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Roger Jason Stone[b] (born Roger Joseph Stone Jr.; August 27, 1952) is an American right-wing political activist, consultant and lobbyist.[3][4][5] He is a prominent consultant and lobbyist within the New Right,[clarification needed][5] and Donald Trump's longest-serving political adviser. He was the subject of widespread media coverage for the Mueller special counsel investigation and his alleged involvement with[6] and connections to Russian interference in the 2016 U.S. presidential election as a consultant for the Trump campaign.[7]

Key Information

Since the 1970s, Stone has worked on Republican campaigns, including those of Richard Nixon, Ronald Reagan, Jack Kemp, Bob Dole,[8] George W. Bush,[9] and Trump. He co-founded a lobbying firm with Paul Manafort and Charles R. Black Jr.[10][11] The firm became Black, Manafort, Stone and Kelly (BMSK) in 1984.[12]: 124  BMSK became a top lobbying firm, leveraging White House connections for high-paying clients, including U.S. corporations, trade associations, and foreign governments.[12]: 125  Stone's style has been described as "a renowned infighter", "a seasoned practitioner of hard-edged politics",[13] "a Republican strategist",[14] and "a political fixer".[15] Stone has called himself "an agent provocateur".[16] He has described his political modus operandi as "attack, attack, attack—never defend" and "admit nothing, deny everything, and launch a counterattack", all evocative of associate Roy Cohn.[17]

Stone first suggested Trump run for president in 1998 while lobbying for his casino business.[18] He left the Trump campaign on August 8, 2015. In 2018, two associates alleged Stone claimed contact with Julian Assange during the 2016 campaign. Assange denied meeting Stone, and Stone said any mention was a joke.[19][20] Court documents in 2020 showed Stone and Assange exchanged messages in June 2017.[21] Unsealed warrants in April 2020 revealed Stone's 2017 contacts with Assange and that Stone orchestrated hundreds of fake Facebook accounts and bloggers for a political influence scheme.[22][23][24]

On January 25, 2019, Stone was arrested at his Fort Lauderdale, Florida, home in connection with Robert Mueller's investigation and charged with witness tampering, obstructing an official proceeding, and making false statements.[25][26] In November 2019, a jury convicted him on all seven felony counts.[27][28][29] He was sentenced to 40 months in prison.[30][31] On July 10, 2020, days before Stone was to report to prison, Trump commuted his sentence.[27] On August 17, 2020, Stone dropped his appeal.[32] Trump pardoned Stone on December 23, 2020.[27][33]

Since 2023, Stone has hosted a show on WABC radio eponymously called "The Roger Stone Show".[34][35]

Early life and political work

[edit]

Stone was born on August 27, 1952,[17] in Norwalk, Connecticut,[36] to Gloria Rose (Corbo) and Roger J. Stone.[37] He grew up in the community of Vista, part of the town of Lewisboro, New York, on the Connecticut border. His mother was the president of Meadow Pond Elementary School PTA, a Cub Scout den mother, and occasionally a small-town reporter;[38] his father "Chubby" (also Roger J. Stone) was a well driller[39] and sometime chief of the Vista volunteer Fire Department. He has described his family as middle-class, blue-collar Catholics.[36] His ancestry includes Hungarian and Italian.[40][41]

Stone said that as an elementary school student during the 1960 presidential election, he broke into politics to further John F. Kennedy's presidential campaign: "I remember going through the cafeteria line and telling every kid that Nixon was in favor of school on Saturdays ... It was my first political trick."[39]

When he was a junior and vice president of student government at John Jay High School in northern Westchester County, New York,[42] he manipulated the ouster of the student government president and succeeded him. Stone recalled how he ran for election as president for his senior year: "I built alliances and put all my serious challengers on my ticket. Then I recruited the most unpopular guy in the school to run against me. You think that's mean? No, it's smart."[43]

Given a copy of Barry Goldwater's The Conscience of a Conservative, Stone became drawn to conservatism as a child and a volunteer in Goldwater's 1964 campaign. In 2007, Stone indicated he was a staunch conservative but with libertarian leanings.[39]

As a student at George Washington University in 1972, Stone invited Jeb Stuart Magruder to speak at a Young Republicans Club meeting, then asked Magruder for a job with Richard Nixon's Committee to Re-elect the President.[44] Magruder agreed and Stone then left college to work for the committee.[17] Stone left the university after one year.

Career

[edit]

1970s: Nixon campaign, Watergate and Reagan 1976

[edit]

Stone's political career began in earnest on the 1972 Nixon campaign, with activities such as contributing money to a possible rival of Nixon in the name of the Young Socialist Alliance and then slipping the receipt to the Manchester Union-Leader. Eventually Magruder and Herbert Porter hired Stone to spy on rival presidential campaigns during the 1972 Democratic Party presidential primaries. Stone subsequently hired Michael McMinoway to infiltrate campaigns of candidates such as Edmund Muskie and Hubert Humphrey.[45] He also hired a spy in the Humphrey campaign who became Humphrey's driver. According to Stone, during the day he was officially a scheduler in the Nixon campaign, but "By night, I'm trafficking in the black arts. Nixon's people were obsessed with intelligence."[8] Stone maintains he never did anything illegal during the Watergate scandal.[17] The Richard Nixon Foundation later clarified that Stone had been a 20-year-old junior scheduler on the campaign, and that to characterize Stone as one of Nixon's aides or advisers was a "gross misstatement".[46]

After Nixon won the 1972 presidential election, Stone worked for the administration in the Office of Economic Opportunity.[47] After Nixon resigned, Stone went to work for Bob Dole, but was later fired after columnist Jack Anderson publicly identified Stone as a Nixon "dirty trickster".[48]

In 1975, Stone helped found the National Conservative Political Action Committee, a New Right[clarification needed] organization that helped to pioneer independent expenditure political advertising.[49]

In the 1976 Republican Party presidential primaries, he worked in Ronald Reagan's campaign for U.S. President.[17] In 1977, at age 24, Stone won the presidency of the Young Republicans in a campaign managed by his friend Paul Manafort; they had compiled a dossier on each of the 800 delegates that gathered, which they called "whip books".[50]

Stone met Donald Trump in 1979, introduced by Trump attorney and mentor Roy Cohn. Stone was the New York regional political director seeking to raise money for the 1980 Reagan campaign, of which Trump joined the finance committee. Stone said Trump directed him to visit his father, Fred Trump, who gave him $200,000 for the Reagan campaign. Stone recalled in 2017 that he and Donald Trump "hit it off immediately."[51][52]

1980s: Reagan 1980, lobbying, Bush 1988

[edit]
Stone with Ronald Reagan and George H. W. Bush in 1982
Roger Stone and his first wife Ann Stone with Ronald Reagan and Nancy Reagan in 1984
Stone greeting President Reagan in 1985

Stone went on to serve as chief strategist for Thomas Kean's campaign for Governor of New Jersey in 1981 and for his reelection campaign in 1985.[17]

Stone, the "keeper of the Nixon flame",[53] was an adviser to the former President in his post-presidential years, serving as "Nixon's man in Washington".[54] Stone was a protégé of former Connecticut Governor John Davis Lodge, who introduced the young Stone to former Vice President Nixon in 1967.[55] After Stone was indicted in 2019, the Nixon Foundation released a statement diminishing Stone's ties to Nixon.[56][57][58] John Sears recruited Stone to work in Ronald Reagan's 1980 presidential campaign, coordinating the Northeast. Stone said that Roy Cohn helped him arrange for independent candidate John B. Anderson to get the nomination of the Liberal Party of New York, a move that would help split the opposition to Reagan in the state. Stone said Cohn gave him a suitcase that Stone avoided opening and that, as instructed by Cohn, he dropped off at the office of a lawyer influential in Liberal Party circles. Reagan carried the state with 46% of the vote. Speaking after the statute of limitations for bribery had expired, Stone later said, "I paid his law firm. Legal fees. I don't know what he did for the money, but whatever it was, the Liberal party reached its right conclusion out of a matter of principle."[8]

In 1980, after their key roles in the Reagan campaign, Stone and Manafort decided to go into business together, with partner Charlie Black, creating a political consulting and lobbying firm to cash in on their relationships within the new administration. Black, Manafort & Stone (BMS) became one of Washington D.C.'s first mega-lobbying firms[59][60] and was described as instrumental to the success of Ronald Reagan's 1984 campaign. Republican political strategist Lee Atwater joined the firm in 1985, after serving in the #2 position on Reagan-Bush 1984.

Because of BMS's willingness to represent brutal third-world dictators like Mobutu Sese Seko in Zaire and Ferdinand Marcos in the Philippines, the firm was branded "The Torturers' Lobby". BMS also represented a host of high-powered corporate clients, including Rupert Murdoch's News Corporation, the Tobacco Institute and, starting in the early 1980s, Donald Trump.[61][62][63]

In 1987 and 1988, Stone served as senior adviser to Jack Kemp's presidential campaign, which was managed by consulting partner Charlie Black.[64] In that same election, his other partners worked for George H. W. Bush (Lee Atwater as campaign manager, and Paul Manafort as director of operations in the fall campaign).[65]

In April 1992, Time alleged that Stone was involved with the controversial Willie Horton advertisements to aid George H. W. Bush's 1988 presidential campaign, which were targeted against Democratic opponent Michael Dukakis.[66] Stone has said that he urged Lee Atwater not to include Horton in the ad.[17] Stone denied making or distributing the advertisement, and said it was Atwater's doing.[17]

In the 1990s, Stone and Manafort sold their business. Although their careers went in different directions, their relationship remained close.[citation needed]

1990s: Early work with Donald Trump, Dole 1996

[edit]

In 1995, Stone was the president of Republican Senator Arlen Specter's campaign for the 1996 Republican Party presidential primaries.[67] Specter withdrew early in the campaign season with less than 2% support.

Stone was for many years a lobbyist for Donald Trump on behalf of his casino business[18] and also was involved in opposing expanded casino gambling in the state of New York, a position that brought him into conflict with Governor George Pataki.[68]

Stone resigned from a post as a consultant to the 1996 presidential campaign for Senator Bob Dole after the National Enquirer reported that Stone had placed ads and pictures on websites and swingers' publications seeking sexual partners for himself and Nydia Bertran Stone, his second wife. Stone initially denied the report.[39][43] On the Good Morning America program he falsely stated, "An exhaustive investigation now indicates that a domestic employee, who I discharged for substance abuse on the second time that we learned that he had a drug problem, is the perpetrator who had access to my home, access to my computer, access to my password, access to my postage meter, access to my post-office box key."[39] In a 2008 interview with The New Yorker, Stone admitted that the ads were authentic.[17]

2000s: Florida recount, Killian memos, conflict with Eliot Spitzer

[edit]

In the 2000 presidential election, Stone served as the campaign manager for Donald Trump's aborted campaign for President in the 2000 Reform Party presidential primaries.[17] Investigative journalist Wayne Barrett accused Stone of persuading Trump to publicly consider a run for the Reform nomination to sideline Pat Buchanan and sabotage the Reform Party in an attempt to lower their vote total to benefit George W. Bush's campaign.[69]

Later that year, according to Stone and the film Recount, Stone was recruited by James Baker to assist with public relations during the Florida recount.

