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Mokaya
Pre-Olmec culture
Formative Period sites in Southeastern Mesoamerica, including some important Mokaya sites
LocationSoconusco region in Mexico and parts of the Pacific coast of western Guatemala
LanguageMixe–Zoquean

Mokaya were pre-Olmec cultures of the Soconusco region in Mexico and parts of the Pacific coast of western Guatemala, an archaeological culture that developed a number of Mesoamerica's earliest-known sedentary settlements.

The Soconusco region is generally divided by archaeologists into three adjacent zones along the coast—the Lower Río Naranjo region (along the Pacific coast of western Guatemala), Acapetahua, and Mazatán (both on the Pacific coast of modern-day Chiapas, Mexico). These three zones are about 50 km apart along the coast, but they are connected by a natural inland waterway, which could have permitted easy communication in prehistoric times.[1]

The term Mokaya was coined by archaeologists to mean "corn people" in an early form of the Mixe–Zoquean language, which the Mokaya supposedly spoke.[2]

Chronology

[edit]
Chronology of the Early Formative Period in the Soconusco Region, Mexico

The Mokaya are likely contemporaneous to the La Venta Olmecs. The Olmecs were the first in Mesoamerica to have used cacao, the plant from which chocolate is derived. While Theobroma cacao is indigenous to the Upper Amazon, it was somehow present here in a domesticated form by approximately 1900 BC. Evidence suggests they were the first to domesticate the cacao around 2,500 BC; even the word cacao belongs to the Olmec language. [3][4] A Mokaya archaeological site provides evidence of cacao beverages dating to this time.[5]

The Barra phase of the Mokaya culture dates between 1900-1700 BC. Early sites belonging to this phase include Altamira, San Carlos, and Paso de la Amada. This phase is distinguished by a seemingly ex nihilo appearance of sophisticated pottery. Its forms are thought to have initially developed as skeuomorphs of earlier gourd containers.[6]

The Locona phase followed from 1700-1500 BC. Populations and numbers of settlements expanded substantially during this phase.

This was followed by the Ocos Phase (1500-1200 BC), exemplified by a ceramic tradition famously identified by archaeologist Michael D. Coe in the 1960s during his work at the Early Formative village of La Victoria.

The Mokaya are thought to have been among the first cultures in Mesoamerica to develop a hierarchical society, which arose in the Early Formative (or Preclassic) period of Mesoamerican chronology, at a time (late 2nd millennium BCE) slightly before similar traits were evident among the early Olmec centers of the Gulf Coast region and the cultures of the Valley of Oaxaca, such as San Jose Mogote.

Occupational phases

[edit]

The following occupational phases have been proposed for Mokaya archaeology.

Barra (1900-1700 BC): The Appearance of Ceramics and Chocolate

[edit]
Painted ceramics with decorative features such as shell impressions, and use of reflective hematite; 1700-1300 BCE, from Paso de la Amada, Mazatán. Regional Museum of Anthropology and History of Chiapas, Tuxtla Gutierrez

The Barra ceramic phase, which marks the beginning of the Early Formative period, spans 1850 to 1650 BC and is known to be the initial occupation phase of the Mokaya. It is also when the first known pottery was developed in Mesoamerica.

The primary location of the Mokaya during this phase was the Pacific Coast of Chiapas, Mexico. Settlement patterns in this region consisted of large villages of 15-51 hectares surrounded by subsidiary settlements that included small villages, hamlets and homesteads.[7]

Most of the ceramic information pertaining to the Barra phase was collected at Paso de la Amada. The common form here was the tecomate, which is a neckless jar with rounded sides and a restricted rim.[8] These vessels were not designed for cooking but probably for holding liquids. One specific tecomate found above Structure 4 in Mound 6 at Paso de la Amada tested positive for traces of cacao. It is believed that these early ceramics were used for beverages such as chicha, cacao or atole consumed in social settings and conferring prestige on the giver.[9] This particular vessel was dated between 1900-1500 BC to span both the Barra and Locona phases. While domesticated flora was consumed during this period, it is likely that the main source of diet was due to more of a hunter-gatherer society and explains the settlement near rivers and swamps.

Guatemala coast

[edit]

Madre Vieja pottery of Guatemala is from the same time period, and it's similar to Barra pottery.

