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Michael Caputo

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Michael Raymon Caputo (born March 24, 1962)[1] is an American political strategist and lobbyist. In April 2020, Caputo was appointed as assistant secretary of public affairs in the Department of Health and Human Services in the Trump administration. He worked for the Reagan Administration with Oliver North, and later as director of media services on the campaign for President George H. W. Bush in the 1992 United States presidential election. Caputo moved to Russia in 1994, after the dissolution of the Soviet Union, and was an adviser to Boris Yeltsin. He worked for Gazprom Media in 2000 where he worked on improving the image of Vladimir Putin in the U.S. He moved back to the U.S. and founded a public relations company, and then moved to Ukraine to work on a candidate's campaign for parliament.

Key Information

Caputo was campaign manager for Carl Paladino's failed 2010 bid for Governor of New York. Caputo worked for the Donald Trump 2016 presidential campaign from November 2015 to June 2016, and was in charge of communications for New York. He left the campaign after publicly supporting the removal of campaign manager Corey Lewandowski. Caputo was investigated by the United States House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence as part of its investigation into Russian interference in the 2016 US presidential election.

While working in a top position in the HHS for the Trump administration, Caputo sought to change, delay, suppress and retroactively edit scientific reports on COVID-19 by the Centers for Disease Control that were deemed unflattering to Trump or inconsistent with Trump's rhetoric,[2][3][4] and has accused CDC scientists of sedition.[5]

On September 14, 2020, Caputo posted a Facebook video in which he claimed that "there are hit squads being trained all over this country" to mount armed opposition to a second term for President Trump.[6] He also stated "You understand that they're going to have to kill me, and unfortunately, I think that's where this is going." Two days later Caputo took a two-month medical leave. Caputo said of himself that his physical health was in question, and his "mental health has definitely failed."[7] On September 24, it was announced that he had been diagnosed with squamous cell carcinoma that had spread from his throat to his neck and head.[8]

Early life and education

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Caputo was born in 1962[9] in Buffalo, New York, where he spent the bulk of his early years in the region known as the Southtowns.[9][10] Caputo's early public relations work was in Hawaii while with the United States Army, which he joined directly after finishing high school.[9] In 1983, after leaving the Army, he enrolled at the University at Buffalo.[9] Caputo received his J.D. degree from the University of Pennsylvania in 2013.

Caputo was employed by Republican politicians such as Congressman Jack Kemp. Caputo was mentored by Roger J. Stone Jr. in political advisement, and became his personal driver.[9] He learned from Stone that political campaigns could be turned into wins for candidates if the public found them entertaining.

Career

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Reagan Administration and Bush campaign

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During the Reagan Administration, Caputo helped support the president's agenda in Central America.[1] He worked with Oliver North to foment propaganda as part of Reagan's public relations efforts in South America and in Central America.[9] After his work for the Reagan Administration he served as assistant director of the House of Representatives Gallery of the Radio and Television Correspondents' Association.[11] He next worked for President George H. W. Bush as director of media services in Bush's campaign in the 1992 United States presidential election.[11]

Russian advisor and media consultant

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After the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991, Caputo established residence in Russia in 1994.[11][9][12] He served as an adviser to Boris Yeltsin in 1995.[1] In his capacity as advisor to Yeltsin, he was employed with the United States Agency for International Development.[11][13][1] He served as president of The Florence Group from 1994 to 1999, and stated he "played a pivotal role in electing Boris Yeltsin to his second term as President of the Russian Federation."[14]

Caputo was employed by a Moscow-headquartered subsidiary of Gazprom, Gazprom-Media.[15][13][12] He was contracted by Gazprom in 2000 to work for Russian leader Vladimir Putin.[11][13] His task was to increase Putin's public relations standing, specifically his support level in the U.S.[15][13][12] During his residence in Russia, he became a business partner and close friend of Sergey Petrushin on or about 1997.[16][a] He moved back from Russia to the U.S. late in 2000.[9]

After returning to the U.S., Caputo was called by his former mentor Roger Stone, who convinced him to move to Miami Beach, Florida, and then Caputo founded his media advising company Michael Caputo Public Relations.[9] Caputo moved back to Europe in 2007 while advising a politician's campaign for parliament in the 2007 Ukrainian parliamentary election.[9]

Paladino campaign

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Caputo worked as the campaign manager for real estate businessman Carl Paladino's unsuccessful campaign in the 2010 election for governor of New York state.[1][27] During the campaign, Caputo was profiled by The New York Times, which described Caputo's "impish spirit and no-holds-barred campaign style" as a key factor helping Paladino, then a little-known figure, gain attention in seeking the Republican nomination for governor.[1]