The Brooks Brothers riot was a demonstration led by Republican staffers at a meeting of election canvassers in Miami-Dade County, Florida, on November 22, 2000, during a recount of votes made during the 2000 United States presidential election, with the goal of shutting down the recount. After demonstrations and acts of violence, local officials shut down the recount early.

The name referenced the protesters' corporate attire; described by Paul Gigot in an editorial for The Wall Street Journal as "50-year-old white lawyers with cell phones and Hermès ties", differentiating them from local citizens concerned about vote counting. Many of the demonstrators were Republican staffers. Both Roger Stone and Brad Blakeman take credit for managing the riot from a command post, although their accounts contradict each other. Republican New York Representative John E. Sweeney gave the signal that started the riot, telling an aide to "shut it down".

In the 2002 New York gubernatorial election, Stone was associated with the campaign of businessman Thomas Golisano for governor of New York State.[68]

During the 2004 presidential campaign, Stone was an advisor (apparently unpaid) to Al Sharpton, a candidate in the Democratic primaries.[70] Defending Stone's involvement, Sharpton said, "I've been talking to Roger Stone for a long time. That doesn't mean that he's calling the shots for me. Don't forget that Bill Clinton was doing more than talking to Dick Morris."[71] Critics suggested that Stone was only working with Sharpton as a way to undermine the Democratic Party's chances of winning the election. Sharpton denies that Stone had any influence over his campaign.[72]

In that election a blogger accused Stone of responsibility for the Kerry–Specter campaign materials which were circulated in Pennsylvania.[73] Such signs were considered controversial because they were seen as an effort to get Democrats who supported Kerry to vote for then Republican Senator Arlen Specter in heavily Democratic Philadelphia.[citation needed]

During the 2004 general election, Stone was accused by then-DNC Chairman Terry McAuliffe of forging the Killian memos that led CBS News to report that President Bush had not fulfilled his service obligations while enlisted in the Texas Air National Guard. McAuliffe cited a report in the New York Post in his accusations. For his part, Stone denied having forged the documents.[17][74]

In 2007, Stone, a top adviser at the time to Joseph Bruno (the Majority Leader of the New York State Senate), was forced to resign by Bruno after allegations that Stone had threatened Bernard Spitzer, the then-83-year-old father of Democratic gubernatorial candidate Eliot Spitzer.[75][76] On August 6, 2007, an expletive-laced message was left on the elder Spitzer's answering machine threatening to prosecute the elderly man if he did not implicate his son in wrongdoing. Bernard Spitzer hired a private detective agency that traced the call to the phone of Roger Stone's wife. Roger Stone denied leaving the message, despite the fact that his voice was recognized, claiming he was at a movie that was later shown not to have been screened that night. Stone was accused on an episode of Hardball with Chris Matthews on August 22, 2007, of being the voice on an expletive-laden voicemail threatening Bernard Spitzer, father of Eliot, with subpoenas.[77][78] Donald Trump is quoted as saying of the incident, "They caught Roger red-handed, lying. What he did was ridiculous and stupid."[17]

Stone consistently denied the reports. Thereafter, however, he resigned from his position as a consultant to the New York State Senate Republican Campaign Committee at Bruno's request.[76]

In January 2008, Stone founded Citizens United Not Timid, an anti-Hillary Clinton 527 group with an intentionally obscene acronym.[79]

Stone is featured in Boogie Man: The Lee Atwater Story, documentary on Lee Atwater made in 2008. He also was featured in Client 9: The Rise and Fall of Eliot Spitzer, the 2010 documentary of the Eliot Spitzer prostitution scandal.

Former Trump aide Sam Nunberg considers Stone his mentor during this time, and "surrogate father".[80]

2010–2014: Libertarian Party involvement and other political activity

[edit]

In February 2010, Stone became campaign manager for Kristin Davis, a madam linked with the Eliot Spitzer prostitution scandal, in her bid for the Libertarian Party nomination for governor of New York in the 2010 election. Stone said that the campaign "is not a hoax, a prank or a publicity stunt. I want to get her a half-million votes."[81] However, he later was spotted at a campaign rally for Republican gubernatorial candidate Carl Paladino,[82] of whom Stone has spoken favorably.[83] Stone admittedly had been providing support and advice to both campaigns on the grounds that the two campaigns had different goals: Davis was seeking to gain permanent ballot access for her party, and Paladino was in the race to win (and was Stone's preferred candidate). As such, Stone did not believe he had a conflict of interest in supporting both candidates.[84] While working for the Davis campaign, Warren Redlich, the Libertarian nominee for Governor, alleged that Stone collaborated with a group entitled "People for a Safer New York" to send a flyer labeling Redlich a "sexual predator" and "sick, twisted pervert" on the basis of a blog post Redlich had made in 2008.[85] Redlich later sued Stone in a New York court for defamation over the flyers, and sought $20 million in damages. However, the jury in the case returned a verdict in favor of Stone in December 2017, finding that Redlich failed to prove Stone was involved with the flyers.[86]

Stone volunteered as an unpaid adviser to comedian Steve Berke ("a libertarian member of his so-called After Party") in his 2011 campaign for mayor of Miami Beach, Florida in 2012.[87] Berke lost the race to incumbent Mayor Matti Herrera Bower.[88]

In February 2012, Stone said that he had changed his party affiliation from the Republican Party to the Libertarian Party. Stone predicted a "Libertarian moment" in 2016 and the end of the Republican party.[89]

In June 2012, Stone said that he was running a super PAC in support of former New Mexico governor and Libertarian presidential candidate Gary Johnson, whom he had met at a Reason magazine Christmas party two years earlier.[90] Stone told The Huffington Post that Johnson had a real role to play, although "I have no allusions [sic] of him winning."[90]

Stone with a fan in 2014

Stone considered running as a Libertarian candidate for governor of Florida in 2014, but in May 2013, he said in a statement that he would not run, and that he wanted to devote himself to campaigning in support of the 2014 Florida Amendment 2 referendum legalizing medical cannabis.[91]

2015–2019: Donald Trump campaign and media commentary

[edit]

Roger Stone was an adviser to the 2016 presidential campaign of Donald Trump.[92] He left the campaign in August 2015, with Stone saying he resigned and Trump saying he was fired.[93] Despite this, Stone continued to support Trump.[94] Stone wrote an op-ed for Business Insider on how Trump could still win.[95] Even after being called a "stone-cold loser" by Trump in 2008, Trump later praised him on Alex Jones' radio show, which Stone arranged.[96] Stone remained an informal adviser and media surrogate for Trump throughout the campaign.[97]

Stone considered running in the 2016 United States Senate election in Florida for the Libertarian nomination but did not enter.[98] During the 2016 campaign, Stone was banned from CNN and MSNBC after making offensive Twitter posts about TV personalities like Ana Navarro ("entitled diva bitch" and imagined her "killing herself") and Roland Martin ("stupid negro" and a "fat negro").[99][100][101] Erik Wemple, media writer for The Washington Post, described Stone's tweets as "nasty" and "bigoted".[100] In June 2016, Stone admitted some regret for his comments on Martin.[99]

In March 2016, the National Enquirer published a story about Ted Cruz's alleged extramarital affairs, quoting Stone.[102] Cruz denied the claims and accused Stone and the Trump campaign of orchestrating a smear.[102] Cruz called Stone a "dirty trickster" and said he encouraged violence, while Stone compared Cruz to Nixon and called him a liar.[103]

In April 2016, Stone formed the pro-Trump group Stop the Steal and threatened "Days of Rage" if Republican leaders denied Trump the nomination at the Republican National Convention.[104][97] The Washington Post reported Stone organized Trump supporters as a force of intimidation and threatened to publicize hotel room numbers of anti-Trump delegates, which Reince Priebus condemned.[97]

After Trump was criticized by Khizr Khan at the 2016 Democratic National Convention, Stone defended Trump and accused Khan of sympathizing with the enemy.[105] According to The Times of Israel, Stone was in contact with well-connected Israelis during the campaign, with one promising "critical intell[sic]."[106][23]

The 2017 Netflix documentary Get Me Roger Stone focused on Stone's life and career. When asked about his sexuality, Stone replied, "I'm trysexual. I've tried everything".[107] Stone criticized Saudi Arabia and Trump's visit to Riyadh, suggesting the Saudi government or royal family supported the September 11 attacks and should pay for them.[108][109]

During the campaign, Stone promoted conspiracy theories, including the false claim that Huma Abedin was connected to the Muslim Brotherhood.[110] In December 2018, Stone retracted a false claim that Guo Wengui had donated to Hillary Clinton.[111]

On September 10, 2020, Stone told InfoWars that if Trump lost the 2020 United States presidential election, he should consider declaring martial law under the Insurrection Act, seize ballots in Nevada, and arrest business and political figures like Tim Cook, Mark Zuckerberg, and the Clintons, and shut down The Daily Beast for "seditious" activities.[112][113] Stone also said the president should arrest The Daily Beast staff for "seditious" activities.[114]

After the 2020 election, Stone spread false claims of voter fraud, including one about North Korean boats delivering ballots to Maine, which the Secretary of State of Maine dismissed as baseless.[115] Stone called Trump "the greatest president since Abraham Lincoln" in a 2020 interview.[116] Stone has said he would support Trump in a 2024 run and criticized Ron DeSantis for "disloyalty".[117]

Stone supported Russia during its 2022 invasion of Ukraine, claiming Vladimir Putin was acting defensively to stop a non-existent U.S.-funded biological weapons program.[118][119]

2020s: Canada political organizing, radio host

[edit]

On April 25, 2022, the Ontario Party announced that Stone had joined their campaign team as a Senior Strategic Advisor for the 2022 Ontario general election.[120] According to the media release issued by the Ontario Party, Stone had previously joined party leader Derek Sloan to address the party's candidate convention and criticized Ontario Premier Doug Ford's approach to conservatism.[120]

In June 2023, Stone launched The Roger Stone Show on WABC radio, which became syndicated in September 2024.[121] Stone became a weekday host on WABC in February 2025.