This is a thick pottery of white, black, or red colors, mostly furnished with ceramic slip (slipped). It's found on the Guatemala Pacific Coast in Suchitepéquez Department and Escuintla, and in the region of Tecojate. Sometimes the surface is grooved and the vessels may resemble the shape of a squash or pumpkin. The dates of this pottery are from 1680 to 1300 B.C. (calibrated). Other types of similar pottery include the Brushed Group (non-slipped), and the Jocote Group.[10]

Locona (1650-1550 BC)

[edit]

Around 1650 to 1550 BC a more complex ceramic vessel inventory appears and ceramic technology was being applied to a more complete range of the society's containers.[11] This marks the beginning of the Locona phase of Mokaya culture. Common ceramic forms during this time were open bowls or dishes and unslipped tecomates. By the Locona phase there were several large villages in the Mazatán zone, some of which had large-scale architecture, elaborate ceramics and figurines, imported obsidian, and a well-developed lapidary.[1] Some research suggests that the Locona phase Mokaya provided the sociopolitical stimulus for the development of the Gulf Olmec.[12] Based on artifact distributions, architectural analysis and regional survey, they suggest that simple chiefdoms emerged in the Mazatán region during the Locona phase.[13]

Ocós to Jocotal phases

[edit]

The uncalibrated dates for these phases are as follows,

  • Ocós (1250-1150 BC)
  • Cherla (1150-1000 BC)
  • Cuadros (1000-900 BC)
  • Jocotal (900-850 BC)

And here are the calibrated dates,

  • Ocós (1500-1350 BC)
  • Cherla (1350-1200 BC)
  • Cuadros (1200-1000 BC)
  • Jocotal (1000-950 BC)[14]

Most large Early Formative settlements continued to be occupied throughout these phases, with rapid changes in ceramics and other artifacts marks the succession of the phases from Ocós to Jocotal. During the Ocós phase, Paso de la Amada was estimated to be approximately 50 hectares in size. Also seen during Ocós phase there was the increase in size and types of ceramics. This probably correlates with an increase of cooked foods and foods cooked in quantity since ceramic vessels were now being used for storage as well as serving. At Paso de la Amada, black-and-white pottery makes up 3 percent of the Late Ocós rims and between 10-20 percent of the classified rims during the subsequent Cherla phase.[15] Jars also become a regular part of the ceramic inventory during the Cherla phase at Paso de la Amada.[16] Changes from the Locona through the Cherla phases suggest the gradually increasing importance of unslipped, utilitarian tecomates and open-walled serving bowls.[17]

During the Cherla phase, an independent interaction of the Mazatan area with the Gulf Coast Olmec had reached its maximum. Later Cuadros pottery forms share many of the same characteristics with pottery forms from the early Olmec sites. During Cuadros period, it is believed that the Mazatan area had come under Olmec hegemony.[14]

The changes in vessel form, function and decorate all seem to be part of the continued social differentiation of the Mokaya. The elites of the villages displayed vessels to convey status to the rest of the community and continued to use the ceramics in feasting situations to maintain the unbalanced social relationships.

Conchas (850-650 BC)

[edit]

During the Middle Formative period, specifically for the Conchas phases A-C and D of the Mokaya culture, the focus of settlement shifted to the Lower Río Naranjo zone, in Guatemala, and many of the larger Early Formative sites near the rivers and swamps in the Mazatán zone were abandoned.[18] During Conchas A-C, about 850-750 BC, the large center of La Blanca was built, including a huge 25-meter-tall (82 ft) earthen mound at the site.[1] Villagers at La Blanca and along the coast began to subsist partly on maize. The shift to increasing maize consumption early in the Conchas phase may have had important social and economic consequences, signaled by population growth and aggregation and the construction of monumental earthen mounds.[19] Increase reliance on agricultural production provided the economic base for continued population growth and increase in sociopolitical complexity that apparently was not possible in the Mazatán zone. Dietary, technological and iconographic evidence all indicate that a fundamental reorganization of the Soconusco economy occurred during the early Middle Formative Conchas phase.[20]

See also

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Notes

[edit]

References

[edit]
Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia

Mokaya

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from Grokipedia
The Mokaya were an early Mesoamerican culture, often called the "corn people" in reference to their agricultural prowess, that flourished in the region along the Pacific coast of , , and extending into western from approximately 1900 to 1300 BCE. As one of the earliest sedentary societies in the area, they developed stratified villages and pioneered key innovations that laid foundational elements for later civilizations like the Olmec and Maya. The Mokaya are renowned for their advancements in , introducing the cultivation of , beans, , , and notably Theobroma cacao—the source of —as early as 1900 BCE, with evidence of cacao processing for beverages found in ceramic residues at sites like Paso de la Amada. They were also the first in to produce ceramics during the Barra phase (1900–1700 BCE), using them for both utilitarian and elaborate purposes, such as gourd-shaped vessels likely employed in feasting and social display. Socially, the Mokaya formed a rank-oriented society with emerging hierarchies, evidenced by high-status residences and control over luxury goods like and , which helped consolidate elite power in ceremonial centers. A hallmark of Mokaya ingenuity was the construction of the earliest known at Paso de la Amada around 1650 BCE, an 80-meter-long earthen structure with elevated bleachers used for a ballgame played with rubber balls and the body (excluding hands and feet), which played a central role in their political, religious, and social life. This site, spanning up to 140 hectares at its peak, served as a major ceremonial hub, reflecting the Mokaya's transition from simple villages to complex communities before their decline amid regional shifts around 1300 BCE. Their cultural traditions, including Mixe-Zoquean linguistic influences and pre-Olmec artistic styles, underscore their significance as precursors to broader Mesoamerican developments in , , and .

