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National Salvation Party
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The National Salvation Party (Turkish: Millî Selâmet Partisi, MSP) was an Islamist political party in Turkey, founded on 11 October 1972 as the successor of the banned National Order Party (Millî Nizam Partisi, MNP). The party was formed by a core group of working cadres of the now banned MNP, with Süleyman Arif Emre serving as the registered founding chairman.[1] Given the banning of the MNP by the staunchly secular state, only 19 individuals were ready to form the party. Necmettin Erbakan, who took part in the formation of the party, officially joined the party in May 1973, taking over the reins of the party in October 1973.[2] The party grew more popular and in 1973 elections it gained 11.8% of votes, gaining 48 seats in the Turkish Grand National Assembly. In the 1977 elections, it gained 8.56% of votes and won 24 seats.[3] In 1974 it formed the coalition government with the secularist Republican People's Party (CHP) of Bülent Ecevit. MSP was closed down after the 1980 military coup.[4]

Key Information

Millî Gazete, launched 12 January 1973, was the party's semi-official daily newspaper.

The National Turkish Student Association (Millî Türk Talebe Birliği, MTTB) was the party's youth organization.[5]

The party was succeeded by the Welfare Party (RP), which was founded in 1983.

The founding members of the MSP were:[6] Abdülkerim Doğru, Rasim Hancıoğlu, Hüseyin Kamil Büyüközer, Abdullah Tomba, Sabri Özpala, M. Turhan Akyol, Halit Özgüner, M. Gündüz Sevilgen, Zühtü Öğün, Hüseyin Erdal, Hüseyin Koçak, Hasan Özkeçeci, Osman Nuri Önügören, Mazhar Gürgen Bayatlı, M. Emin Ayak, Mustafa Arafatoğlu, Mustafa Mamati, Abdurrahim Bezci and Sami Baysal.

See also

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Footnotes

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References

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National Salvation Party

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The National Salvation Party (Turkish: Milli Selamet Partisi, MSP) was an Islamist in founded on 11 October 1972 by as the successor to the banned . It advanced the National View (Milli Görüş) ideology, which critiqued Western secular influences and advocated for governance rooted in Islamic principles, economic independence through , and a just order (Adil Düzen) prioritizing moral and spiritual values over materialist . The party drew support from conservative rural voters, small merchants, and religious communities, positioning itself against the secular Kemalist establishment. In the 1973 general elections, the MSP secured 11.4% of the vote and 24 seats in the Grand National Assembly, marking the breakthrough of organized in Turkey's . It participated in three coalition governments between 1974 and 1978—first with the under , then in alliances led by —allowing Erbakan to serve as deputy prime minister and influence policies such as restoring the Arabic call to prayer and expanding . These coalitions highlighted the party's pragmatic approach to power-sharing despite ideological clashes with secular partners, yet also fueled debates over the erosion of Turkey's constitutional . The MSP's rise reflected growing discontent with Western-oriented modernization and military interventions, enabling Islamist mobilization through electoral means rather than solely subversive activities. The party was dissolved by the military regime following the 12 September 1980 coup d'état, which targeted perceived threats to national security including Islamist groups. Its legacy endured through successor organizations like the Welfare Party, perpetuating Erbakan's vision and contributing to the evolution of Turkey's political Islam, which later influenced parties such as the Justice and Development Party. Controversies surrounding the MSP centered on its challenge to secular principles, with critics arguing it sought to Islamize state institutions, while supporters viewed it as a corrective to elitist secularism disconnected from the populace's religious identity.

History

Founding and Background

The National Salvation Party (Turkish: Milli Selamet Partisi, MSP) was founded on October 11, 1972, as a successor to the National Order Party (Milli Nizam Partisi, MNP), which Necmettin Erbakan had established in January 1970 but which was dissolved by Turkey's Constitutional Court on May 20, 1971, for promoting anti-secular ideologies incompatible with the republic's foundational principles. The MNP's closure stemmed from its manifesto and activities, which emphasized Islamic governance models and critiqued Western-influenced secularism, prompting judicial action amid post-1960 coup sensitivities toward Kemalist orthodoxy. Erbakan, an industrial engineer and professor who had entered politics as an independent candidate winning a seat in Konya during the 1969 general elections, faced a temporary political ban alongside other MNP leaders following the party's shutdown. The MSP's formation occurred against the backdrop of Turkey's volatile early 1970s political landscape, marked by the March 12, 1971, military memorandum that compelled Süleyman Demirel's government to resign and intensified crackdowns on perceived threats to secular . With the political ban lifted by mid-1972, Erbakan reorganized MNP remnants under the MSP banner, initially registering Süleyman Arif Emre as the formal founder to navigate residual legal hurdles before assuming leadership himself. The party drew its core support from conservative provincial bases, including merchants (esnaf), artisans, and rural voters disillusioned with the dominant secular parties like the Justice Party (Adalet Partisi) and (Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi), amid economic challenges such as and strains. Erbakan's vision for the MSP centered on the "National View" (Milli Görüş) framework, advocating a synthesis of with and self-reliance to counter foreign dependency, though the party's founding documents were moderated to evade immediate bans by framing goals in terms of moral regeneration rather than overt . This regrouping reflected broader trends in Turkish , where post-MNP actors adapted to constitutional restrictions while building grassroots networks in Anatolian heartlands, setting the stage for the party's entry into national elections in 1973.