Proud Boys ties

[edit]
Main article: Proud Boys § Connection with Roger Stone

In early 2018, ahead of an appearance at the annual Republican Dorchester Conference in Salem, Oregon, Stone sought out the Proud Boys, a radical right group known for street violence, to act as his "security" for the event; photos posted online showed Stone drinking with several Proud Boys.[122][123][124] After his arraignment at the Miami federal courthouse in January 2019, they joined him on its steps holding signs that read, "Roger Stone is innocent," and promoting right-wing conspiracy theorist Alex Jones and his InfoWars website. Proud Boys founder Gavin McInnes said Stone was "one of the three approved media figures allowed to speak" about the group. When Stone was asked by a local reporter about the Proud Boys' claim that he had been initiated as a member of the group, he responded by calling the reporter a member of the Communist Party.[124] He is particularly close to the group's former leader, Enrique Tarrio, who has commercially monetized his position.[124] At a televised Trump rally in Miami, Florida, on February 18, 2019, Tarrio was seated directly behind President Trump wearing a "Roger Stone did nothing wrong" tee shirt.[125]

The Washington Post reported in February 2021 that the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) was investigating any role Stone might have had in influencing the Proud Boys and Oath Keepers in their participation in the 2021 storming of the United States Capitol.[126]

Connections with WikiLeaks and Russian espionage before the 2016 United States elections

[edit]
Further information: Russian interference in the 2016 United States elections and Mueller special counsel investigation
Roger Stone indictment for one count of obstruction of an official proceeding, five counts of false statements, and one count of witness tampering
Stone making the V sign after his arrest and indictment, on January 25, 2019

During the 2016 campaign, Roger Stone was accused by Hillary Clinton 2016 presidential campaign chairman John Podesta of having prior knowledge of the publishing by WikiLeaks of Podesta's private emails obtained by Russian hackers.[127] Stone tweeted before the leak, "It will soon [sic] the Podesta's time in the barrel." Five days before the leak, Stone tweeted, "Wednesday Hillary Clinton is done. #Wikileaks."[128] Stone denied having advance knowledge of the Podesta email hack or any connection to Russian intelligence, stating his tweet referred to reports of the Podesta Group's ties to Russia.[129][130] In his opening statement before the United States House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence on September 26, 2017, Stone reiterated this claim.[131]

Stone admitted he had established a back-channel with WikiLeaks founder Julian Assange to obtain information on Hillary Clinton, naming Randy Credico as his intermediary.[132][127][131] A January 2019 indictment claimed Stone communicated with additional contacts knowledgeable about WikiLeaks' plans.[133][134] The FBI investigated Stone's contacts with Russian operatives, including direct messaging with Guccifer 2.0, a persona linked to Russian military intelligence.[135] U.S. intelligence agencies believe Guccifer 2.0 was a persona created by Russian intelligence to obscure its role in the DNC hack.[136] The Guccifer 2.0 persona was ultimately linked to an IP address associated with the Russian military GRU intelligence agency in Moscow.[137]

In March 2017, the Senate Intelligence Committee asked Stone to preserve all documents related to any Russian contacts.[138] Stone denied wrongdoing and expressed willingness to testify.[128] The Committee's final report in August 2020 found that Stone had access to WikiLeaks and that Trump had spoken to Stone and other associates about it multiple times. The Committee also found that WikiLeaks "very likely knew it was assisting a Russian intelligence influence effort".[139][140][141]

Congressional testimony and social media conduct

[edit]

On September 26, 2017, Stone testified before the House Intelligence Committee behind closed doors and made personal attacks on Democratic committee members.[142] On October 28, 2017, Stone's Twitter account was suspended for targeted abuse of CNN personnel.[143] Stone also sent threatening messages to witness Randy Credico, warning him against testifying and making threats regarding his safety and that of his dog.[144][145][146][147][148]

Charges

[edit]

Arrest and indictment

[edit]

On January 25, 2019, Stone was arrested at his Fort Lauderdale, Florida home by FBI agents on seven criminal charges: one count of obstructing an official proceeding, five counts of false statements, and one count of witness tampering.[149][25][150] He was released on a $250,000 bond and vowed to fight the charges, which he called politically motivated.[151][152] Prosecutors alleged that after the first WikiLeaks release of hacked DNC emails in July 2016, a senior Trump campaign official was directed to contact Stone about any additional releases and determine what other damaging information WikiLeaks had regarding the Clinton campaign. Stone then told the Trump campaign about potential future releases of damaging material by WikiLeaks.[133][153]

On February 18, 2019, Stone posted on Instagram a photo of the federal judge overseeing his case, Amy Berman Jackson, with what resembled rifle scope crosshairs next to her head. Later that day, Stone filed an apology with the court. Jackson then imposed a full gag order on Stone, citing her belief that Stone would "pose a danger" to others without the order.[154]

Trial and conviction

[edit]

Stone's trial began on November 6, 2019, at the United States District Court for the District of Columbia.[155] Randy Credico testified that Stone urged and threatened him to prevent him from testifying to Congress.[156] Stone had testified to Congress that Credico was his WikiLeaks go-between, but prosecutors said this was a lie in order to protect Jerome Corsi. During the November 12 testimony, former Trump campaign deputy chairman Rick Gates testified that Stone told campaign associates in April 2016 of WikiLeaks' plans to release documents, far earlier than previously known. Gates also testified that Trump had spoken with Stone about the forthcoming releases.[157]

On November 15, 2019, after a week-long trial and two days of deliberations, the jury convicted Stone on all counts: obstruction, making false statements, and witness tampering.[158][159][160]

Sentencing, intervention, and clemency

[edit]
December 2020 pardon granted by Donald Trump

On February 20, 2020, Judge Amy Berman Jackson sentenced Stone to 40 months in federal prison and a $20,000 fine, but allowed him to delay the start of his sentence pending resolution of post-trial motions.[161] The Justice Department's original recommendation of seven to nine years was reduced after intervention by senior officials, following public criticism by President Trump.[162] This led to all four prosecutors withdrawing from the case.[163] The intervention was widely criticized as political interference in the U.S. justice system.[164]

On July 10, 2020, President Trump commuted Stone's sentence, removing his jail time days before he was to report to prison.[164] On December 23, 2020, Trump issued a full pardon to Stone.[165]

2020 United States presidential election, January 6 United States Capitol attack and later political career

[edit]
Main article: January 6 United States Capitol attack

On November 5, 2020, two days after the presidential election, Stone dictated a message saying that "any legislative body" that has "overwhelming evidence of fraud" can choose their own electors to cast Electoral College votes.[166]

A video released to the public in August 2023 showed that Stone had been pushing to overturn the states' election results two days before the election was called for Joe Biden. According to the New Republic, this contradicted Donald Trump's defense that he and his allies genuinely believed they had won the race.[167]

On December 12, at a Washington, DC rally, Stone urged followers to "fight until the bitter end".[168] He appeared at the "Stop the Steal" rally on January 5, at Freedom Plaza, telling the crowd that the president's enemies sought "nothing less than the heist of the 2020 election and we say, No way!" And "... we will win this fight or America will step off into a thousand years of darkness. We dare not fail. I will be with you tomorrow shoulder to shoulder."[169][170]

The Washington Post reported that video footage showed Stone meeting with the Oath Keepers, a militia group indicted for seditious conspiracy for their role in the storming of the Capitol, on the day of the attack. In the weeks afterwards he pressured the Trump administration for a pardon of all Members of Congress who supported overturning the 2020 election, including Ted Cruz, Josh Hawley, Jim Jordan, and Matt Gaetz.[171]

On November 22, 2021, the House Select Committee on the January 6 Attack subpoenaed Stone and Alex Jones for testimony and documents by December 17 and 6, respectively.[172] Stone agreed to appear before the committee, but invoked the Fifth Amendment and refused to answer the committee's questions during a 51 minute period.[173][174] Stone also sued to prevent a subpoena of his AT&T cell phone metadata by the committee.[175] The committee also revealed ties between Stone and the Proud Boys extremist group.[176]

On December 23, 2021, Stone urged a judge to dismiss a lawsuit filed against him by eight Capitol Police officers, alleging that he is responsible for inciting a crowd of former President Donald Trump's supporters to riot on January 6, 2021.[177] Video evidence later surfaced of him telling Trump supporters on November 2, 2020, that they had "the right to violence."[178]

In January 2024, further controversy arose from a tape being released in which Stone discusses assassinating Democratic politicians Eric Swalwell and Jerry Nadler.[179] Stone denied the recording as a "poorly fabricated AI-generated fraud", while it was reported that the US Capitol Police were investigating the matter after the audio's release.[180]

In 2025, Stone accused the Navy veteran, former astronaut, and current Arizona Democratic Senator Mark Kelly of treason and called for his execution for questioning Trump's crypto connections, meme coins and activities.[181]

Personal life

[edit]

Stone married his first wife Anne Elizabeth Wesche in 1974. Using the name Ann E.W. Stone, she founded the group Republicans for Choice in 1989. They divorced in 1990.[182] Stone has been married to Nydia Bertran Stone since 1992.

In 1999, Stone credited his facial appearance to "decades of following a regimen of Chinese herbs, breathing therapies, tai chi and acupuncture."[43]

Federal civil tax evasion suit

[edit]

In April 2021, the Justice Department filed a civil suit against Stone and his wife to recover about $2 million (~$2.28 million in 2024) in alleged unpaid federal taxes, asserting they had used a commercial entity to shield their income and fund their personal expenses.[183][184] In 2022, Stone agreed to pay more than $2 million in taxes as part of a settlement.[185]

Fashion

[edit]

Stone commented on men's fashion in Stone on Style publishing his famous "Mr. Stone's Annual Best & Worst Dressed" list for a number of years,[186] since Richard Blackwell, originator of the concept, passed away in 2008. Stone returned to published his list for the 16th year in 2024, after missing years in the 2020s for due to being "gagged from all public communication by a federal judge" and because his wife "had just been diagnosed with stage 4 cancer".[187] He expounds on his fashion sense in his book Stone's Rules: How to Win at Politics, Business, and Style (Skyhorse Publishing, 2018) where he poses in his Rule #18: “White shirt + tan face = confidence”[188] and in his Rule #51: “Casual dress doesn’t excuse bad taste—no sports jerseys unless you’re an athlete.”[189]

Stone's personal style has been described as flamboyant.[70][190] In a 2007 Weekly Standard profile written by Matt Labash, Stone was described as a "lord of mischief" and the "boastful black prince of Republican sleaze".[8][191] Labash wrote that Stone "often sets his pronouncements off with the utterance 'Stone's Rules,' signifying to listeners that one of his shot-glass commandments is coming down, a pithy dictate uttered with the unbending certitude one usually associates with the Book of Deuteronomy." Examples of Stone's Rules include "Politics with me isn't theater. It's performance art, sometimes for its own sake."[8]