Paladino was supported at the time by the Tea Party movement, and in an interview with The New York Times, Caputo embraced the outsider nature of Paladino's bid: "This is a campaign of junkyard dogs, not pedigreed poodles. Carl knows the background of everyone who works for him. He knows that each of us comes to the campaign with warts. And he has his own warts. We don't hide anything."[27]

Paladino explained his hiring choice of Caputo as campaign manager: "I'm facing some major demons here, and I needed someone who could go right back on top of them in a matter of minutes. You've got to let them know they are going to get punished."[1]

Work for Donald Trump

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Donald Trump hired Caputo in 2014 to launch an astroturfing campaign in support of his stalking-horse bid for the Buffalo Bills. Caputo established a shell organization named "12th Man Thunder" (later renamed "Bills Fan Thunder" after a trademark dispute with the Texas A&M Aggies football team) and hired a proxy leader, amputee Chuck Sonntag, whom Trump and Caputo calculated would garner sympathy. When Trump placed his bid and was disallowed ties to the organization, Caputo retaliated by engaging in a smear campaign against other bidders: Jon Bon Jovi and Maple Leaf Sports & Entertainment. The group's publicity efforts exacerbated an already-simmering anti-Toronto sentiment, but ultimately a competitor to both bids, Buffalo Sabres owner and natural gas tycoon Terrence Pegula and his wife Kim Pegula, prevailed and purchased the Bills franchise, significantly outbidding both Trump and Bon Jovi. Bills Fan Thunder remained in operation as a charity as of 2017.[28]

In 2016, offices of Michael Caputo Public Relations were located in East Aurora, New York.[9] Caputo also had staff located in Miami Beach, Florida, and Moscow, Russia.[9] During the 2016 New York Republican primary, Caputo became a political adviser to Trump in order to help him win the primary in that state.[12][9] At the time of his hiring he was employed as a commentator on a political talk program on WBEN AM radio.[9] In order to support Trump in New York, he joined forces with his former employer from the 2010 gubernatorial race, Carl Paladino.[9] While working on the Trump campaign, Caputo was placed in charge of communications for the candidate in New York.[13]

Caputo was a senior adviser to Trump's political efforts from November 2015 to June 2016.[29][30][14] On June 20, 2016, he was fired from the Trump campaign shortly after Corey Lewandowski was replaced as campaign manager by Paul Manafort.[14][31] He had tweeted in support of Lewandowski's leaving; in his resignation letter to Manafort said he regretted the statement on Twitter.[15][14]

Activities from 2016 to 2020

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After Trump's election, Caputo maintained contacts with associates in the Trump administration.[32] After news reports of Donald Trump's disclosure of classified information to Russia in May 2017, Caputo told the Associated Press that leaks from within the Trump Administration were caused by "a coordinated, silent coup."[32] Caputo told USA Today that he attributed the leaks to disaffected members of the Stop Trump movement, whom he called "anti-Trump zealots".[33]

In 2019 and 2020, Caputo posted numerous sexually crude and sexist tweets directed at women.[34][35]

In early 2020, Caputo posted multiple offensive and racist tweets about Chinese people;[34][36][37][38] he deleted almost all of his past tweets before assuming a position at HHS.[34]

In early 2020 during President Trump's impeachment, Caputo wrote a book called The Ukraine Hoax: How Decades of Corruption in the Former Soviet Republic Led to Trump's Phony Impeachment.[39] He also produced and hosted a documentary by the same name which was aired on the pro-Trump television channel One America News.[40]

Trump administration

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In April 2020, despite Caputo having no medical or scientific background, he was appointed by the White House as assistant secretary of the Department of Health and Human Services for public affairs – in effect, the department's chief spokesperson.[41][42]

