobles), with Muslim officials—predominantly Hanafi jurists—managing fiscal and judicial affairs in urban centers like Samarqand and , reflecting a tolerance for local Islamic elites to ensure tax collection and stability in conquered territories. Economic control was evidenced by Kaidu's issuance of silver dirhams bearing his name and (seal), minted in Samarqand (dated AH 685/AD 1285–1286) and (AH 685/AD 1286), which standardized and asserted amid fragmented Mongol polities. His regime sustained a mobile ordus (court camp) that facilitated rapid military mobilization, drawing on pastoral resources from domains and tribute from oasis cities, though internal revolts and reliance on limited long-term institutionalization. This structure prioritized anti-Yuan coalitions over deep administrative reform, contributing to the state's viability until Kaidu's death in 1301.

Diplomatic Maneuvers and Internal Challenges

Kaidu solidified his influence through strategic alliances, particularly by installing Duwa as Chagatai Khan in 1282 to resolve ongoing strife among Baraq's sons, who had destabilized Transoxiana after Baraq's death in 1271; this arrangement granted Kaidu de facto oversight while allowing Duwa nominal sovereignty, fostering joint military efforts against shared foes. Duwa's loyalty proved instrumental, as he supplied troops for Kaidu's campaigns and coordinated raids into Yuan territories, extending their coalition's reach across Central Asia by the late 1280s. Diplomatic overtures to the further bolstered Kaidu's position, with forging a pact around 1267 following Baraq's failed incursion into lands; this entente, rooted in mutual opposition to Kublai's centralizing reforms and the Ilkhans' expansion, enabled resource sharing and diverted Yuan attention northward. Even after 's death in 1280, successors like maintained cordial ties until broader peace negotiations in the 1290s, allowing Kaidu to focus southward without eastern threats. Internally, Kaidu grappled with recurrent succession disputes in the , where puppet khans like Negübei rebelled against his dominance in the 1270s, prompting swift suppression and replacement with Būqa Temür to restore order amid nomadic infighting. These upheavals, compounded by local emirs' resistance to Ögödeid overreach, strained administrative control over sedentary regions like Samarqand and , where tax revolts and tribal defections eroded cohesion during prolonged warfare. Kaidu's reliance on familial networks mitigated some fractures, but the integration of diverse Turkic and Mongol factions under his rule often devolved into proxy conflicts, limiting the durability of his governance until Duwa's stabilizing influence took hold.

Decline, Death, and Succession

Mounting Defeats and Yuan Counteroffensives

Following Kublai Khan's death in 1294, assumed the Yuan throne amid Kaidu's opportunistic incursions into Mongolian territories, including repeated threats to the capital at . Temür prioritized stabilizing the northern frontiers, dispatching commanders to fortify defenses and launch targeted counteroperations against Kaidu's raiding forces. These Yuan efforts, leveraging superior logistics and fortified positions in the Altai region and frontiers, began eroding Kaidu's momentum by the late 1290s, as his prolonged campaigns strained alliances and resources among Ögedeid and Chagatai contingents. In 1300, Kaidu achieved a temporary success by defeating a Yuan detachment under Prince Khayishan south of the , which emboldened him to mobilize a coalition army exceeding 100,000 warriors, including reinforcements from ally Khan of Chagatai, for a bold offensive aimed at seizing and undermining Yuan legitimacy. However, Yuan counteroffensives, coordinated from Helin () under experienced generals familiar with warfare, intercepted Kaidu's advance. The ensuing clash near in 1301 resulted in heavy losses for Kaidu's forces, with the khan himself sustaining mortal wounds amid the rout. Kaidu's retreat exposed fractures in his coalition, as Duwa withdrew to face Ilkhanid pressures in the west, leaving Ögedeid remnants vulnerable to Yuan pursuit. Temür's forces capitalized on this, reclaiming disputed borderlands and compelling submissions from Kaidu's subordinate commanders by mid-1301. These victories stemmed from Yuan advantages in sustained supply lines and integration of engineering for sieges and fortifications, contrasting Kaidu's reliance on nomadic mobility that faltered against entrenched defenses. The khan's death later that year precipitated the collapse of organized resistance, enabling Temür to negotiate truces with surviving khanates by 1304.