Stone does not wear socks – a fact that Nancy Reagan brought to her husband's attention during his 1980 presidential campaign.[192] Labash described him as "a dandy by disposition who boasts of having not bought off-the-rack since he was 17", who has "taught reporters how to achieve perfect double-dimples underneath their tie knots".[191] Washington journalist Victor Gold has noted Stone's reputation as one of the "smartest dressers" in Washington.[193] Stone's longtime tailor is Alan Flusser. Stone dislikes single-vent jackets (describing them as the sign of a "heathen"), saying he owns 100 silver-colored neckties and has 100 suits in storage.[8] Fashion stories have been written about him in GQ and Penthouse.[8] Stone has written of his dislike for jeans and ascots and has praised seersucker three-piece suits, as well as Madras jackets in the summertime and velvet blazers in the winter.[194][195]

Stone wears a diamond pinky ring in the shape of a horseshoe and in 2007 he had Richard Nixon's face tattooed on his back.[8] He has said: "I like English tailoring, I like Italian shoes. I like French wine. I like vodka martinis with an olive, please. I like to keep physically fit."[196] Stone's office in Florida has been described as a "Hall of Nixonia" with framed pictures, posters, bongs,[197] and letters associated with Nixon.[8]

Books

[edit]
  • Stone, Roger (November 4, 2013). The Man Who Killed Kennedy: The Case Against LBJ. New York City, New York: Skyhorse Publishing. ISBN 978-1626363137. (with Mike Colapietro)
  • Stone, Roger (August 11, 2014). Nixon's Secrets: The Rise, Fall and Untold Truth about the President, Watergate, and the Pardon. New York City, New York: Skyhorse Publishing. ISBN 978-1629146034. (with Mike Colapietro)
  • Stone, Roger (October 13, 2015). The Clintons' War on Women. New York City, New York: Skyhorse Publishing. ISBN 978-1510706781. (with Robert Morrow)
  • Stone, Roger (February 16, 2016). Jeb! and the Bush Crime Family: The Inside Story of an American Dynasty. New York City, New York: Skyhorse Publishing. ISBN 978-1510706798. (with Saint John Hunt)
  • Stone, Roger (January 31, 2017). The Making of the President 2016: How Donald Trump Orchestrated a Revolution. New York City, New York: Skyhorse Publishing. ISBN 978-1510726925. (paperback edition adds "Introduction 2019")
  • Stone, Roger (May 8, 2018). Stone's Rules: How to Win at Politics, Business, and Style. New York City, New York: Skyhorse Publishing. ISBN 978-1510740082.
  • Stone, Roger (February 19, 2019). The Myth of Russian Collusion: The Inside Story of How Donald Trump REALLY Won. New York City, New York: Skyhorse Publishing. ISBN 978-1510749368.

See also

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Notes

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References

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Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia

Roger Stone

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from Grokipedia

Roger Jason Stone Jr. (born August 27, 1952) is an American political consultant, strategist, and lobbyist renowned for his extensive involvement in Republican campaigns and operations spanning over five decades. Stone entered politics as a teenager, initially supporting Democratic candidate before aligning with Republicans during the Nixon era, where he worked as a scheduler in the 1972 campaign and embraced aggressive tactics amid the . In the , he contributed to Ronald Reagan's campaigns and co-founded the influential lobbying firm , which specialized in and advocacy for Republican causes. His career emphasized direct-mail , media , and building coalitions, earning him a reputation as a pragmatic operative focused on electoral victories over ideological purity. Stone's association with dates to the late 1980s, when he urged the real estate developer to pursue the , later advising informal strategies during the 2016 campaign until his departure in August 2015, after which he continued public support and commentary. In 2019, he was convicted on seven felony counts—including obstruction, false statements to , and —stemming from a investigation into 2016 election interference, with charges centered on his communications regarding releases; President Trump commuted his sentence in July 2020 and issued a full in December 2020. Stone has authored books critiquing political opponents and maintains that his legal troubles reflected partisan overreach rather than substantive wrongdoing.

Early Life and Entry into Politics

Family background and formative influences

Roger Jason Stone Jr. was born on August 27, 1952, in , to Roger J. Stone, a well driller and businessman, and Gloria Rose Corbo, who worked as a small-town reporter and was active in local school affairs. Raised in a middle-class Catholic family of Hungarian and Italian descent in the Vista area of , Stone grew up in a suburban environment that emphasized traditional values amid the social upheavals of the . His family's modest circumstances instilled an early appreciation for , as Stone later reflected on the working-class ethos shaping his worldview, contrasting with elite norms he would come to challenge. Stone's political awakening occurred in childhood, sparked by Barry Goldwater's 1964 presidential campaign, which promoted and individual liberty against perceived liberal overreach. At around age 12, while living in northern Westchester County, he read Goldwater's and volunteered by distributing campaign literature, an experience that crystallized his conservative principles and aversion to collectivist policies. The landslide defeat of Goldwater to devastated the young Stone, who reportedly abstained from eating for days and wept over the outcome, reinforcing a resilient, outlook that viewed electoral losses as battles in a longer war against entrenched power structures. These early exposures cultivated Stone's realist perspective on politics, influenced by biographies of figures like , whose pragmatic maneuvering against media and institutional adversaries mirrored Stone's emerging skepticism toward narrative-driven journalism and bureaucratic elites. Such readings fostered a causal understanding of power as a contest of wills rather than ideals alone, prioritizing strategic disruption over conformity and laying the groundwork for his lifelong emphasis on unyielding advocacy for underdog conservative causes.

Education and initial political engagements

Stone attended in , beginning in the fall of 1970, where he majored in . He remained enrolled for approximately five years but did not complete a degree, ultimately to pursue full-time involvement in political campaigns. During his time at the university, Stone engaged actively in Republican student organizations, including the Club, where he organized events such as inviting , deputy director of Nixon's Committee to Re-elect the President (CREEP), to speak in 1972. He also served as president of the District of Columbia , leveraging these roles to build early networks in conservative politics. At age 19, while still a student, Stone volunteered for Richard Nixon's re-election campaign through CREEP, handling scheduling and other operational tasks that marked his entry into organized political operations. This involvement introduced him to tactics later associated with his career, though he was not yet a central figure in the campaign's higher-level strategies.

Political Consulting Career

1970s: Nixon administration, Watergate involvement, and early campaigns

At age 19, while a student at , Roger Stone volunteered for President Richard Nixon's 1972 re-election campaign after placing a pro-Nixon advertisement in his college newspaper, which led to his recruitment as a junior scheduler and youth coordinator. In this role, Stone coordinated logistics for campaign events and served as the contact for youth Republican groups supporting Nixon, contributing to the campaign's mobilization of younger voters amid a on , 1972, where Nixon secured 520 electoral votes to George McGovern's 17. Following the election, Stone joined the Committee to Re-elect the President (CREEP), Nixon's campaign organization, where he participated in operational tasks during the emerging Watergate investigations. He managed aspects of "Sedan Chair II," a CREEP initiative aimed at gathering intelligence on Democratic opponents, including recruiting operatives to monitor George McGovern's campaign activities. Stone's efforts included early "dirty tricks" such as using the "Jason Rainer" to donate $100 to anti-war Republican Pete McCloskey's against Nixon, then leaking the contribution—falsely attributed to the Young Socialist Alliance—to the Union-Leader newspaper to discredit McCloskey. These tactics, while yielding short-term disruptions, drew scrutiny in 1973 congressional hearings on Watergate, though Stone faced no charges and maintained that his actions remained within legal bounds. As Watergate intensified, leading to Nixon's resignation on August 9, 1974, Stone transitioned away from the administration, avoiding formal roles documented in presidential diaries. He then supported Ronald Reagan's 1976 Republican primary challenge to incumbent , focusing on delegate organization in key states to contest Ford's nomination at the Kansas City convention, where Reagan garnered 1,070 delegates to Ford's 1,187 despite falling short. During this period, Stone co-founded youth-oriented conservative groups, including efforts tied to the National Youth Alliance, emphasizing mobilization and anonymous mailers to influence voter perceptions in local races, tactics that Stone later described as effective for short-term gains but ethically contentious.

1980s: Reagan-Bush transitions, lobbying foundations, and GOP strategies

Stone contributed to 's 1980 presidential campaign as an aide, supporting efforts that led to the Republican ticket's over incumbent , securing 489 electoral votes to Carter's 49. In the same year, Stone co-founded , the first major firm to integrate with services, representing U.S. corporate clients including tobacco companies and generating substantial revenue through influence on policy and regulations. The firm's model capitalized on Reagan-era and tax cuts, blending campaign tactics with client advocacy amid expanding federal oversight, though it drew scrutiny for blurring lines between and private gain. During Reagan's re-election, Stone served as regional director across 13 northeastern states, targeting blue-collar ethnic voters in key swing areas like New York and , maneuvers credited with bolstering turnout that amplified the 525-to-13 electoral landslide. This focus on working-class demographics exemplified GOP strategies to expand beyond traditional bases, prioritizing causal voter mobilization over broad appeals. In George H.W. Bush's 1988 campaign, Stone advised on operations, directing the effort and shaping media strategies that secured the state's 47 electoral votes despite internal GOP primaries, including tactics amid controversies like negative advertising on opponent . These contributions aided Bush's 426-to-111 win, emphasizing targeted state-level execution over national narratives. Throughout the decade, Stone's lobbying for Donald Trump's Atlantic City casino ventures, starting in the early 1980s via introductions from , fostered initial alliances by addressing regulatory hurdles for properties like the Trump Plaza, laying groundwork for future political collaborations without direct campaign involvement.

1990s: Collaborations with Trump, Dole campaign, and independent ventures

In 1996, Stone volunteered as an unpaid consultant to Bob Dole's presidential campaign, serving on the "Clinton accountability team" tasked with exposing inconsistencies and ethical issues in President Bill Clinton's record, including scandals like Whitewater. His strategic disagreements with Dole's inner circle over aggressive tactics exacerbated tensions, but Stone's resignation on September 12, 1996, was precipitated by a tabloid revelation of personal advertisements he and his wife had placed in Swingers Illustrated, a magazine seeking "exceptional belladonnas" for adventurous encounters, which the campaign deemed a liability. This episode, amid broader GOP efforts to purge controversial figures, marginalized Stone from establishment circles and highlighted his willingness to employ provocative methods. Throughout the decade, Stone maintained close ties with , lobbying on behalf of Trump's Atlantic City casino operations to navigate regulatory and political hurdles in . Building on his late-1980s efforts to draft Trump for a presidential bid, Stone continued advocating for Trump's national ambitions, including soliciting him for the 1990 New York gubernatorial race and, by early 1998, urging a full presidential run while temporarily basing operations in to refine messaging. These collaborations positioned Trump as a potential GOP disruptor, with Stone facilitating introductions between Trump's business interests and Republican influencers, though Trump's flirtation with the Reform Party in 1999–2000 ultimately faltered without securing the nomination. Post-resignation from Dole and following the mid-1990s sale of his former firm Black, Manafort, Stone & Kelly to Burson-Marsteller, Stone pursued independent consulting, focusing on select U.S. races and for business clients amid a shift toward less conventional GOP strategies. His work emphasized critiques, including public commentary on Clinton-era failures, which aligned with his Dole-era focus but extended into broader media appearances challenging the administration's integrity on issues like financial improprieties. This period marked Stone's transition from party insider to freelance operative, prioritizing outsider alliances like his Trump partnership over traditional Republican hierarchies.