Electoral Rise in the 1970s

The National Salvation Party (MSP) was established on October 11, 1972, following the 1971 military memorandum that led to the closure of its predecessor, the . Led by , the MSP positioned itself as an advocate for Islamic values and economic self-sufficiency, drawing support from conservative rural populations, small traders, artisans, and urban migrants amid Turkey's economic turmoil, including inflation and the . In the October 14, 1973, general election, the MSP achieved a breakthrough by capturing 11.8% of the national vote, securing 24 seats in the 450-seat Grand National Assembly and emerging as the third-largest party behind the (CHP) and Justice Party (AP). This result reflected voter dissatisfaction with established secular parties, particularly the AP's perceived corruption and the CHP's leftward shift, as well as the MSP's emphasis on anti-Western economic policies and moral revival appealing to traditionalist constituencies in . The party's momentum continued into local elections in , where it gained control of key municipalities in eastern provinces, enhancing its grassroots organization. By , the MSP's electoral viability enabled it to enter a with the CHP under Prime Minister , providing ministries such as and Interior, which bolstered its legitimacy and policy influence despite ideological tensions. In the June 5, 1977, general election, amid heightened and , the MSP polled 8% of the vote—approximately 1.27 million ballots—retaining 24 seats and solidifying its role as a pivotal in fragmented parliaments. Factors sustaining this position included sustained rural support, opposition to and , and Erbakan's campaign rhetoric framing the MSP as a defender of national and against elite dominance.

Participation in Coalition Governments

The National Salvation Party (MSP) first participated in a coalition government following the October 1973 general elections, when it allied with the Republican People's Party (CHP) under Prime Minister Bülent Ecevit. This coalition, formed on 26 January 1974, granted the MSP six cabinet positions, including the deputy premiership for party leader Necmettin Erbakan, and lasted until 17 November 1974. The partnership enabled key decisions, such as Turkey's military intervention in Cyprus on 20 July 1974, though underlying ideological tensions between the secular CHP and Islamist MSP contributed to its dissolution amid economic pressures and policy disputes. Following the coalition's collapse and a brief interim , the MSP joined the First National Front (Milliyetçi Cephe) coalition on 31 March 1975, partnering with the Justice Party (AP), (MHP), and Republican Reliance Party (CGP) under Prime Minister . Erbakan again served as , with the MSP securing ministerial portfolios in areas like commerce and religious affairs, allowing limited advancement of its economic protectionism and Islamic-oriented initiatives. This government endured until 21 June 1977, navigating and economic instability, but collapsed after the 1977 elections due to insufficient parliamentary support. Post-1977, the MSP provided external legislative backing to Demirel's minority AP government from January 1978 to October 1979, without formal membership, influencing policy through negotiation rather than direct cabinet roles. These participations marked the MSP's peak influence, enabling Erbakan to promote projects and critiques of Western , though compromises often diluted its anti-secular agenda amid Turkey's multiparty fragmentation. The arrangements ended with the 1980 military coup, which dissolved the MSP.