Final Years and Demise

In the closing years of his reign, Kaidu intensified military pressure on the Yuan dynasty's northwestern frontiers, leveraging alliances with the under to launch coordinated offensives. By 1300, these efforts yielded tactical victories, enabling Kaidu to assemble a substantial force aimed at penetrating deeper into Yuan-controlled Mongolian territories. This escalation reflected Kaidu's persistent strategy of exploiting Yuan overextension, though it strained his resources amid ongoing internal dissent among Ögedeid and allied factions. The decisive turning point came in 1301 during a major confrontation near , where Yuan armies under repelled Kaidu's invasion. Kaidu sustained mortal wounds in the engagement and perished soon after while attempting to retreat, marking the effective end of his three-decade resistance. His ally was also gravely injured in the same battle, weakening the coalition's immediate command structure. Kaidu's demise precipitated a leadership vacuum within the Ögedeid House and its supporters; although sons such as Sarban initially vied for influence, assumed control of the broader anti-Yuan front. However, without Kaidu's unifying authority, the coalition fragmented, culminating in Duwa's submission to Yuan overlordship by 1304 and the gradual incorporation of Kaidu's territories into Yuan administration by 1310. This outcome underscored the fragility of Kaidu's nomadic power base, reliant on personal charisma and transient alliances rather than institutionalized governance.

Family and Personal Life

Immediate Kin and Household

Kaidu was the son of Kashin (also spelled Qashin or Kashi), the fifth son of (r. 1229–1241). Kashin had married Sanga , by whom Kaidu was born around 1235. Details on Kaidu's siblings remain sparse in historical records, with no prominent brothers or sisters documented as playing significant roles in Mongol politics. As a Mongol noble of the Ögedeid line, Kaidu maintained a household typical of khanly courts, featuring multiple wives and concubines, though specific names and numbers are not recorded in primary sources. His most noted immediate kin was his daughter (c. 1260–after 1306), celebrated for her physical strength and military acumen; she reportedly wrestled suitors for her hand, demanding they defeat her to win her of 100 horses, and accompanied Kaidu on campaigns. Kaidu fathered several sons, including (d. c. 1301), who briefly led Ögedeid forces after his father's death before being defeated by Yuan forces. Another son, Chapar, succeeded Kaidu as nominal khan of the Ögedeid-Chagatayid coalition in 1301, though his rule lasted only until 1309 amid ongoing Yuan pressures. These offspring helped perpetuate Ögedeid influence in into the early 14th century.

Notable Offspring and Their Roles

Kaidu fathered numerous offspring, including multiple sons who played roles in the succession struggles and inter-Mongol conflicts following his death in 1301. His eldest son, Chapar, assumed leadership of the Ögedeid faction with the support of , who enthroned him in 1303 as a counterweight to Yuan influence; Chapar continued his father's resistance but faced defeats by 1309, leading to his eventual flight and the fragmentation of Ögedeid power. Another son, Orus, was Kaidu's preferred successor, backed by his sister , who guarded their father's tomb and advocated for him amid rival claims; however, bypassed Orus in favor of Chapar, sidelining him from immediate leadership. Sarban, stationed by Kaidu south of the Oxus River around 1290, commanded forces in regional campaigns and later sought refuge in the under Öljeitü after 1301, participating in invasions against Duwa's Chagataids in 1295 alongside his father. Among Kaidu's daughters, (c. 1260–post-1306) stood out for her military involvement, reportedly fighting in her father's armies, advising on strategy, and challenging suitors to wrestling matches as a condition for marriage; historical accounts, drawing from Persian chroniclers like Rashid al-Din, note Kaidu's intent to name her heir, which she declined in favor of a male successor, though her exploits may include legendary elements amplified in later narratives. Later descendants included Danishmendji, who briefly ruled as Chagatai khan from 1346 to 1348, extending the family's influence into the fractured post-imperial khanates.