2000s: Florida election recount, media document controversies, and Spitzer confrontations

In November 2000, during the disputed presidential following the close contest between and , Stone coordinated Republican operatives and staffers to protest outside the Miami-Dade County election canvassing board. On November 22, this action, known as the Brooks Brothers Riot, involved approximately 300 demonstrators chanting slogans such as "Stop the fraud" and "Stop the steal," which physically disrupted the manual recount process and pressured officials to halt it after counting only a fraction of undervoted ballots. The disruption contributed to the canvassing board's decision to certify the county's results without completing the full manual review, aiding Bush's certification as Florida's winner by 537 votes and securing his victory. Stone later acknowledged his role in recruiting and mobilizing the protesters, describing the effort as a necessary intervention to counter perceived Democratic attempts to manipulate the vote count through selective recounting in Democratic-leaning areas. In September 2004, amid the , aired a 60 Minutes II segment on September 8 featuring memos purportedly from the personal files of Lt. Col. Jerry Killian, Bush's former commander, alleging Bush had received preferential treatment and failed to meet service obligations during the era. The documents were quickly scrutinized by independent experts, who identified typographic inconsistencies—such as superscripted "th" characters and proportional fonts inconsistent with 1970s typewriters—indicating they were modern forgeries. Stone faced accusations from Democratic figures, including DNC Chairman , of being the source who planted the fake memos to discredit and Rather, though Stone denied any involvement in their creation or dissemination. issued an apology on September 20, 2004, admitting failure to authenticate the documents, which led to Rather's as anchor in March 2005 and highlighted lapses in media verification processes. Stone targeted New York Governor Eliot Spitzer, a Democrat known for aggressive prosecutions of financial misconduct, by alerting federal authorities to evidence of Spitzer's patronage of high-end prostitution services. In late 2007, Stone's attorney contacted the FBI with information, including client records from an escort service, suggesting Spitzer's involvement dating back to his time as state attorney general; this tip aligned with an ongoing IRS and FBI probe into suspicious financial transactions by "Client 9," later identified as Spitzer. The investigation revealed Spitzer's repeated use of the Emperors Club VIP escort service, culminating in his public admission and resignation on March 12, 2008, after federal wiretaps confirmed arrangements for encounters, including with escort "Kristen" on March 10, 2008. Stone framed his actions as exposing hypocrisy, noting Spitzer's prior crackdowns on similar activities while in office, and emphasized the role of accountability over personal moral judgments.

Advisory Role in Trump Campaigns

Pre-2016 Trump support and predictions

In 1987, Roger Stone urged to explore a presidential candidacy, organizing exploratory efforts including full-page advertisements in major newspapers criticizing U.S. and alliance burdens, as well as campaign-style events in to gauge viability. These initiatives, costing over $94,000, positioned Trump as a potential outsider challenger to the Republican establishment, reflecting Stone's early recognition of Trump's rhetorical appeal to voters disillusioned with conventional . By 1999–2000, Stone advised Trump during his brief flirtation with a Reform Party presidential bid, helping form an and emphasizing Trump's independence from major-party constraints to attract reform-minded voters frustrated with and trade policies. Stone promoted the effort through media appearances, highlighting Trump's business acumen as a counter to career politicians, though Trump withdrew after minimal primary participation, citing party disarray. Following the 2010 midterm elections, Stone intensified public calls for Trump to enter the presidential race, using radio interviews, op-eds, and consultations to critique Republican primaries as rigged for insiders and to forecast Trump's potential to consolidate support from working-class voters overlooked by elite-driven platforms. He argued that Trump's emphasis on economic and messaging would expose GOP vulnerabilities, predicting a base mobilization against figures like by tapping into resentment over and impacts. Stone's advocacy framed Trump not as a traditional conservative but as a pragmatic disruptor aligned with voter priorities on trade deficits and job losses, distinct from ideological litmus tests.

2016 campaign contributions and informal advising

Stone served as an informal advisor to Donald Trump's 2016 presidential campaign from its early stages until his departure on August 8, 2015, amid disagreements over strategic direction, including the campaign's rejection of traditional polling, analytics, and paid media in favor of a communications-focused approach leveraging free media from rallies and debates. During this period, Stone contributed to initial planning, drawing on his decades-long relationship with Trump to encourage a populist messaging strategy that emphasized direct voter appeals over tactics. Following his exit, which Stone described as a resignation rather than a firing, he continued supporting Trump informally through a pro-Trump super PAC and public advocacy, including efforts to monitor voter irregularities in primary states like , , , and to challenge delegate allocations. Stone also pushed for delegate loyalty pledges among Trump supporters at the , publicizing potential defectors to maintain momentum against rivals like . These activities aligned with broader delegate-counting efforts that helped secure Trump's nomination despite intraparty resistance. In the general phase, Stone acted as a media surrogate, appearing on outlets to defend Trump's "" platform against critiques from globalist-oriented Republicans and Democrats, framing the contest as a rejection of elite consensus on and . He provided informal input on resource allocation, recommending a late shift toward states such as , , and , where targeted turnout efforts proved decisive in Trump's victory on November 8, 2016. Stone's counter-narratives against campaign leaks and negative reporting helped sustain public enthusiasm among base voters.

Post-2016 influence and media presence

Following Donald Trump's election victory on November 8, 2016, Roger Stone maintained a visible presence in conservative media circles, frequently appearing on outlets such as to defend the president-elect and later the administration against allegations of coordination with . In interviews, Stone characterized early leaks and scrutiny as orchestrated by bureaucratic holdovers, asserting that such tactics echoed the institutional opposition Nixon encountered in the . These commentaries positioned Stone as a prognosticator whose pre-election warnings about post-victory had materialized, distinguishing his public narrative of vindicated foresight from subsequent legal defenses centered on specific communications. Stone extended this influence through writings that reframed his campaign involvement as strategically prescient. His September 2017 book, The Making of the President 2016: How Orchestrated a Revolution, detailed informal advisory contributions and highlighted predictions like the timing of damaging leaks against , which Stone claimed were validated by events such as the October 2016 release of John Podesta's emails by . The publication, co-authored with Robert Morrow, reinforced Stone's orbit around Trump by attributing the GOP "hostile takeover" to tactics he had long advocated, thereby sustaining his role as an informal commentator amid growing probes. By early 2017, Stone's rhetoric increasingly invoked a "deep state" comprising officials and Obama-era remnants actively resisting Trump's agenda, a concept he tied to Nixon-era precedents of internal subversion rather than mere policy disagreement. In a January , he alleged overreach via FISA warrants obtained under the prior administration, framing it as evidence of coordinated obstruction predating the Mueller investigation. Stone's appearances across networks, including and occasional spots through 2018, amplified these views, where he rejected collusion s as partisan inventions while promoting alternative interpretations of events drawn from his historical analogies. This media footprint, unencumbered by formal campaign ties post-August 2015, allowed Stone to cultivate a of prophetic accuracy in anticipating institutional pushback.

Associations and Group Ties

Connections to the Proud Boys

In early 2018, Roger Stone requested personal security from members of the ahead of public appearances amid reported death threats, including during his speech at the Republican Dorchester in , on March 2–3. The group provided volunteer protection without compensation, as Stone later testified in federal court, attributing the need to harassment and potential violence from antifa activists. Federal prosecutors investigated these ties to the , including leader , as part of a broader probe into threats against Stone following his Mueller investigation indictment, but no charges resulted from the security arrangements. Stone has maintained public associations with the group, appearing alongside Proud Boys leaders such as Tarrio and at events, including a 2020 gathering in where footage captured them together. He has defended the as pro-Western activists countering antifa's street-level aggression, rejecting characterizations of them as a hate group or supremacist organization by outlets like the , which he and supporters argue rely on ideological bias rather than evidence of racial animus or supremacist ideology. The group, self-described as "Western chauvinists," has mobilized supporters for conservative rallies, providing on-the-ground organization to protect speakers from leftist counter-protests, a role Stone credited with enabling free speech in contested environments. Critics, including federal authorities, have disputed these affiliations by highlighting the ' involvement in physical altercations and viewing Stone's ties as indicative of alignment with militant elements, though Stone portrayed the relationship as pragmatic protection rather than ideological endorsement.

Interactions with alternative right networks

Roger Stone has engaged with figures associated with alternative right networks, including publicly praising as a "bold stylish" advocate against in a 2016 blog post, where Stone positioned himself among "Alt-Right" proponents who supported Donald Trump's presidential candidacy. This endorsement highlighted Yiannopoulos's critiques of cultural orthodoxy, aligning with Stone's long-standing opposition to what he viewed as stifling progressive norms in media and politics. In 2018, Stone collaborated with Yiannopoulos on plans to sue technology companies over practices perceived as biased against conservative viewpoints. Stone's interactions extended to broader non-mainstream conservative circles challenging neoconservative dominance within the Republican Party, rooted in his self-described Nixonian pragmatism that prioritized over foreign interventions. He has articulated a non-interventionist stance, explicitly opposing the and distinguishing himself from neoconservatives in interviews. These engagements amplified voices critiquing globalist trade deals and immigration policies, contributing to the populist realignment of conservative networks in the mid-2010s. Opponents, including outlets, have accused Stone of ties to white nationalist elements within alternative right spheres, often citing his associations as evidence of . Such claims, however, rely heavily on guilt-by-association rather than direct of racial ideologies, with Stone refuting them as politically motivated smears intended to discredit networking; empirical review shows no verifiable endorsements of ethnonationalism in his public record, focusing instead on tactical alliances for electoral disruption. These interactions demonstrably boosted anti-globalist messaging, as evidenced by Stone's role in bridging old-guard operatives with emerging online conservative influencers during the cycle.