Caputo and other political appointees on his team tried to change, delay, suppress and retroactively edit scientific reports on COVID-19 by the Centers for Disease Control that were deemed to contradict or undermine what Trump was saying publicly, according to a report by Politico in September 2020.[2] Caputo personally confirmed the report, saying that his attempts to influence the content of Morbidity and Mortality Weekly Report (MMWR), the CDC's weekly report of information and recommendations regarding public health, had been going on for 3+12 months. He said it was because the MMWR reporting contained "political content" as well as scientific information, adding that the changes suggested by his office were "infrequently" accepted by CDC.[43] Caputo appointed Canadian epidemiologist Dr. Paul Alexander as scientific advisor. Alexander tried unsuccessfully to get all issues of MMWR held up until he personally approved them.[43] He tried to prevent CDC scientists from writing or saying that COVID-19 could be transmitted by children, which he said had "zero" data to support it, and would undermine Trump's goal of having children return to school. In reply, other scientists cited published studies of transmission in summer camps and households.[2] Citing concerns about the political leanings of CDC scientists, Caputo delayed for a month the publication of a report on hydroxychloroquine as a treatment for COVID-19 that concluded "the potential benefits of these drugs do not outweigh their risks."[2] In emails to the head of CDC, Alexander accused CDC scientists of attempting to "hurt the president" and writing "hit pieces on the administration".[44] CDC resisted many of the changes, but increasingly allowed HHS personnel to review articles and suggest changes before publication.[43] Emails obtained by The New York Times in September 2020 showed Caputo and Alexander working to discredit CDC scientists, notably principal deputy director Anne Schuchat, and to silence scientists speaking to the press, in an effort to depict a rosier outlook for the pandemic.[45]

Caputo was the key figure in a planned HHS advertising campaign, funded with $300 million requisitioned from the CDC, which aimed to "defeat despair" about COVID-19 by airing video interviews between administration officials and celebrities.[46] The campaign suffered numerous setbacks, including opposition from HHS officials regarding the aim of the campaign and a lack of interest from celebrities. Also, the company hired to film the interviews, which is headed by a business associate of Caputo's, had no experience with public health campaigns and struggled with the amount of work required to produce the videos.[47] Senior House Democrats launched an investigation into a $250 million contract awarded to a market research firm, and questioned the political motivations behind airing such a campaign right before the 2020 presidential election.[48] In a Facebook video on September 13, Caputo said that Trump had personally directed him to work on the campaign.[49]

On September 13, 2020, Caputo asserted in a video on his personal Facebook page that CDC scientists were engaged in "sedition" with a "resistance unit" against Trump, and were "meeting in coffee shops" to plan their next attack on Trump. Caputo added that left-wing "hit squads being trained all over this country" were preparing an armed insurrection after the 2020 presidential election, advising his listeners to "buy ammunition".[5] He claimed that the shooting of a right wing protester in Portland had been "a drill".[50] He continued, "You understand that they're going to have to kill me, and unfortunately, I think that's where this is going." He later said his physical and mental health were deteriorating and he feared being alone, describing "shadows on the ceiling" in his apartment.[5] On September 14, Caputo's hometown newspaper, The Buffalo News, released an editorial calling for his removal, "(...) What's lunacy is for paranoia and political calculations to be coloring the dissemination of scientific knowledge during a pandemic. Caputo's ideas about managing a health crisis need to be put out to pasture."[51] On September 15, Caputo apologized to HHS staff and indicated he might soon be leaving the agency, possibly on medical leave,[52] admitting "he had never read" one of the MMWRs.[52] On September 16 he announced that he was taking a 60-day medical leave from his post "after consultation with President Trump and Secretary Azar." Alexander was also said to be leaving. Caputo never returned to work.[53]

Two days after Alexander was ousted and Caputo went on leave, the CDC reversed its much-criticized statement saying that asymptomatic people who have been in close contact with a person infected with the coronavirus did not need to receive COVID-19 testing;[54] the statement had been forced through at the direction of HHS leadership and the White House over the objections of scientists and without going through the usual CDC scientific review process.[55]

Investigation

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Due to his time working on the Trump campaign and the fact that he previously worked for politicians in Russia, Caputo was contacted by the United States House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence on May 9, 2017, as part of its investigation into Russian interference in the 2016 US presidential election.[29][14][30] The House Intelligence Committee requested Caputo come in and be interviewed voluntarily and submit to the committee relevant documents associated with its investigation.[29][14][30]

During a March 20, 2017, hearing, Representative Jackie Speier questioned FBI Director James Comey about Caputo, and cited employment with Gazprom and history in Ukraine.[29][14][30] Caputo worked with the House Intelligence Committee to respond to queries.[15][30] Posting to social media, Caputo denied ties to Russia while on the Trump campaign.[30] Caputo told the House Intelligence Committee: "The only time the President and I talked about Russia was in 2013, when he simply asked me in passing what it was like to live there in the context of a dinner conversation."[15][30]