Historical Assessments and Legacy

Role in Mongol Empire Fragmentation

Kaidu's defiance against Kublai Khan's claim to universal sovereignty exemplified and accelerated the fragmentation of the Mongol Empire into autonomous khanates. Emerging as leader of the around 1263, Kaidu allied with dissident factions, including Chagatai princes, to challenge the Yuan court's authority following the (1260–1264). His refusal to submit enabled him to consolidate control over Central Asian territories, effectively partitioning the eastern Chagatai ulus from Yuan influence and preventing Kublai's full reunification efforts. The protracted (1268–1301) entrenched these divisions by diverting Mongol resources into internecine conflict rather than external expansion or centralization. Kaidu's military successes, such as victories in 1270s campaigns against Yuan forces in the Ili Valley, allowed him to install puppet rulers like Mubarak Shah (r. 1266–1266, wait no, dates) and convene rival kurultais that legitimized alternative successions outside Kublai's lineage. This rivalry weakened the Great Khan's nominal overlordship, as Kaidu's ulus operated independently, issuing coinage and administering justice without Yuan oversight, as evidenced by mints in and Samarqand producing dated issues under his name from the 1280s. By sustaining opposition until his death in 1301, Kaidu ensured the irreversible solidification of four primary khanates—Yuan, Golden Horde, Ilkhanate, and Chagatai—with his Central Asian domain functioning as a de facto fifth power center that resisted integration. Although brief reconciliation occurred in 1304 under Kublai's successor Temür, the structural autonomy of peripheral uluses persisted, marking the end of unified Mongol imperial governance. Historians attribute this outcome partly to Kaidu's strategic alliances and nomadic mobility, which exploited the empire's vast geography against centralized Yuan administration.

Modern Historiographical Debates

Modern historiography on Kaidu has shifted from dismissing him as a mere insurgent to appraising his establishment of a durable amid the Mongol Empire's dissolution. Earlier European and Chinese-influenced accounts, often reliant on pro-Yuan materials, depicted Kaidu's protracted conflict with (1268–1301) as emblematic of destructive fratricide that hastened imperial fragmentation, attributing his success to guerrilla tactics rather than statecraft. These interpretations, shaped by sources sympathetic to the Yuan court, underscored Kaidu's alleged violations of Chinggisid norms, such as manipulating puppets, while downplaying his consolidation of eastern from the Altai to . In contrast, post-1990s scholarship emphasizes Kaidu's institutional innovations and resilience, portraying him as a pragmatic architect of an "independent Mongol state" that blended mobility with oasis taxation and trade. Michal Biran's 1997 monograph reconstructs Kaidu's rule through Persian, , and numismatic evidence, arguing he sustained by allying with diverse groups—including Ögedeids, Chagataids, and even temporary Ilkhanid foes—while issuing standardized coinage from mints like Samarqand (dated AH 685/AD 1286) and , signaling fiscal autonomy absent in purely nomadic warlordism. Biran contends this challenges the rebel archetype, positing Kaidu's longevity (ruling effectively from 1269 to 1301) reflected ideological commitment to Ögedeid primacy and nomadic against Kublai's centralized, China-oriented , though she cautions that adversarial sources like Rashid al-Din (writing under Ilkhanid patronage allied to Yuan) inflate his opportunism. Ongoing debates center on causality in empire decline: did Kaidu's defiance preserve a viable steppe alternative, delaying full sedentarization and influencing later polities like the Chagatai Khanate's eastern branch, or did it irreparably entrench ulus divisions post-1269 Talas qurultai? Pro-traditionalist views credit him with resisting "sinicization" that alienated core Mongol elites, evidenced by his avoidance of urban capitals and reliance on mobile ordus, yet critics highlight self-interested maneuvers, such as installing puppet khans (e.g., Baraq Khan, 1266–1269), as evidence of raw ambition over principled conservatism. The scarcity of pro-Kaidu chronicles—destroyed or unwritten due to his non-sedentary court—necessitates triangulating biased Persian/Chinese texts with artifacts like tamga seals, fostering caution against over-romanticizing his legacy while affirming his pivotal role in rendering Mongol unity nominal after Möngke's 1259 death.

References

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