Military Intervention and Dissolution

The political instability in intensified in the late , marked by that claimed over 5,000 lives between 1978 and 1980, economic exceeding 100 percent annually, and governmental paralysis under Süleyman Demirel's coalition, which included the National Salvation Party as a junior partner until its withdrawal in 1978. These conditions prompted the Turkish military, under General , to execute a in the early hours of , 1980, with troops occupying key government buildings, media outlets, and airports without significant resistance. The operation, codenamed "Operation White Lamb," aimed to suppress what the military described as anarchy threatening national security, including perceived threats from both leftist militants and rising Islamist mobilization. A pivotal event preceding the coup was the National Salvation Party's rally in on September 6, 1980, organized by party leader , which drew tens of thousands and featured mass prayers at the Alaeddin Mosque and chants invoking the and , alarming secular elites and military leaders about the party's potential to undermine Atatürk's secular principles. This demonstration, the largest pro-Islamic gathering since the republic's founding, was cited by coup architects as evidence of existential threats from , alongside left-right clashes. In response, the military established the (NSC) under Evren, which assumed executive powers and immediately imposed nationwide. The NSC's first decrees included the dissolution of all political parties on September 12, 1980, explicitly targeting the National Salvation Party alongside others like the and Justice Party, with party headquarters raided, assets confiscated, and membership records seized. Erbakan and other MSP executives were detained for months under military custody, prohibited from political activity, and subjected to interrogation over the party's alleged role in fostering division. This dissolution, upheld by the Constitutionality Court in subsequent rulings, effectively eradicated the MSP's organizational structure, banning its reformation under the same name and until political in 1983. The military justified these measures as necessary to ideological , though critics later argued the intervention disproportionately suppressed conservative and Islamist voices amid broader authoritarian consolidation.

Ideology and Platform

Islamist Principles and Anti-Secularism

The National Salvation Party (MSP), established on October 11, 1972, by as the successor to the banned , embodied the Milli Görüş (National Vision) ideology, which sought to infuse governance with Islamic ethical and moral principles derived from Sunni orthodoxy. This framework positioned not merely as a private faith but as a comprehensive system for , economic organization, and political , drawing support from conservative Sunni networks such as the Sufi order and the Nurcu movement. Erbakan's vision emphasized a "spiritual reawakening" aligned with technological advancement, rejecting purely materialist Western models in favor of an Islamic order that prioritized communal welfare over individual . Central to the MSP's Islamist principles was the advocacy for policies that elevated religious norms in public life, including the expansion of theological education through imam-hatip schools, which the party pushed to equate with secular secondary institutions during its 1973 coalition participation. The ideology critiqued usury-based capitalism and promoted an "Islamic economy" featuring state-directed and equitable resource distribution guided by Quranic injunctions on justice (), viewing deviations from such principles as sources of societal corruption. Party rhetoric framed politics as a moral struggle to implement (shari'a) in adapted forms suitable for modern , fostering unity among Muslim nations against perceived Western . These tenets appealed to peripheral Anatolian traders and rural conservatives disillusioned with urban secular elites, positioning the MSP as a vehicle for restoring Islamic primacy in a post-Ottoman context. The MSP's anti-secularism manifested as a direct challenge to Kemalist laicism (laiklik), which enforced strict separation of and state, by demanding greater public expression of and criticizing the regime's suppression of Islamic practices as antithetical to . Erbakan and party adherents opposed secular educational curricula for eroding moral foundations, advocating instead for curricula infused with Islamic history and to counteract "Westernization" that they argued alienated from its Muslim heritage. This stance extended to symbolic acts of defiance, such as MSP supporters' refusal to stand for or sing the during a September 6, 1980, rally in , interpreting it as incompatible with Islamic loyalty. While the party avoided explicit calls for full shari'a implementation to navigate legal constraints, its platform implicitly eroded secular barriers by supporting headscarf rights in public spaces and institutions, framing such measures as restorations of authentic Turkish-Islamic sovereignty rather than regressions from republican progress. These positions contributed to the MSP's perception as a threat by secular authorities, culminating in its dissolution following the 1980 military coup.

Economic and Social Policies

The National Salvation Party (MSP) advocated an rooted in Islamic principles, critiquing both Western for its exploitation and for its , while proposing an alternative system emphasizing , interest-free finance, and state-led industrialization. Party leader promoted the development of heavy industries, such as and machinery production, through five-year plans aimed at achieving self-sufficiency and reducing reliance on imports and foreign capital. This approach included prohibiting (usury or interest) in banking, favoring profit-and-loss sharing mechanisms like mudarabah, and integrating as a tool for wealth redistribution to address inequality among the and rural populations. During its participation in governments in 1974 and 1977–1978, the MSP influenced policies supporting small and medium enterprises, agricultural , and protectionist measures to bolster domestic production, though implementation was constrained by compromises. Socially, the MSP prioritized the restoration of traditional Islamic values to counter and Western cultural influences, framing these as essential for national moral revival and family stability. The party's platform called for strengthening family units through policies promoting early , discouraging , and enforcing modesty norms, while opposing alcohol consumption and as societal ills. It supported expanded in schools, including optional Quranic instruction, and advocated for women's roles aligned with Islamic interpretations of domesticity and piety rather than Western feminism. These positions appealed to conservative rural and urban lower classes, positioning the party as a defender of Ottoman-Islamic heritage against elite-driven modernization, though critics from secular institutions viewed them as regressive threats to republican principles. In practice, during coalitions, MSP pushed for subsidies to religious foundations and cultural initiatives preserving Islamic traditions, contributing to a gradual increase in public religious expression.