In May 2016, Caputo and Roger Stone had met with Henry Greenberg (a.k.a. Henry Oknyansky or Henry Grinberg or Gennady Vostretsov or Gennady Arzhanik),[56] a Russian national who claimed to have damaging information about Hillary Clinton. Caputo later denied contact with Russian officials or having discussed Russia with Trump or with other campaign aides.[30] Caputo said in June 2017 that it was not until prosecutors informed him that Greenberg was Russian that he learned the man he had spoken with in 2016 was not a U.S. citizen.[57]

Caputo hired attorney Dennis Vacco to represent him during the investigation, and subsequently stated that he had liquidated his children's college funds to pay Vacco.[58]

Personal life

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While working in Russia in the 1990s, Caputo met and married a Russian student studying astrophysics; their marriage ended in a divorce.[9][11] Caputo became a Catholic in 2000, later saying this religious change helped him find peace.[9] While advising in Kyiv, Ukraine, in 2007, Caputo met Maryna Ponomarenko, who became his second wife.[29][14][9]

On September 24, 2020, a spokesman for Caputo's family announced that he had been diagnosed with metastatic head and neck cancer which originated in his throat.[59]

See also

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Notes

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References

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Further reading

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Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
Michael R. Caputo (born March 24, 1962) is an American Republican political strategist, lobbyist, and communications consultant with a career spanning domestic campaigns, international election advising, and federal government service.[1] A protégé of consultant Roger Stone, Caputo has worked on multiple Republican presidential efforts, including roles in George H.W. Bush's 1992 re-election campaign and Donald Trump's 2016 presidential bid, where he handled New York communications before resigning amid internal disputes.[2] His tenure as Assistant Secretary for Public Affairs at the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) from April 2020 to January 2021 placed him at the center of federal COVID-19 messaging during the pandemic.[3] Caputo's early professional experience included serving as an aide to Congressman Jack Kemp after graduating from the University at Buffalo and joining the lobbying firm Black, Manafort, Stone and Kelly.[2] In the 1990s, following Bush's re-election loss, he relocated to Russia as a U.S.-funded elections adviser, contributing to Boris Yeltsin's 1996 youth voter outreach, which drew later scrutiny over his Russian business ties and led to testimony before the House Intelligence Committee during investigations into Trump campaign-Russia contacts.[2][3] Returning to the U.S., he established a public relations firm and maintained involvement in Trump-related activities, such as supporting the 2014 Buffalo Bills acquisition bid and advocating for a potential gubernatorial run.[2] During his HHS appointment under President Trump, Caputo oversaw public affairs amid heightened scrutiny of pandemic data handling, including efforts to coordinate messaging on scientific reports from agencies like the CDC.[2] His five-month stint ended after a September 2020 leave for stage-four head and neck cancer treatment, following public statements on social media alleging internal resistance to administration goals; he was declared cancer-free in early 2021.[2] Post-government, Caputo has pursued theology studies, engaged in vaccine advocacy, and continued private sector work in public relations and insurance while reflecting on his combative political style.[2]

Early Life and Education

Upbringing and Formative Years

Michael Raymon Caputo was born on March 24, 1962, in Buffalo, New York.[1] He grew up in a working-class Italian-American family, with parents employed as factory workers, in the economically challenged East Side neighborhood of Buffalo.[4] This blue-collar environment, characterized by tight-knit community ties and local industrial decline, fostered an emphasis on self-reliance and practical problem-solving over reliance on institutional structures.[4] Caputo attended public schools in Buffalo and graduated from high school, after which his father escorted him to the local Army enlistment station, reflecting familial expectations of discipline and direct action.[4] During his military service in the early 1980s, he credited President Ronald Reagan's policies with delivering a 10 percent pay raise, an event that prompted his conversion to Republicanism and initial alignment with conservative principles amid the era's anti-communist and economic reformist currents.[4] His formative years, marked by observations of governmental inefficiencies in Western New York, cultivated a skepticism toward establishment narratives, prioritizing empirical outcomes from individual effort in a post-industrial setting over abstract ideological credentials.[4] Caputo pursued limited formal higher education, reflecting a preference for hands-on experience shaped by his upbringing's pragmatic ethos.[5]