Investigations into 2016 Election Matters

In August 2016, Roger Stone publicly predicted that would release damaging information on , tweeting on August 10: "I have total confidence that @wikileaks and my hero will educate the American people soon. #LockHerUp." This statement followed Stone's earlier April 2016 communication to a Trump campaign aide, , relaying that possessed forthcoming dumps of Democratic emails, based on what Stone described as insights from a mutual contact with Assange. Stone later characterized such predictions as derived from open-source analysis and indirect channels rather than direct coordination, emphasizing their accuracy as evidence of political acumen rather than illicit activity. Stone also engaged in direct messaging with , the online persona later attributed by U.S. intelligence to Russian operatives, via in August 2016. On August 14, Stone messaged praising the authenticity of leaked documents and inquiring about future releases; responded affirmatively the next day, asking if Stone found "anything interesting" in posted files, to which Stone replied positively. Stone acknowledged these public exchanges but denied any collaboration, asserting they involved no request for or provision of hacked material and were consistent with routine political commentary. The investigation under uncovered evidence of Stone's communications with (referred to as "Organization 1" in filings) and through search warrants on Stone's accounts, but concluded there was insufficient admissible evidence of an agreement or coordination amounting to between the Trump campaign and Russian efforts to interfere via leaks. No charges were brought against Stone for Russian ties or collaboration, though prosecutors later alleged he obstructed related congressional inquiries by misrepresenting these contacts. Defenders, including Stone, pointed to the absence of findings and the predictive timing of leaks as demonstrating no causal involvement, countering narratives of with claims of mere informed speculation amid a broader probe criticized for lacking predicate. Subsequent review by highlighted flaws in the FBI's initiation of the interference investigation, including reliance on unverified intelligence and failure to pursue alternative explanations for leaks, which bolstered arguments that scrutiny of figures like Stone stemmed from an investigation predicated on weak evidentiary foundations rather than substantiated . 's findings did not directly address Stone's specific exchanges but underscored systemic issues in assessing foreign influence claims, aligning with critiques that the probe's origins reflected over rigorous causal analysis of events like the releases.

Scrutiny over Russian interference claims and defenses

The allegations against Roger Stone regarding Russian interference centered on claims that he served as a conduit for advance knowledge of (DNC) email leaks published by in 2016, purportedly coordinated with Russian hacking efforts to aid the Trump campaign. These claims stemmed from Stone's August 2016 Twitter prediction of further leaks involving Hillary Clinton's campaign chairman , followed by communications with associates referencing a potential "Page" (later identified as ) as an intermediary to founder . However, declassified FBI documents and search warrants revealed no direct communications between Stone and Assange or Russian operatives; instead, they documented indirect contacts via intermediaries like radio host , whom Stone described as a "back channel" but who testified to no substantive role in relaying information. Empirical review shows no evidence of payments, directives, or operational coordination between Stone and Russian entities, with consistently denying any ties to and asserting independent publication of hacked materials. Special Counsel Robert Mueller's 2019 report confirmed Russian government efforts to interfere in the 2016 election through hacking and disinformation but explicitly did not establish that the Trump campaign, including Stone, conspired or coordinated with in those efforts. Stone's defenders, including the operative himself, argued that his predictions derived from pattern recognition based on public indicators—such as the DNC hack attributed to Russian actors via —and longstanding familiarity with Assange's operations dating to 2010, rather than privileged insider information from illicit sources. This causal analysis aligns with the absence of forensic links tying Stone's statements to Russian command-and-control servers or direct asset handling, contrasting with broader interference patterns like troll farms. The report's non-conclusion on underscores a lack of prosecutable causal ties, attributing Stone's actions to independent efforts to obtain oppositional rather than foreign-directed subversion. Broader scrutiny highlights flaws in the investigative origins underpinning Russia-related claims against Stone, including reliance on the —a compilation of unverified funded by the campaign and DNC through and law firm . John Durham's 2023 report criticized the FBI for launching and sustaining Crossfire Hurricane (the Russia probe encompassing Stone) on uncorroborated dossier allegations, many of which were later debunked as hearsay from biased or fabricated sources, without adequate predication of criminality. outlets, often aligned with institutional left-leaning perspectives, amplified these unverified narratives—portraying Stone's outreach as presumptive evidence of despite the Mueller report's caveats—while downplaying the dossier's partisan funding and evidentiary voids. Conservative critiques, conversely, emphasize how such amplification sustained a probe narrative unsubstantiated by direct empirical links to Stone, revealing systemic biases in source selection that prioritized politically motivated intelligence over rigorous causal verification.

Federal Prosecutions and Outcomes

Mueller probe origins and Stone's congressional testimony

The FBI initiated the Crossfire Hurricane counterintelligence investigation on July 31, 2016, prompted by reports from Australian diplomats that Trump campaign foreign policy advisor had claimed in May 2016 that Russian officials possessed thousands of emails obtained via hacking. This tip acquired urgency after published emails on July 22, 2016, though subsequent and Durham reviews confirmed the probe's opening relied solely on the Papadopoulos information, not the discredited , while critiquing the FBI's subsequent handling for procedural lapses, unverified assumptions, and failure to pursue alternative explanations like Clinton campaign involvement in related narratives. The Mueller special counsel investigation commenced on May 17, 2017, when Deputy Attorney General Rod Rosenstein appointed former FBI Director Robert Mueller to probe Russian election interference, potential Trump campaign links, and obstruction following President Trump's May 9, 2017, firing of FBI Director James Comey. Critics, including the 2023 Durham report, highlighted evidentiary biases—such as FBI agents' anti-Trump text messages and overreliance on opposition research—as undermining claims of impartiality, though the probe's defenders maintained its predicate was a legitimate foreign influence concern. Roger Stone appeared for closed-door questioning before the House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence (HPSCI) on September 26, 2017, focusing on his public predictions of releases, including his August 4, 2016, tweet forecasting "the summer of Clinton" based on anticipated further disclosures from . Stone outlined a timeline of his statements, attributing foreknowledge to indirect "back-channel" sources rather than direct contact or Russian coordination, and denied campaign tasking for such intelligence. He submitted supporting documents and, in a follow-up letter dated October 13, 2017, identified Randy Credico as a post-prediction intermediary relaying Assange-related comments, while emphasizing no advance specifics on hacked materials. The Department of Justice later asserted Stone's testimony contained false statements about the timing and substance of his intermediaries, including earlier exchanges with consultant predating Credico's involvement, allegedly to obscure efforts to obtain details for the Trump campaign. Stone's legal team countered that any inconsistencies involved immaterial details amid an investigation premised on unsubstantiated collusion theories—later unproven by Mueller's findings—and constituted a selective pursuit amid broader prosecutorial overreach.

Indictment, arrest, and trial proceedings

A federal in the U.S. District Court for the District of Columbia Roger Stone on January 24, 2019, on seven felony counts stemming from the Mueller investigation: one count of obstruction of justice, five counts of to , and one count of . The charges alleged that Stone lied about his efforts to obtain information from and obstructed related congressional inquiries into Russian election interference. On January 25, 2019, FBI agents conducted a predawn raid at Stone's , residence to execute arrest and search warrants, despite Stone's prior offer through counsel to self-surrender. More than a dozen agents arrived with weapons drawn, securing the property amid claims of unnecessary theatrics intended to intimidate, given Stone's lack of prior flight risk indicators beyond possession of firearms on the premises. , the only outlet present, filmed the operation after staking out the location based on publicly available court filings, prompting allegations from Stone and supporters of leaked coordination between authorities and media to maximize public humiliation. Stone pleaded not guilty and was released on a $250,000 bond with GPS monitoring and travel restrictions. Stone's trial commenced on November 6, 2019, before U.S. District Judge , featuring testimony from witnesses including former Trump campaign aide and congressional staff. Prosecutors presented evidence of Stone's communications and alleged threats to a , while the defense argued prosecutorial overreach and lack of underlying crime. The jury began deliberations on November 14, 2019, submitting notes on specific counts and evidence requests amid external media scrutiny, but reached no verdict that day. On November 15, after approximately two hours into the second day, the jury returned unanimous guilty verdicts on all seven counts.

Conviction, sentencing, commutation, and full pardon

On November 15, 2019, following a in the U.S. District Court for of Columbia, Roger Stone was convicted by a on all seven felony counts: one count of obstruction of a congressional investigation, five counts of to the House Intelligence Committee, and one count of . The charges stemmed from Stone's September 2017 testimony and related communications, in which prosecutors alleged he lied about his interactions with intermediary to obtain advance details on releases of hacked Democratic National Committee emails during the 2016 election, and attempted to coerce Corsi into aligning his statements with Stone's. Stone maintained his innocence, arguing the statements were not material to the committee's inquiry into Russian election interference and that no underlying occurred. Stone's sentencing hearing occurred on February 20, 2020, before Judge , who imposed a term of 40 months' , 24 months of supervised release conditioned on 250 hours of , and a $20,000 fine. This fell below the 7-to-9-year recommendation from career prosecutors, who cited Stone's lack of remorse and history of , but exceeded his defense request for , with the judge emphasizing the need to deter lying to . Stone was ordered to report to prison by July 14, 2020, after appeals failed. On July 10, 2020, President commuted Stone's sentence four days before his prison reporting date, eliminating the incarceration and while leaving the on record and requiring no further obligations. The framed the action as correcting an excessive penalty for non-violent offenses tied to political investigations. Trump issued a full and unconditional to Stone on December 23, 2020, erasing the conviction, restoring civil rights, and concluding the matter without admission of guilt. The cited Stone's 67 years of age, pre-existing health conditions amid the , and decades of service to conservative causes, including as a Nixon campaign aide.