Overview

Etymology and Definition

The Mokaya culture represents a pre-Olmec archaeological tradition that developed in the region, encompassing the coastal piedmont of southern , , and adjacent areas of , during the Early Formative period from approximately 1900 to 1300 BCE. This culture is recognized as the earliest sedentary society in , characterized by permanent villages supported by a of farming, , and , along with emerging social complexity evidenced by hierarchical structures and status differentiation in settlements. The name "Mokaya," coined by archaeologists, derives from a Mixe-Zoquean term meaning "people of the corn," underscoring the central role of agriculture in their subsistence and (Clark and Blake 1989). Linguistic affiliations link the Mokaya to proto-Mixe-Zoquean speakers, a distinct from later dominant Mesoamerican groups like the Mayan and Uto-Aztecan families, suggesting an ancestral population that contributed to the linguistic and of the region. As a precursor to the Olmec civilization, the Mokaya provided early models of social organization and economic practices that influenced broader Mesoamerican developments.

Historical Significance

The Mokaya culture played a pivotal role in the early development of Mesoamerican societies, particularly through their innovations in and that laid foundational precedents for later complex civilizations. Emerging in the region along the Pacific coast, the Mokaya were among the first to establish sedentary villages during the Early Formative period, transitioning from mobile to permanent settlements supported by . This shift, evident from archaeological remains dating to around 1900–1700 BCE, enabled population growth and the emergence of , marked by differences in burial practices and access to prestige goods at sites like Paso de la Amada. These developments set early models for hierarchical societies across , influencing the trajectory toward urbanism and centralized authority in subsequent cultures. A key contribution of the Mokaya was their early use of cacao (Theobroma cacao), which held significant economic and ritual importance. Recent studies suggest cacao was first domesticated in South America around 3300 BCE before reaching Mesoamerica, where archaeological evidence indicates the Mokaya processed it into beverages as early as 1900 BCE, with chemical analysis of ceramic residues from Paso de la Amada revealing theobromine, a marker of cacao preparation, in a neckless jar. This suggests early adoption and possible local cultivation in the Soconusco region, with techniques for fermenting and roasting cacao beans into frothy drinks foreshadowing its widespread adoption in later Mesoamerican rituals and trade networks. The Mokaya also exerted potential influence on the emerging Olmec culture, sharing motifs in ceramics and architectural forms that reflect cultural exchange or diffusion along the . Early Mokaya pottery, featuring incised designs and vessel shapes from the phase (1550–1400 BCE), exhibits stylistic parallels with Olmec wares, such as tecomates and similar decorative elements, suggesting Mokaya contributions to the iconographic repertoire that defined Olmec . Monumental architecture, including platform mounds at Mokaya settlements, may have inspired Olmec earthworks, facilitating the spread of shared symbolic systems related to rulership and cosmology. This interaction underscores the Mokaya's position as precursors to the Olmec "mother culture" in Mesoamerican and . Furthermore, the Mokaya's intensification of (Zea mays) solidified their reputation as the "corn people," a term derived from the Mixe-Zoquean roots of their , reflecting maize's central role in their . Leveraging the fertile volcanic soils of their homeland, they cultivated alongside beans and squash in raised fields and managed landscapes, achieving higher yields that supported larger, stratified communities by 1800 BCE. This agricultural focus not only sustained sedentary life but also contributed to broader Mesoamerican reliance on as a staple, influencing dietary patterns and practices in later societies like the Olmec and Maya.

Geography and Environment

Location and Regional Divisions

The Mokaya culture was centered in the region, a narrow coastal plain along the extending from southeastern in to western . This area, characterized by its fertile alluvial soils and proximity to both marine and riverine resources, supported early sedentary communities during the Early Formative period. Archaeologists divide the Soconusco into three adjacent zones based on geographic and cultural distinctions: the Lower Río Naranjo zone along the Guatemalan coast, the Acapetahua zone in central , and the Mazatán zone in western . These divisions reflect variations in settlement patterns and resource exploitation while maintaining interconnected cultural practices across the region. The zones were linked by a network of inland waterways, including rivers, freshwater marshes, and brackish estuaries, which enabled canoe-based and facilitated the exchange of and ideas among Mokaya communities. Prominent archaeological sites include and Paso de la Amada in the Mazatán zone, and La Blanca in the Lower Río Naranjo zone, with early village extents reaching up to 140 hectares at Paso de la Amada during its peak occupation around 1600 BCE.