Professional Career

Initial Involvement in Republican Politics

Caputo entered Republican politics in the early 1980s as a staffer for longtime Congressman Jack Kemp, gaining initial exposure to conservative policy and campaign operations.[6] His early national involvement intensified during the Reagan administration, where he contributed to anti-communist efforts in Central and South America by disseminating propaganda materials and supporting insurgencies against leftist regimes, including media operations for the Nicaraguan contras via the Council for Inter-American Security.[7][6][4] These activities, aligned with Reagan's doctrine of confronting Soviet-backed insurgencies through empirical support for non-communist forces, built Caputo's expertise in rapid-response messaging and on-the-ground coordination in hostile environments.[8] In 1992, Caputo joined George H.W. Bush's re-election campaign as director of media services, managing communications amid economic recession pressures and coordinating grassroots outreach to counter Democratic narratives on issues like unemployment and taxes.[1][9][10] This role sharpened his abilities in voter engagement and media strategy, emphasizing direct, data-driven appeals over reliance on establishment press channels perceived as unsympathetic to Republican priorities.[6]

International Advisory Roles

In 1994, shortly after the dissolution of the Soviet Union, Michael Caputo relocated to Moscow to work as an elections adviser under a program funded by the United States Agency for International Development (USAID).[2] His efforts centered on fostering democratic electoral practices in Russia's nascent post-communist system, including guidance on media fairness to mitigate state-controlled propaganda and initiatives to boost youth voter turnout amid competition from residual communist party strongholds.[11] These activities aligned with broader U.S. objectives to support transparent voting processes against authoritarian backsliding, as evidenced by USAID's documented programs aiding civil society and poll monitoring in the 1993–1996 election cycles.[8] By 1996, Caputo advanced to serve as youth-vote director for incumbent President Boris Yeltsin's re-election campaign, coordinating outreach to younger demographics skeptical of reform amid economic turmoil and opposition from Communist Party candidate Gennady Zyuganov.[2] Yeltsin's campaign secured victory in the July runoff with 53.8% of the vote to Zyuganov's 40.3%, an outcome attributed in part to enhanced voter mobilization and media pluralism efforts that diluted entrenched one-party dominance, though causal attribution remains debated given domestic factors like economic aid packages and elite endorsements.[12] These contributions demonstrably advanced short-term electoral openness, contrasting with subsequent interpretations framing early U.S. involvement as precursors to foreign meddling rather than causal support for liberalization.[2] Upon returning to the United States around 2000, Caputo took on consulting roles for Gazprom-Media, a subsidiary of the state-controlled energy conglomerate Gazprom, providing public relations expertise during Russia's transition to more centralized governance under Vladimir Putin.[13] This position honed his skills in communicating corporate interests within a landscape of partial market deregulation—Gazprom's structure had incorporated private stakes post-1990s privatization—while navigating regulatory opacity and state influence, yielding practical insights into sustaining operations amid policy shifts toward energy nationalism.[8]

Media Consulting and Domestic Campaigns

In the mid-2000s, following international engagements, Caputo established Michael Caputo Public Relations, a firm focused on crisis communications, opposition research, and strategic messaging for political and corporate clients facing media scrutiny.[14] The company emphasized rapid-response tactics to challenge adversarial reporting, often targeting perceived distortions in coverage by outlets aligned with progressive narratives.[15] Caputo's approach drew on empirical assessment of media incentives, prioritizing data-driven rebuttals over narrative concessions, which positioned the firm as a counterweight to establishment media dynamics in Republican-leaning campaigns.[16] Caputo's domestic prominence peaked as campaign manager for Carl Paladino's 2010 Republican bid for New York governor, where he orchestrated an insurgent challenge against Democratic nominee Andrew Cuomo.[17] Paladino, a Buffalo real estate developer backed by Tea Party activists, campaigned on slashing state spending by 30% and exposing Albany corruption, with Caputo executing a high-intensity strategy that included provocative ads and direct confrontations with media critics.[18] The effort generated significant earned media through confrontational events, such as Paladino's rally speeches decrying fiscal profligacy, though it faced backlash for inflammatory rhetoric that Caputo defended as necessary to pierce media filters favoring incumbents.[17] Despite Paladino's primary upset over Rick Lazio, the general election yielded 33% of the vote amid Cuomo's landslide, with Caputo's firm receiving $407,190 for communications services in the campaign's first half-year.[19] Caputo's tactics in the Paladino race exemplified his specialization in narrative control, using opposition dossiers to highlight Cuomo family ties to state contracts and preempting attacks on Paladino's business record through preemptive disclosures.[20] This period solidified Caputo's reputation for deploying unfiltered conservatism against institutional advantages, influencing subsequent state-level GOP efforts by modeling resilience against coordinated media opposition.[6]