Critiques of the process and exoneration arguments

Critics of Roger Stone's federal prosecution emphasized perceived procedural irregularities that undermined the fairness of the trial. U.S. District Judge imposed an initial on February 15, 2019, restricting Stone, his counsel, and related parties from public statements likely to materially prejudice the proceedings, following Stone's courthouse press conferences. The order was expanded on July 16, 2019, after prosecutors demonstrated Stone's violations via posts and media appearances targeting the judge and witnesses, prohibiting Stone from all use related to the case. Stone's attorneys contended these measures excessively limited his ability to defend himself publicly, arguing they prioritized judicial control over constitutional speech rights in a high-profile political matter. Post-trial motions highlighted potential jury impartiality issues, particularly with foreperson Tomeka Hart, who had posted anti-Trump content on and donated $140 to , a Democratic platform, in 2018. Defense filings on February 7, 2020, asserted Hart failed to disclose this during , potentially influencing deliberations on charges of obstructing and false statements tied to a probe critics viewed as politically motivated. Jackson denied a on April 16, 2020, in an 81-page ruling, deeming Hart's statements non-explicitly biased and insufficient to warrant reversal, though skeptics, including legal commentators, questioned whether her undisclosed affiliations compromised the presumption of neutrality in a case intersecting partisan lines. Subsequent oversight reports cast doubt on the investigative foundations precipitating Stone's charges. The Department of Justice Inspector General's December 9, 2019, review of the FBI's Crossfire Hurricane operation documented 17 inaccuracies and omissions in FISA applications underlying the broader interference inquiry, revealing procedural lapses in verification despite no finding of intentional . John Durham's May 2023 report further critiqued the FBI's haste in elevating uncorroborated to full investigation status, noting failures to pursue exculpatory leads and overreliance on raw, unvetted tips, which eroded confidence in the probe's predicates. These disclosures fueled arguments that Stone's scrutiny arose from a flawed predicate, amplifying institutional vulnerabilities in handling politically sensitive . Defenders framed Stone's November 15, 2019, convictions on one count of obstruction, five counts of false statements to , and one count of as "process crimes" absent an underlying substantive offense, given Robert Mueller's non-prosecution of WikiLeaks-related coordination or . From a first-principles standpoint, the materiality of Stone's alleged lies—to inquiries about non-criminal contacts—hinged on the investigation's legitimacy, which reports like Durham's portrayed as predicated on weak causal links rather than empirical collusion evidence. This perspective posits the case exemplified prosecutorial pursuit of peripheral obstructive acts to sustain a narrative of interference, where endurance of legal pressures ultimately highlighted systemic overreach in federal processes targeting Trump associates.

2020 Election Challenges and Aftermath

Roger Stone revived the "Stop the Steal" slogan, which he had previously employed in 2016 to counter challenges to Trump's Republican nomination, as a rallying cry following the results on November 3. The initiative focused on allegations of irregularities in mail-in ballot processing and in key swing states, including unauthorized extensions of deadlines and unexplained statistical shifts in late-night tabulations. Stone coordinated with allies to stage protests in battleground states like , , and Georgia, aiming to pressure officials for forensic audits and full hand recounts of ballots. Supporters of the effort, including Stone, cited thousands of affidavits from poll observers documenting anomalies such as backdated ballots, unsecured drop boxes, and discrepancies between voter rolls and turnout figures exceeding 100% in some precincts. Stone drew parallels to historical contests like the 1960 presidential election, where irregularities in Illinois and Texas were later substantiated but not pursued legally by Richard Nixon to preserve national unity. He publicly emphasized legal avenues, such as demanding chain-of-custody verification for mail ballots and machine audits, over any form of unrest, positioning the campaign as a defense of electoral integrity through evidentiary review. The Stop the Steal push underpinned or aligned with over 60 lawsuits filed by Trump-affiliated plaintiffs in state and federal courts, targeting procedural violations like Pennsylvania's Act 77 expansion of no-excuse mail voting without legislative approval and Georgia's handling of USB drives for ballot data. While federal judges, including Trump appointees, dismissed the majority for insufficient proof of intentional fraud or outcome-determinative errors—ruling issues like standing or laches—some decisions acknowledged isolated procedural flaws, such as Michigan's Antrim County tabulation error initially flipping results by 3,000 votes due to human input mistakes, later corrected without altering statewide totals. Stone maintained these filings exposed systemic vulnerabilities in expanded absentee voting amid the , though mainstream outlets like , often critiqued for left-leaning bias in election coverage, framed the broader initiative as baseless . Critics, including congressional investigators, accused Stone's advocacy of sowing doubt in certified results and indirectly fueling unrest, despite his disavowals of illegal tactics in favor of transparency measures like signature audits. Empirical reviews by entities such as the Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency affirmed no evidence of widespread coordinated fraud capable of swaying the election, yet Stone contended that court dismissals prioritized expediency over merits, citing precedents where affidavits were sidelined without cross-examination. The initiative ultimately failed to reverse certifications by December 14, 2020, but amplified calls for legislative reforms to standardize mail voting rules nationwide.

January 6 Capitol events and Stone's positioning

Roger Stone participated in pre-January 6 activities, including a speech at a "Stop the Steal" rally on January 5, 2021, where he described the gathering as part of an "epic struggle" against election certification. On January 6, he appeared at the MAGA Freedom Rally in Washington, D.C., but public records and video footage from his security team show he left the area before the Capitol breach occurred around 2:00 p.m. Stone has maintained he did not attend the Ellipse rally addressed by then-President Trump or proceed to the Capitol, with no video or testimonial evidence placing him at the site of the violence or showing him directing participants to enter unlawfully. In the immediate aftermath, Stone condemned the use of violence, asserting it contradicted the peaceful protest intent and blaming operational lapses by rally organizers, inadequate security, and possible provocateurs such as Antifa infiltrators for the escalation. He emphasized that the riot's chaos stemmed from failures to maintain order rather than directives from Trump allies, while denying personal involvement in any planning of unlawful acts. The House Select on the January 6 Attack subpoenaed Stone in November 2021, focusing on his communications with rally promoters and ties to security provided by the , at least six of whom entered the Capitol after guarding him earlier that day. During his December 17, 2021, appearance, Stone invoked the Fifth Amendment privilege against for all substantive questions, citing potential exposure to politically motivated probes. The committee highlighted these associations as evidence of broader networks amplifying election challenges, though it produced no direct proof of Stone coordinating the breach itself. No federal charges were brought against Stone for the Capitol events, despite scrutiny over his pre-riot rhetoric and group connections; prosecutors pursued cases against members but not Stone. Defenses of Stone's positioning have referenced FBI confidential human sources embedded in groups like the present on , arguing their intelligence-gathering role may have influenced crowd dynamics, though Justice Department reviews found no undercover agents incited the violence and debunked claims of fabricated provocations like "ghost buses" of informants. This absence of charges underscores a lack of causal evidence linking Stone to the riot's execution, amid critiques of the committee's selective emphasis on Trump-orbit figures from Democrat-majority proceedings.

Subsequent political organizing, including international efforts

Following the events of January 6, 2021, Stone engaged in international by joining the as a senior strategic adviser in April 2022, ahead of the province's June . The party, founded by former Conservative Member of Parliament , pursued populist strategies targeting voter concerns over federal Liberal policies under , including opposition to emergency powers used against the 2022 Freedom Convoy trucker protests. Stone's role involved providing tactical guidance to challenge the Progressive Conservative government of , emphasizing messaging akin to his U.S. efforts, though the party secured only 0.5% of the vote. Domestically, Stone critiqued Republican performance in the 2022 midterm elections, describing results as "disappointing" and attributing subdued turnout to widespread conservative belief in unprobed from 2020, despite lack of systemic evidence uncovered in subsequent reviews. He advocated for deeper state-level scrutiny of voting processes, aligning with ongoing efforts to organize conservative activists around claims of institutional resistance to transparency. Stone's post-2021 activities maintained focus on coordination to counter perceived elite overreach, including tech platform moderation, framing such resistance as a recurring pattern in conservative politics comparable to challenges during Richard Nixon's era. These initiatives sought to sustain momentum from prior election integrity campaigns without direct involvement in broadcast media formats.

Later Professional Activities

Radio hosting and podcasting ventures

Following his full presidential pardon on December 23, 2020, Roger Stone transitioned into radio hosting with the launch of The Roger Stone Show on New York's 77 WABC in June 2023. The program airs Sundays from 3:00 p.m. to 6:00 p.m. Eastern Time, featuring Stone's commentary on current political events, historical parallels, and critiques of establishment narratives. This format provided Stone a platform for direct audience engagement, bypassing filters imposed by mainstream outlets skeptical of his views on topics such as the Mueller investigation's origins. The show's content emphasizes unvarnished analysis, often featuring guests aligned with former President Donald Trump's circle, including , a longtime Trump communications aide, and , the former governor pardoned by Trump. Episodes have addressed issues like election integrity and media distortions, with Stone leveraging his experience to challenge prevailing accounts, such as those surrounding the collusion allegations, which he has consistently described as a hoax based on his involvement in related congressional testimony. The program's distribution on platforms like and extends its reach beyond live radio, allowing on-demand access to segments that attract listeners seeking alternative perspectives. By September 2024, The Roger Stone Show entered national syndication via Red Apple Audio Networks, expanding to nine markets including and Albuquerque, alongside an additional New York-exclusive hour. This growth underscored Stone's ability to build a media presence despite prior attempts by some networks, reflecting demand for his style of discourse among conservative audiences.

Lobbying engagements and consulting post-pardon

Following his full pardon by President on December 23, 2020, Roger Stone resumed activities in and registered , focusing on for select clients in emerging sectors. In February 2025, Stone registered under the Lobbying Disclosure Act to represent , a prominent investor known as "Bitcoin Jesus," who faced federal charges for and related to his expatriation from the . Stone's engagement with Ver involved lobbying efforts to repeal the U.S. exit tax—applicable to individuals renouncing citizenship—and to advocate for reforms in cryptocurrency taxation, aiming to mitigate penalties tied to Ver's alleged evasion of over $48 million in taxes on Bitcoin sales. Disclosures indicate Ver paid Stone $600,000 for these services, with Stone's firm targeting congressional offices and executive branch officials to influence legislation favorable to crypto asset holders facing similar expatriation issues. These activities aligned with broader 2025 pushes for crypto-friendly policies amid Ver's October 2025 agreement with the Department of Justice to resolve charges via a $48 million payment, though no direct causal link to Stone's efforts has been established. Stone has described his post-pardon work as transparently registered under federal rules, contrasting it with unregulated foreign donations to entities like the , which he argues evaded similar scrutiny despite amassing over $2 billion from international sources without equivalent disclosure mandates. No ethics violations or breaches have been reported in Stone's post-pardon , distinguishing it empirically from past critiques of influence peddling in his earlier . His fees from such engagements have reportedly supported ongoing personal legal expenses stemming from prior convictions. While some observers have raised concerns given Stone's Trump ties, federal records show compliance with quarterly reporting, with no substantiated infractions as of October 2025.