Foreign Policy Stance

The National Salvation Party (MSP) espoused a foreign policy rooted in , prioritizing solidarity and unity among Muslim nations as a strategic counterweight to Western influence and . Under Necmettin Erbakan's leadership from 1973, the party positioned as a foundational principle for Turkey's international engagements, advocating for an "Islamic Union" to address both external threats and internal challenges facing Muslim countries. This vision included proposals for an Islamic common market to promote economic cooperation and self-reliance, drawing parallels to but framed through religious and anti-colonial lenses. The MSP's stance emphasized opposition to and unwavering support for , viewing Israel's establishment and expansion as emblematic of Western aggression against the Islamic world. Erbakan frequently criticized U.S. and European policies for enabling Israeli actions, such as the 1967 occupation of Arab territories, and urged to align more closely with Arab states in resistance efforts. This anti-Zionist orientation extended to broader critiques of membership, which the party saw as subordinating Turkish sovereignty to Western, particularly American, interests that conflicted with Islamic values and regional priorities. Despite these ideological commitments, the MSP demonstrated pragmatic nationalism in specific contexts, notably endorsing Turkey's military intervention in Cyprus on July 20, 1974, to safeguard the Turkish Cypriot community against Greek Cypriot irredentism. The party framed this action not only as defending ethnic kin but also as resisting broader Western indifference to Muslim populations under threat, while condemning subsequent U.S. arms embargoes imposed on in 1975 as punitive overreach. In practice, during coalition governments in 1974 and 1975–1977, the MSP pursued diversification by fostering ties with non-Western Muslim leaders, including visits and agreements with Libya's to explore joint industrial and defense projects aimed at reducing dependence on Western technology. Overall, the MSP's foreign policy rejected uncritical Western orientation, instead promoting a multipolar approach centered on Islamic economic and political collaboration to empower as a leader in the Muslim world, though constrained by domestic coalitions and the 1980 military coup's dissolution of the party.

Organizational Structure and Leadership

Key Leaders and Figures

served as the primary leader of the National Salvation Party (MSP), assuming the chairmanship on October 12, 1973, after initially guiding its formation as a successor to the banned . An engineer by training and advocate of Islamist political mobilization, Erbakan directed the party's strategy, emphasizing anti-Western economic self-sufficiency and participation in governments under Prime Ministers in 1974 and in 1975–1977. His leadership propelled the MSP from obscurity to securing 48 seats in the 1973 general election, representing 11.8% of the vote. Süleyman Arif Emre acted as the registered founding chairman, overseeing the party's official establishment on October 11, 1972, to comply with legal requirements amid scrutiny following the 1971 military memorandum. A former member of the cadre, Emre held the position briefly until Erbakan's formal takeover, symbolizing continuity from the prior Islamist formation. Mehmet Zahid Kotku, a prominent Sufi order leader, exerted significant informal influence on the party's inception, drawing from his network of followers to provide ideological and organizational support. Kotku's role extended to mentoring key figures, fostering the MSP's roots in religious revivalism against Turkey's secular establishment.

Party Organization and Base

The National Salvation Party (MSP) operated as a centralized organization under the firm leadership of , who assumed the chairmanship in October 1973 following the party's founding in October 1972 as a successor to the banned . Erbakan maintained tight control over the party's direction, structuring it as a coalition of diverse Islamic and conservative factions united by the Milli Görüş (National Vision) , which emphasized Islamist principles and opposition to secular Kemalist policies. The party's internal hierarchy prioritized loyalty to Erbakan's vision, with limited intra-party democracy; while provincial branches and youth organizations existed to mobilize support, decision-making remained top-down, reflecting authoritarian tendencies common in Turkey's Islamist movements of the era. The MSP's voter base drew primarily from conservative, pious Sunni Muslims in rural and smaller urban centers, where socioeconomic grievances against the urban secular elite fueled support. This constituency included small traders, artisans, and farmers disillusioned with rapid modernization and perceived cultural erosion under secular governance, viewing the party as a vehicle for restoring Islamic values and economic . In the 1973 general election, the MSP secured 11.8% of the national vote and 48 seats in the , with disproportionate strength in central and eastern Anatolian provinces like , where local mayoral wins demonstrated grassroots organizational effectiveness. By , its vote share reached 8.7%, sustaining a core base amid coalition participation, though urban appeal remained limited due to the party's overt anti-secular rhetoric. The party's mobilization relied on religious networks, mosques, and community associations rather than broad institutional ties, enabling rapid growth but vulnerability to accusations of radicalism from secular opponents.