Collaboration with Donald Trump

Caputo joined Donald Trump's 2016 presidential campaign in November 2015 as New York GOP Primary Director and senior communications advisor.[3] In this role, he oversaw operations for the April 19, 2016, New York Republican primary, where Trump secured 60.5% of the vote and 95 of 95 delegates, effectively consolidating his lead in the race.[21] [22] Caputo's communications efforts emphasized unfiltered messaging on trade imbalances, immigration enforcement, and opposition to establishment globalism, drawing on data such as the U.S. trade deficit exceeding $500 billion annually to argue for policy shifts prioritizing domestic manufacturing.[6] As a strategist, Caputo coordinated rapid-response tactics to rebut media-driven narratives, including early allegations of foreign influence that gained traction in spring 2016. These defenses highlighted a lack of substantive evidence linking the campaign to illicit coordination, a position later aligned with Special Counsel Robert Mueller's findings that insufficient evidence existed to establish conspiracy or coordination between the Trump campaign and Russian government efforts to interfere in the election.[23] [24] His approach challenged mainstream outlets' framing, which investigations revealed often amplified unverified claims from partisan sources, by insisting on verifiable facts over speculative reporting.[25] Caputo departed the campaign on June 20, 2016, after contributing to delegate-securing strategies in competitive primaries, but his pre-convention work bolstered Trump's outsider appeal in Rust Belt demographics skeptical of elite-driven policies.[1] This phase of collaboration underscored Caputo's focus on empirical critiques of prior administrations' trade deals, citing metrics like the loss of 5 million manufacturing jobs since 2000 as grounds for Trump's America First platform.[26]

Service in the Trump Administration

In April 2020, Michael Caputo was appointed Assistant Secretary for Public Affairs at the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services (HHS), a position focused on managing pandemic-related communications during the Trump administration.[27] [28] The appointment came amid escalating COVID-19 cases, with Caputo tasked by HHS Secretary Alex Azar to streamline messaging and counter perceived bureaucratic obstacles to disseminating public health data.[26] Caputo directed efforts to review and influence CDC reports on COVID-19, aiming to ensure alignment with emerging empirical evidence on treatments like hydroxychloroquine, which early observational data suggested held potential despite later retractions of some studies.[29] [30] He and his team, including advisor Paul Alexander, pushed back against internal narratives that dismissed such options, accusing some scientists of delaying or suppressing data on therapeutics to prioritize political opposition over clinical realities.[31] This included demands for pre-publication scrutiny of CDC's Morbidity and Mortality Weekly Reports to prevent what Caputo viewed as overstated risks or overlooked treatment insights.[29] Caputo also oversaw a $250 million public relations initiative to combat media-driven alarmism on COVID-19 projections, emphasizing data-driven optimism where supported by trends like declining case growth rates in certain regions.[32] In defending Operation Warp Speed, he coordinated briefings underscoring the program's compressed timelines—targeting vaccine readiness by year's end through parallel trials and federal funding exceeding $10 billion—which ultimately enabled Emergency Use Authorizations for multiple vaccines in December 2020, validating the approach's causal emphasis on speed without compromising core safety protocols.[33] [34]

Post-Administration Engagements

Following his resignation from the Department of Health and Human Services on September 21, 2020, Caputo prioritized recovery from stage four throat cancer, attaining cancer-free status by February 26, 2021.[2] During this period and beyond, he sustained advocacy aligned with former President Trump, including private assertions in early 2021 that the 2020 election involved fraud and manipulation via COVID-19 policies to undermine Trump, while deeming the legitimacy of Joe Biden's victory an open question.[2] Caputo defended his September 2020 public statements warning of sedition among federal scientists and potential armed left-wing insurrection if Trump prevailed in the election, attributing the remarks to personal strain from his diagnosis but upholding their substance amid media criticism.[2] [35] These critiques extended to broader assertions of deep-state resistance, informed by his observations of bureaucratic opposition within HHS, which he portrayed as efforts to subvert executive directives.[2] In 2024, Caputo participated in Trump campaign efforts on healthcare, outlining policy visions at the American Association for Cancer Research Government Relations Forum on October 21, emphasizing reforms to accelerate FDA approvals and broaden access to innovative and experimental therapies in alliance with figures like Robert F. Kennedy Jr..[36] [37] After Trump's reelection, he advised Ed Martin, the interim U.S. Attorney for the District of Columbia and Trump nominee, during Martin's Senate confirmation process in April-May 2025, while continuing social media alerts on purported Antifa training of anti-Trump "hit squads."[38] [39]