Commentary on 2024 elections and ongoing influence

Stone endorsed Donald Trump's candidacy for the presidential election, framing it as a necessary rematch and emphasizing the need to counter anticipated irregularities similar to those claimed in 2020, such as ballot harvesting and insufficient monitoring. In June 2024 recordings at , he outlined contingency strategies for contesting results, including deploying lawyers, sympathetic judges, and technology for real-time fraud detection, stating Republicans had learned from prior unpreparedness. Stone positioned these measures as defensive against Democratic tactics, arguing they would ensure verifiable outcomes without disrupting certified tallies. By October 2024, Stone escalated warnings about vulnerabilities at polling sites, advocating for Republican-aligned armed guards to deter potential and declaring readiness to "fight it out" legally if irregularities emerged. He critiqued mainstream polling and spending disparities favoring but asserted no evidence of voter shifts, predicting Trump's resilience in battlegrounds based on ground-level intensity over structural advantages. These statements aligned with his informal advisory role to Trump allies, focusing on preemptive legal infrastructure rather than direct campaign operations. Following Trump's victory on November 5, , Stone hailed it on November 6 as "the greatest political comeback in American history," crediting and strategic vigilance while noting the absence of widespread post-election disputes due to adequate preparations. Into 2025, his influence endures through commentary on conservative media, informal consultations on reforms, advocacy for decentralized monitoring in future cycles, and political consulting, including serving as a paid consultant for Anthony Constantino's campaign in the special election for New York's 21st congressional district to succeed Elise Stefanik, whom he encouraged to run shortly after Trump's victory as their professional relationship developed into a close friendship. These efforts draw from 2024's outcomes where key swing states like and Georgia flipped Republican without the legal battles he had anticipated. The 2023 documentary A Storm Foretold, which profiles Stone's prior Stop the Steal efforts, gained renewed attention in discussions of his predictive role, though Stone disputed its framing as overly alarmist.

Family, marriages, and personal style

Stone was married to Ann Stone from 1974 until their divorce in 1990. He has been married to Nydia Bertran Stone, a Cuban-American, since 1992. The couple resides in Fort Lauderdale, Florida, where they previously owned a condominium transferred to a family trust. Stone and Nydia Stone have a , Adria Stone, and stepson Scott Stone. Stone's personal style is flamboyant, characterized by custom-tailored suits, often in traditional cuts with pleated trousers, and a preference for in warmer months. He maintains a tanned appearance, white hair, and frequently employs the Nixon victory hand sign. A prominent feature is his large, photorealistic tattoo of on his upper back, inked as a mark of enduring admiration for the former president. These traits, including his wardrobe sourced from longtime tailor , enhance his image as an eccentric political operative.

Tax disputes and civil litigation

In April 2021, the U.S. Department of Justice filed a civil against Roger Stone and his wife, Nydia Stone, in the U.S. District Court for the Southern District of Florida, alleging they owed approximately $1.2 million in unpaid federal income taxes for the years 2007 through 2011, plus penalties and interest totaling nearly $2 million. The complaint claimed the Stones maintained a lavish , including luxury vehicles and , while failing to pay taxes and using a Delaware to shield assets from IRS collection efforts. Stone responded in court filings that the Mueller investigation into Russian election interference had financially devastated him, attributing the tax delinquency to legal fees exceeding $2 million from that probe. The case resolved in July 2022 through a settlement agreement in which the Stones consented to a judgment holding them jointly liable for $1,657,809 in back taxes, penalties, and interest from the specified years, plus additional accruing interest, without admitting liability or wrongdoing. No criminal charges were pursued in connection with the dispute, distinguishing it from potential prosecutions. Stone has also been involved in multiple lawsuits, both as and , often arising from his public commentary. In August 2021, conservative lawyer filed a $5 million suit against Stone in state court, claiming Stone falsely accused him of child molestation in a Gab post. Earlier cases include a 2017 New York trial where Stone was subpoenaed but did not appear, citing demands related to the investigation. Outcomes in these matters have varied, with some dismissed on grounds, but none resulted in incarceration or directly tied financial penalties to tax issues. These civil actions, postdating Stone's December 2020 presidential pardon for unrelated federal charges, have been characterized by Stone's associates as elements of ongoing political retaliation.

Health incidents and lifestyle choices

In November 2019, during jury selection for his federal trial on charges related to lying to Congress, Stone abruptly exited the courtroom after reporting symptoms of food poisoning, appearing pale and sweating profusely. He recovered quickly enough to return for subsequent proceedings without significant delay to the case, continuing his public activities amid the stress of the legal proceedings. Stone has disclosed a history of severe childhood , which he referenced in 2020 as elevating his vulnerability to severe outcomes during arguments against immediate incarceration. Federal judges assessing his health in that context determined his conditions were medically managed, with no active threats warranting deferral beyond standard protocols. These episodes highlight Stone's capacity to sustain a demanding career in and media commentary into his 70s, despite periodic health disruptions.

Writings, Media, and Legacy

Authored books and publications

Roger Stone has authored or co-authored multiple books, largely through , that delve into political scandals, historical reinterpretations, and strategic advice drawn from his career in Republican politics. These works often challenge mainstream narratives, presenting alternative accounts supported by Stone's claimed insider access, declassified documents, and interviews, though critics have dismissed them as speculative or partisan. In The Man Who Killed Kennedy: The Case Against LBJ (co-authored with Mike Colapietro, published October 1, 2013), Stone argues that Vice President orchestrated the assassination of President on November 22, 1963, citing Johnson's alleged motives of evading scandals, ambition for power, and ties to oil interests and . The book draws on Stone's research into Johnson's background, including claims of in his 1948 Senate race and connections to figures like Mac Wallace, purportedly linked to multiple murders. It achieved New York Times bestseller status, contributing to renewed public interest in JFK conspiracy theories among conservative audiences skeptical of official findings. The Clintons' War on Women (co-authored with Robert Morrow, published October 6, 2015) levels accusations against Bill and , alleging a pattern of , intimidation of accusers, and cover-ups spanning decades, including details on figures like , , and . Stone positions the book as an exposé backed by witness testimonies and legal records, framing as complicit in enabling her husband's behavior to advance political goals. It fueled anti-Clinton sentiment during the 2016 election cycle, resonating with voters wary of establishment Democrats and amplifying narratives that questioned the Clintons' public image on women's issues. Stone's Rules: How to Win at Politics, Business, and Style (published May 8, 2018, with foreword by ) compiles aphorisms and tactics from Stone's experiences, such as "Attack, attack, attack" and "Never apologize," emphasizing aggressive messaging, , and exploiting opponents' weaknesses over policy debates. Presented as pragmatic lessons from campaigns involving Nixon, Reagan, and Trump, the book defends such methods as effective counters to and adversarial politics, rather than mere manipulation. It has influenced aspiring operatives in conservative circles by codifying "dark arts" strategies, though detractors view it as endorsing ethical shortcuts. Stone's publications have collectively sold widely in niche markets, bolstering his profile among Trump supporters by providing evidentiary challenges to historical orthodoxies and tactical blueprints for political combat, while prompting debates over their reliance on versus empirical rigor.

Documentaries, films, and public profiles

Get Me Roger Stone, a documentary directed by Dylan Bank, Daniel DiMauro, and Morgan Pehme, examines Roger Stone's political career from his early involvement in Republican campaigns to his promotion of Donald Trump's 2016 presidential bid. Released on on May 12, 2017, the film includes extensive interviews with Stone, who defends tactics such as and as pragmatic responses to adversarial politics, stating that "dirty tricks" are inherent to winning elections against entrenched opponents. The documentary portrays Stone's flamboyant style and long-term advocacy for Trump, featuring endorsements from figures like and , while critics observed its admiring tone toward Stone's self-described realism in political combat. In contrast, A Storm Foretold, directed by Danish filmmaker Christoffer Guldbrandsen and released in 2023, tracks Stone's activities from 2019 through the aftermath of the 2020 , centering on his role in the "Stop the Steal" initiative and interactions with groups like the . Filmed over three years with Stone's cooperation, the 91-minute documents his public statements denying election irregularities and includes footage of threats he received, such as a discovered at his home on January 5, 2021. Aired on on July 30, 2024, it presents Stone's unfiltered assertions about as central to events culminating in the , 2021, Capitol breach, though produced by a European outlet with evident skepticism toward Trump-aligned narratives. Stone has appeared in supporting roles in earlier documentaries, including Boogie Man: The Lee Atwater Story (2008), where he reflects on collaborations with the Republican strategist known for aggressive campaigning techniques, and Client 9: The Rise and Fall of (2010), discussing his firm's against the New York governor. These profiles highlight Stone's consistent advocacy for confrontational political methods as countermeasures to perceived liberal dominance in media and institutions.

Overall impact on conservative politics and strategic innovations

Stone pioneered delegate-hunting tactics during Ronald Reagan's 1976 primary challenge to incumbent , systematically identifying and flipping unpledged delegates at state conventions to build momentum for insurgents against party establishments—a method that pressured Ford and foreshadowed Reagan's 1980 nomination success. These ground-level maneuvers, involving direct voter contact and rule exploitation, shifted conservative primaries from pure vote tallies to brokered outcomes, enabling underdog candidacies by leveraging procedural leverage over popular vote margins. Stone's approach causally amplified Reagan's appeal among activists, contributing to the coalition that secured 489 electoral votes in the general election against on November 4, . In and negative operations, Stone innovated by institutionalizing "ratfucking"—disruptive tactics like leaks, smears, and planted stories—originating from his Nixon-era youth but refined in the 1980s through co-founding the National Security Political Action Committee, which targeted Democrats with aggressive ads on weaknesses. This emphasis on preemptive attacks hardened conservative messaging, eroding bipartisan norms and enabling victories by framing opponents as threats to , as seen in Reagan's landslide. For Trump's 2016 campaign, Stone advised early on populist , urging direct confrontation with media gatekeepers and anti-establishment that mobilized non-college-educated voters, who comprised 67% of Trump's primary support per exit polls. Such strategies causally disrupted Hillary Clinton's expected path, with Trump's 304 electoral votes on November 8, 2016, reflecting gains in states through unfiltered appeals that bypassed traditional filters. Critics attribute losses or setbacks to Stone's ethical shortcuts, notably the August 2007 anonymous call threatening Eliot Spitzer's 83-year-old father over alleged unpaid taxes—a tactic linked to Stone by voice analysis and his subsequent from New York Republican roles amid backlash that distracted from policy fights. This incident, while not derailing Spitzer's governorship directly (he resigned in March 2008 over unrelated ), fueled perceptions of conservative sleaziness, potentially alienating moderates and inviting regulatory scrutiny on operatives. Yet, empirically, Stone's playbook fostered an anti-political-correctness ethos on the right, validating distrust in biased institutions through exposed hypocrisies, as mainstream outlets later admitted selective outrage in coverage. As Richard Nixon's protégé—evidenced by his lifelong advocacy and back tattoo—Stone mentored operatives like , embedding in conservative circles by prioritizing causal efficacy over optics, from super PAC precursors to digital-age disruption. His net legacy weighs strategic wins—Reagan's supply-side realignment and Trump's working-class realignment—against isolated scandals, with first-principles assessment favoring the former: aggressive innovations expanded conservative electoral maps by 1980 and 2016, outpacing decorum-bound alternatives in raw vote mobilization, despite amplified media scrutiny from left-leaning sources. This paradigm shifted the right toward causal realism, institutionalizing skepticism of elite consensus as empirically warranted by discrepancies in institutional outputs.

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