Electoral Performance and Achievements

Election Results and Gains

The National Salvation Party (MSP) made its electoral debut in the October 14, 1973, , capturing 11.8% of the valid votes nationwide (1,265,771 votes) and securing 24 seats in the 450-member Grand National Assembly. This result positioned the MSP as the fourth-largest party, behind the (33.3%), Justice Party (29.8%), and Democratic Party (11.9%), but ahead of smaller groups like the Reliance Party (5.3%). The party's strong performance in conservative central Anatolian provinces, such as and , underscored its appeal among rural and religiously oriented voters disillusioned with secular establishment parties. In the December 9, 1973, local elections, the MSP further consolidated its base, achieving approximately 12.6% of the vote and winning control of several municipalities, including in key urban centers with traditionalist demographics. These gains marked a breakthrough for organized Islamist representation at the local level, enabling the party to demonstrate governance through policies emphasizing moral and economic self-reliance in controlled areas. The MSP's momentum moderated in the June 5, 1977, , where it obtained 8.56% of the vote (1,269,918 votes) and retained 24 seats amid heightened polarization between left- and right-wing blocs. Despite the vote decline from 1973—attributable to fragmented right-wing support and economic instability—the party held steady in parliamentary strength, particularly in strongholds like and suburbs. Local elections on December 11, 1977, yielded similar proportional support, with the MSP securing third-place finishes in many provincial assemblies and retaining municipal majorities in conservative regions, reinforcing its role as a pivotal player in coalition arithmetic. Overall, the MSP's electoral gains from 1973 onward represented a substantive advancement for Islamist-oriented politics in Turkey's , translating voter mobilization in underserved pious communities into legislative leverage and local administrative footholds, though capped by the system's thresholds and secular opposition.
Election TypeDateVote PercentageSeats/Won Positions
GeneralOctober 14, 197311.8%24/450
LocalDecember 9, 1973~12.6%Multiple municipalities (e.g., )
GeneralJune 5, 19778.56%24/450
LocalDecember 11, 1977~8-9%Retained key municipalities

Municipal and Policy Successes

In the December 9, , local elections, the National Salvation Party (MSP) achieved its inaugural municipal victories by securing 31 mayoral positions nationwide, garnering 167,376 valid votes. These included three provincial capitals—Adıyaman, Muş, and Tokat—along with 11 district municipalities and 18 township-level administrations, primarily in central and eastern Anatolian provinces where conservative voter bases were strong. This outcome represented approximately 2% of the roughly 1,620 contested mayoral seats, positioning MSP as a notable third or fourth force behind the Adalet Partisi (643 seats) and Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi (554 seats). These local gains provided MSP with practical platforms to advance elements of its platform, emphasizing community welfare, ethical governance, and resistance to secularist excesses at the grassroots level. In controlled municipalities, party officials prioritized initiatives aligned with Islamist principles, such as promoting modest public conduct and supporting small-scale for provincial traders and artisans, though systematic records of implemented projects remain sparse compared to national coalition efforts. The successes bolstered MSP's reputation in rural and semi-urban areas, fostering organizational loyalty and serving as testing grounds for policies later refined in successor parties. On the policy front, MSP's electoral leverage enabled participation in national coalitions, yielding tangible advancements in and economic . As in the 1974 MSP-CHP , party leader oversaw the initiation of state-led industrialization projects, including expansions in machinery and tractor production to reduce import dependence, reflecting the party's advocacy for "national industry" over Western-oriented models. These efforts, while constrained by coalition compromises, marked early steps toward interest-free financing experiments and infrastructure favoring domestic capital, though economic volatility limited long-term impacts. Subsequent alliances, such as the 1975-1977 MSP-led "milliyetçi cephe" governments, further entrenched conservative social policies, including subtle relaxations on religious expression in public institutions.