Investigations and Controversies

In May 2018, Michael Caputo was interviewed by Special Counsel Robert Mueller's team as part of the investigation into Russian interference in the 2016 U.S. presidential election, focusing on his role as a communications advisor to the Trump campaign and any potential contacts with Russian nationals.[40][41] The probe examined Caputo's facilitation of a 2016 introduction between campaign associate Roger Stone and a Russian individual offering damaging information on Hillary Clinton, though Mueller's April 2019 report detailed these interactions without finding evidence of criminal conspiracy or coordination between the Trump campaign and Russia.[42][43] No charges were filed against Caputo, consistent with the report's conclusion that insufficient evidence existed to establish a prosecutable agreement with Russian efforts to interfere in the election.[44] Caputo's professional ties to Russia, dating to the 1990s when he resided there and provided public relations consulting for Gazprom Media—a subsidiary of the state-owned energy giant Gazprom—were also scrutinized for potential relevance to 2016 activities.[41][45] This work, which included advising on media strategies post-Soviet Union dissolution, predated the election interference claims by over two decades and aligned with standard international consulting practices, including initial U.S. Agency for International Development-supported election advisory roles under Boris Yeltsin.[46][25] Investigations found no causal link between these historical engagements and 2016 collusion allegations, despite media portrayals amplifying unverified suspicions of impropriety.[47] Caputo publicly described the Mueller probe as a politically motivated overreach that inflicted severe personal and financial tolls, including over $125,000 in legal fees and family threats, without yielding substantive evidence against him.[41][48] This perspective gained empirical support from Special Counsel John Durham's 2023 report, which criticized FBI biases and procedural failures in initiating and conducting the Russia investigations, highlighting reliance on unverified intelligence and a lack of predication that fueled broader scrutiny of associated figures like Caputo.[49][50] The absence of charges and confirmation of no campaign-wide conspiracy underscored the probes' ultimate failure to substantiate claims of Caputo's involvement in Russian election meddling.[42]

Conflicts During HHS Tenure

During his tenure as Assistant Secretary of Public Affairs at the Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) starting in April 2020, Michael Caputo encountered significant conflicts stemming from his efforts to oversee and refine public health messaging amid the COVID-19 pandemic. Critics accused him of political interference, particularly in attempting to revise Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) reports published in the Morbidity and Mortality Weekly Report (MMWR). Emails obtained by Politico revealed that Caputo and his advisor Paul Alexander pressured CDC Director Robert Redfield to alter content, including demands to emphasize faster declines in COVID-19 cases and to include data on treatments like hydroxychloroquine, which the administration viewed as underreported despite preliminary evidence of potential efficacy in early outpatient use.[51] [52] Caputo defended these actions as necessary corrections to bureaucratic inaccuracies and institutional resistance that prioritized narrative control over empirical data, such as CDC's initial overestimations of case fatality rates and reluctance to highlight alternative therapies amid dominant lockdown-focused strategies. A pivotal controversy erupted on September 14, 2020, when Caputo livestreamed a Facebook video accusing CDC scientists of forming a "resistance unit" engaged in "open sedition" against President Trump by suppressing data and promoting anti-administration narratives.[35] [53] He further warned that left-wing militants were training "hit squads" for potential insurrection, predicting violence if Trump secured re-election and refused to concede, stating, "the shooting will begin."[54] These remarks drew immediate backlash from mainstream outlets and Democratic lawmakers, who portrayed them as baseless conspiracism undermining scientific integrity during a public health crisis.[55] Caputo later attributed the outburst to exhaustion from his undisclosed stage 4 lung cancer diagnosis and threats against his family, issuing an apology to HHS staff on September 15, 2020, and taking a 60-day medical leave.[56] [57] Caputo's interventions highlighted tensions with career officials, whom he accused of embedding left-leaning biases that delayed acknowledgment of data challenging prevailing pandemic orthodoxies, such as the lab-leak hypothesis for COVID-19 origins—later deemed plausible by U.S. intelligence assessments—and resistance to disseminating information on repurposed drugs.[32] While detractors, including House Democrats, launched investigations into alleged meddling, Caputo's supporters argued his scrutiny exposed systemic opacity in agencies like the CDC, fostering greater transparency in federal health communications despite institutional pushback.[58] These clashes reflected broader causal frictions between political oversight and entrenched scientific bureaucracies, where Caputo prioritized verifiable metrics over unchallenged expert consensus.[59]