Controversies and Opposition

Conflicts with Secular Establishment

The National Salvation Party (MSP) espoused an Islamist ideology that inherently conflicted with Turkey's Kemalist principle of , which mandates strict separation of religion and state as enshrined in the 1924 Constitution and reinforced by subsequent reforms. Party leader advocated for governance rooted in Islamic ethics, including critiques of Western secular influences and calls for moral reforms emphasizing religious virtue over purely laic norms. This stance positioned the MSP as a direct ideological adversary to the secular establishment, comprising the military, judiciary, and bureaucratic elites tasked with upholding Atatürk's legacy against perceived religious encroachments. The MSP's predecessor, the (MNP), was dissolved by the on May 20, 1971, explicitly for engaging in anti-secular activities that violated Article 4 of the 1961 Constitution, which prohibits parties from exploiting religion to undermine . Erbakan founded the MSP on October 11, 1972, as a successor, adopting a more cautious rhetoric to evade immediate closure while pursuing similar goals, such as promoting "national" (implicitly Islamic) salvation against secular decay. Secular institutions suspected the party of takiye (dissimulation), concealing radical aims to subvert incrementally. During its tenure in coalition governments—first with the (CHP) from January 1974 to September 1974, and later with the Justice Party (AP) from July 1975 to January 1978—the MSP pushed policies like expanded and restrictions on alcohol, which alarmed Kemalist guardians as erosions of secular norms. Tensions escalated through Erbakan's public speeches decrying secularism as a foreign imposition alienating Turkey from its Islamic roots, framing Kemalist reforms as impediments to authentic national revival. The military, viewing itself as the ultimate defender of laicism, monitored the MSP closely amid rising Islamist influence; the party's 11.4% vote share in the 1977 general election, securing 24 seats, heightened fears of a broader challenge to the secular order. These frictions culminated in the September 12, 1980, military coup, after which the National Security Council banned the MSP on July 16, 1981, alongside other parties, citing its anti-secular orientation as incompatible with constitutional principles, though the coup's broader context involved economic turmoil and political violence. The judiciary's prior rulings on Islamist parties reinforced this, establishing a pattern where secular violations justified dissolution to preserve the republic's foundational ideology.

Accusations of Radicalism and External Influences

The National Salvation Party (MSP) faced persistent accusations from Turkey's secular establishment, including the and Kemalist institutions, of promoting radical Islamist ideology that threatened the republic's secular foundations. Critics, particularly within the armed forces and , argued that the party's advocacy for incorporating Islamic principles into governance undermined Atatürk's secular reforms, with Erbakan's rhetoric emphasizing and a rejection of Western-style as evidence of fundamentalist intent. For instance, during its participation in coalition governments in 1974 and 1977–1978, the MSP was accused of exploiting ministerial positions, such as in the Ministry of Transportation under Erbakan, to favor Islamist networks and resist policies, fueling claims of a covert agenda to islamize state institutions. These concerns culminated in the party's dissolution following the , 1980, coup, which targeted Islamist groups like the MSP to prevent the establishment of a Sharia-influenced order amid broader . Accusations extended to the MSP's alleged tolerance or indirect support for radical activities, including violence against secular intellectuals and state symbols by affiliated extremists in the . While the party itself operated electorally and avoided direct militancy, opponents highlighted Erbakan's silence on such incidents and his hosting of radical figures as indicative of sympathy for anti-secular extremism. The MSP's , for example, promoted anti-secular narratives through cultural events like the 1974 play Mas-Kom-Ya, which portrayed Masons, communists, and as conspirators against , drawing thousands of attendees and reflecting the party's role in mainstreaming conspiratorial Islamist views. Regarding external influences, the MSP under Erbakan maintained ideological and organizational ties to the , with Erbakan founding parties explicitly affiliated with the group and hosting Brotherhood representatives from the at Islamist conventions in during the 1970s. Erbakan's worldview, influenced by Brotherhood thinker , incorporated anti-Western conspiracy theories and calls for an Islamic economic order, which critics from secular and Western-aligned circles viewed as importing foreign radicalism that prioritized unity over national sovereignty. These connections were cited by opponents as evidence of external ideological subversion, though the party framed them as efforts to foster Islamic solidarity against perceived Zionist and imperialist threats.

Internal Divisions and Criticisms

The National Salvation Party maintained a degree of internal cohesion under Necmettin Erbakan's leadership following his assumption of the party chairmanship on October 20, 1973, but tensions emerged over strategic and ideological directions. Founded initially by Süleyman Arif Emre on October 11, 1972, while Erbakan was in , the party saw Erbakan return and consolidate control, sidelining Emre and emphasizing a more assertive Islamist agenda aligned with Milli Görüş principles. A notable instance of intra-party opposition occurred at the party's 4th Ordinary Congress on October 15, 1978, where Korkut Özal, a prominent Milli Görüş figure and brother of future president , openly challenged Erbakan's , reflecting disagreements on party direction and resource allocation. This episode highlighted factional undercurrents but did not result in a formal split, as Erbakan retained dominance. Broader criticisms from within the supporting Islamist networks surfaced in 1979 amid Erbakan's vocal support for Iran's Islamic Revolution following Khomeini's rise to power on February 11, 1979. Mehmet Zahid Kotku, the influential Nakşibendi leader of the İskenderpaşa community—who had backed the party's formation—opposed Erbakan's alignment with revolutionary youth factions, viewing it as overly radical and disruptive to established religious hierarchies. This led to Erbakan's effective departure from Kotku's circle to operate independently, straining ties with conservative traditionalists in the movement. Internal critiques also targeted Erbakan's pragmatic participation in coalition governments, such as the National Front alliances with the secular Justice Party from 1975 to 1977, where some party hardliners argued that deputy prime ministerial roles compromised core Islamist goals like heavy industry nationalization and anti-Western foreign policy. These debates underscored a tension between ideological purity and political expediency, though they remained contained without fracturing the party's parliamentary bloc of 24 seats after the 1977 elections.

Legacy and Impact

Influence on Islamist Movements

The National Salvation Party (MSP), established on October 11, 1972, as the successor to the banned represented the first major electoral vehicle for organized in drawing support from conservative Sunni networks such as the Nakshibandis and Nurcus, as well as disenfranchised Anatolian traders and rural peripheries opposed to rapid secular modernization. Its ideological framework, rooted in Necmettin Erbakan's Milli Görüş (National Vision) doctrine introduced in 1969, emphasized gradual societal Islamization through education, economic self-sufficiency, and anti-Western pan-Islamic solidarity, providing a blueprint for Islamist mobilization that prioritized dawa (proselytization) and grassroots welfare services over overt confrontation with the secular state. Electorally, the MSP demonstrated the viability of Islamist appeals in a multiparty democracy, securing 11.8% of the vote and 24 parliamentary seats in the October 1973 general elections, which enabled it to enter a coalition with the Republican People's Party (CHP) and secure Erbakan's appointment as deputy prime minister. This positioned the party to influence policy, notably by passing legislation in 1974 that equalized imam-hatip religious schools with secular lycées, expanding access to Islamist-oriented education and fostering a cadre of religiously trained professionals who later staffed bureaucratic and political roles. Despite a dip to 8.6% and 24 seats in the 1977 elections, the MSP's repeated coalition participation from 1975 to 1979—supporting both right-wing and center-left governments—normalized Islamist involvement in governance, channeling socioeconomic grievances of urban migrants and small businesses into demands for "just order" economics blending Islamic principles with state intervention. The MSP's dissolution by the 1980 military coup did not erase its legacy; instead, it catalyzed the evolution of Turkish Islamism by transferring organizational infrastructure, voter bases, and leadership to successor parties within the Milli Görüş lineage, including the Welfare Party (Refah Partisi) founded in 1983 and the Virtue Party in 1997, which adapted MSP strategies to post-coup constraints while amplifying appeals to the urban poor and emerging Anatolian business elites like those in the Independent Industrialists' and Businessmen's Association (MÜSİAD). This continuity cultivated an Islamist counter-elite, with figures such as Recep Tayyip Erdoğan emerging from MSP-affiliated youth organizations like the National Turkish Students' Union, which honed mobilization tactics later deployed in municipal governance and national campaigns. Beyond domestic politics, the MSP's model of democratic participation influenced Islamist movements regionally by showcasing electoral success as an alternative to revolutionary violence, inspiring similar gradualist approaches in the Islamic world and extending Milli Görüş ideology to diaspora communities, such as through the Islamic Community Milli Görüş in Germany, which maintains over 300 institutions promoting Erbakan's vision of Islamic economic cooperation and cultural preservation. However, its emphasis on anti-secular rhetoric and foreign policy shifts toward Muslim-majority states during coalitions also entrenched divisions within broader Islamist currents, contributing to the schisms seen in later parties like the Justice and Development Party (AKP), which moderated MSP-style Islamism for neoliberal integration while retaining elements of its educational and welfare legacies.