Allegations of Improper Surveillance

In 2023, the Department of Justice and FBI issued a classified subpoena to Google demanding comprehensive access to Michael Caputo's Gmail account, including emails, subscriber details, billing records, and Google Wallet transactions, as part of an undisclosed investigation.[60] Caputo, a longtime Trump associate, publicly characterized this as unauthorized surveillance targeting political opponents, echoing patterns observed in prior scrutiny of Trump campaign figures.[61] In response, Judicial Watch submitted Freedom of Information Act requests to the DOJ, FBI, and Office of the Director of National Intelligence for related records, including communications between agencies and the subpoenas themselves; after agencies failed to respond adequately, the group filed a lawsuit on August 28, 2025, in U.S. District Court for the District of Columbia to compel disclosure.[62] The suit frames the action within Biden-era Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act practices, seeking transparency on whether the warrant adhered to legal standards amid documented historical abuses in similar applications.[63] Caputo has asserted that this 2023 subpoena connects to earlier monitoring during the FBI's 2016 Crossfire Hurricane probe into Trump-Russia links, where he claims federal informants attempted to solicit compromising information from him on Hillary Clinton as a pretext for entrapment.[64] In a 2019 interview, he detailed a meeting with a self-described Russian offering "dirt" on Clinton, only later learning the individual was an FBI asset, which he viewed as an effort to fabricate ties to foreign interference.[64] Caputo further alleged in 2018 that the FBI deployed at least two informants within the Trump campaign, contributing to what he described as systematic infiltration rather than legitimate counterintelligence.[65] These claims align with declassified FBI records from Crossfire Hurricane, which revealed heavy dependence on the Steele dossier—subsequently discredited for unverified allegations sourced from partisan actors and Russian intelligence contacts.[66] While federal officials have not publicly detailed the 2023 subpoena's basis, citing classification, Caputo contrasts his experiences with findings from the 2019 DOJ Inspector General report, which identified 17 significant inaccuracies and omissions in FISA warrant applications tied to the Trump campaign, and the 2023 Durham special counsel report, which criticized the FBI for launching Crossfire Hurricane on slender predicate evidence without corroboration and exhibiting institutional predispositions that prioritized anti-Trump narratives over rigorous verification.[66] These reviews, grounded in empirical review of internal FBI communications and handling procedures, underscore causal factors such as overreliance on uncorroborated tips and procedural shortcuts, rather than isolated errors, in enabling surveillance extensions to peripheral figures like Caputo.[62] Caputo maintains that such patterns reflect not mere oversight but targeted weaponization against Trump allies, a view bolstered by the absence of reciprocal scrutiny on Clinton campaign-linked intelligence operations documented in the same probes.[66]

Publications and Commentary

Books and Public Writings

In 2020, Caputo published The Ukraine Hoax: How Decades of Corruption in the Former Soviet Republic Led to Trump's Phony Impeachment, a book that critiques the narrative surrounding the 2019 impeachment of President Donald Trump by detailing alleged systemic corruption in Ukrainian politics and institutions since independence. The work draws on historical analysis of post-Soviet Ukrainian governance, including claims of oligarchic influence and foreign aid misuse, to argue that these factors fueled unfounded accusations against Trump rather than evidence of wrongdoing. It functions as a companion to a documentary film of the same title, which aired on One America News Network in early 2020 and similarly posits that U.S. political motivations exaggerated Ukraine's role in American elections. Caputo's writings emphasize empirical scrutiny of official accounts, highlighting discrepancies between reported events and verifiable data on Ukrainian financial scandals and international dealings during the Obama and Trump administrations. Through this lens, the book challenges politicized interpretations of foreign policy entanglements, advocating for causal links between institutional failures abroad and domestic political maneuvers in the U.S. No additional authored books by Caputo appear in public records as of 2025, though his commentary extends to online platforms where he has addressed related themes of media distortion and governmental overreach.[2] These contributions position his output within conservative discourse aimed at dismantling narratives perceived as detached from primary evidence.

Personal Life

Family and Residences

Caputo was previously married to a Russian woman he met while working in Moscow during the 1990s; the marriage ended in divorce after she urged him to exit politics.[2] He is currently married with two young daughters, maintaining a low public profile for his family amid ongoing political scrutiny.[48] Caputo and his family resided in East Aurora, a suburb of Buffalo in western New York, where he returned in late 2020 during a period of health recovery.[2] Following physical attacks on himself and threats targeting his children linked to post-2016 election tensions, including incidents attributed to Antifa, the family relocated to Florida for enhanced security.[48] [67] This move aligned with broader patterns of political figures shifting to Florida amid perceived safer environments and ideological affinities.[67]

References

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