Role in Shaping Modern Turkish Conservatism

The National Salvation Party (MSP), established on October 11, 1972, by Necmettin Erbakan as the successor to the banned National Order Party, introduced a distinctly Islamist-conservative framework into Turkish politics through its Milli Görüş (National Vision) ideology. This emphasized a "just order" (Adil Düzen) rooted in Islamic principles, promoting heavy industry, rural development, and critiques of secular Kemalism and Western dependency as impediments to moral and economic sovereignty. The MSP's platform fused religious piety with conservative socioeconomic policies, appealing to pious, working-class, and rural voters disillusioned with the urban secular elite, thereby pioneering a populist conservatism that challenged the post-1923 republican secular orthodoxy. By achieving 11.8% of the national vote and 24 seats in the 1973 general election, the MSP demonstrated viability for conservative-Islamist parties, forming coalition governments in 1974 and 1977–1978 that implemented policies like expanded religious education and support for traditional family structures. These administrations normalized conservative governance, embedding demands for greater religious freedoms—such as eased restrictions on Islamic attire and mosque construction—into the political mainstream, which later influenced the Justice and Development Party (AKP)'s 2000s reforms, including the 2013 lifting of the public sector headscarf ban. The MSP's anti-establishment rhetoric against military-secular interventions fostered a resilient conservative identity, portraying Islam as a bulwark against authoritarian secularism, a narrative echoed in modern Turkish conservatism's emphasis on democratic majoritarianism and cultural preservation. The MSP's legacy endures in the AKP's cadre and voter base, as many early AKP leaders, including Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, began in the MSP's youth wings or affiliated organizations, imbibing its conservative ethos of moral renewal and economic nationalism. While the AKP distanced itself from Milli Görüş's overt anti-Westernism post-2001 to adopt a pro-EU, conservative-democratic stance, it retained core elements like patriarchal family policies and religious conservatism, adapting them to neoliberal economics and neo-Ottoman foreign policy. This evolution reflects the MSP's causal role in mainstreaming conservatism: by building institutional networks like Islamic trade associations and media, it created a self-sustaining conservative ecosystem that propelled the AKP's dominance since 2002, shifting Turkey toward a model where religious-nationalist conservatism supplants strict secularism. Critics from secular perspectives argue this inheritance amplified authoritarian tendencies, yet empirically, the MSP's pre-1980 coalitions evidenced pragmatic conservatism capable of coalition-building without immediate theocratic overreach.

Dissolution's Long-Term Effects

The dissolution of the (MSP) in 1981, following the September 12, 1980, military coup, imposed a decade-long political ban on its leader and key figures, yet failed to eradicate the underlying Milli Görüş (National View) ideology. This suppression prompted the rapid reemergence of successor organizations, with MSP cadres establishing the (Refah Partisi, RP) in 1983, which retained core tenets like anti-Western economic self-reliance and Islamic solidarity while navigating post-coup restrictions. The ban thus fostered organizational resilience, channeling Islamist activism into municipal governance and civil society networks, where RP built grassroots support through welfare services in urban peripheries. Repeated closures of MSP successors—RP in 1998 and Virtue Party (Fazilet Partisi, FP) in 2001—exerted selective pressure for ideological adaptation, compelling factions to moderate overt Islamist rhetoric to evade constitutional court scrutiny under Turkey's secular framework. This dynamic birthed the Justice and Development Party (AKP) in August 2001, led by reformists like Recep Tayyip Erdoğan who distanced from Erbakan's sharia-inflected visions, pivoting toward "conservative democracy," pro-EU reforms, and market-oriented policies that broadened appeal beyond traditionalist bases. AKP's electoral triumphs—34.3% in 2002 and 46.6% in 2007—demonstrated how MSP's dissolution indirectly mainstreamed political Islam by incentivizing pragmatism over confrontation. In the broader political landscape, the MSP's suppression perpetuated a cycle of party reincarnation, undermining democratic consolidation by reinforcing elite interventions against perceived anti-system threats while inadvertently legitimizing Islamist persistence through electoral validation. It entrenched divisions within Islamism, splitting adherents into unyielding traditionalists (e.g., Felicity Party) and adaptive modernists, the latter dominating governance and reshaping Turkey's conservatism around socioeconomic grievances rather than doctrinal purity. Ultimately, these effects transformed political Islam from a coalition-dependent fringe (MSP's 11.4% in 1977) into a hegemonic force, inheriting MSP's voter reservoirs in Anatolian heartlands but subordinating radical impulses to institutional survival.

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