Ecological Context

The Mokaya culture developed in the tropical lowland environment of the region along the of southern and western , characterized by extensive swamps, numerous rivers, and fertile alluvial soils that facilitated early agricultural practices. This , spanning approximately 240 km in length and 35 km in width, featured a warm, humid with high seasonal rainfall, averaging over 2,000 mm annually, which enriched the landscape and supported a diverse . and estuaries provided critical habitats for , while the rivers, such as the Coatán and Suchiate, connected inland areas to the , enabling access to a variety of aquatic resources. In addition to marine resources like fish and shellfish abundant in the estuaries and nearshore waters, the inland forests offered opportunities for hunting and gathering wild plants and animals, contributing to a mixed subsistence economy. The region's volcanic soils, derived from nearby Sierra Madre de Chiapas eruptions, combined with alluvial deposits from river flooding, created highly productive land suitable for cultivation. Seasonal flooding from the rivers not only replenished soil nutrients but also supported crop growth. These environmental features provided a reliable resource base, allowing the Mokaya to exploit both coastal and terrestrial zones effectively. From around 1900 BC, a period of relative climate stability in the region, with consistent temperatures and precipitation patterns, enabled the transition to permanent settlements, contrasting with the more nomadic lifestyles of earlier Archaic groups like the Chantuto. This stability, part of broader Holocene climatic trends, minimized environmental risks and supported population growth, as the predictable availability of water, soils, and biota fostered sedentism and resource intensification. Maize cultivation, in particular, benefited from the volcanic and alluvial soils, becoming a staple by this time and underpinning the ecological adaptations of the Mokaya during the Early Formative period.

Society and Economy

Social Organization and Hierarchy

The emergence of social complexity among the Mokaya is most evident during the Locona phase, when chiefdom-level organization developed, featuring inherited leadership and stratified social roles distinct from earlier egalitarian or big-man systems. Archaeological evidence from sites like Paso de la Amada reveals elite residences, such as a 12-meter-long apsidal structure interpreted as a chiefly house, alongside communal facilities including the region's earliest known ballcourt, which likely facilitated gatherings and reinforced authority. This stratification was enabled by agricultural surplus, which supported population growth and resource control by emerging elites. Status indicators highlight the hierarchical structure, with elite houses substantially larger than commoner dwellings—often several times the size based on floor area comparisons—and differential burial treatments underscoring inherited rank. For instance, a child burial at El Vivero containing a rare mica mirror artifact points to high-status lineage from an early age, contrasting with simpler interments lacking such prestige items. Feasting and ritual practices further solidified social hierarchies, as seen in specialized ceramic assemblages designed for communal consumption events. Fancy serving vessels from the preceding Barra phase, and their continuation into Locona contexts, suggest competitive generosity by aspiring leaders to build alliances and prestige, with larger assemblages in elite areas indicating sponsored gatherings that integrated community participation while affirming differential access to resources.

Subsistence Patterns and Agriculture

The Mokaya in the Early Formative period featured a mixed strategy with significant components alongside emerging . Archaeological evidence from faunal remains indicates reliance on deer (such as virginianus), fish, and (including Pachychilus spp.) from estuarine and swamp environments. This supported in resource-rich coastal settings, where aquatic and terrestrial resources provided a stable dietary base. (Zea mays) was cultivated during this period, along with other plants such as beans (Phaseolus spp.), squash (Cucurbita spp.), and possibly manioc (Manihot esculenta), but stable analyses suggest maize was not yet a dietary staple, potentially used more for feasting or beverages than daily subsistence. Cultivation occurred in the fertile alluvial valleys of the region, where archaeological surveys reveal patterns of land use adapted to the tropical lowland environment; full intensification of maize occurred later, around 1000 BCE. Trade networks further diversified the Mokaya economy, facilitating the acquisition of for tools, for ornaments, and marine shells for exchange and adornment, sourced from highland and coastal interactions beyond local availability. These exchanges, evidenced by artifact distributions at sites like , integrated the Mokaya into broader Mesoamerican systems and supported surplus production that, in turn, enabled emerging social hierarchies.

Material Culture

Ceramics and Pottery Development

The Mokaya culture in the region of is credited with producing some of the earliest known ceramics in , emerging during the Barra phase around 1900–1700 BCE. These initial vessels primarily consisted of tecomates—globular, neckless pots modeled after organic containers like —serving functions such as cooking, storage, and liquid holding. The thin-walled construction of these tecomates, often flat-bottomed for stability, marked a significant technological advancement, transitioning from perishable materials to durable fired clay. Over subsequent phases of Mokaya development, pottery forms diversified to include open bowls, restricted-mouth jars, and more specialized vessels, reflecting adaptations in daily and practices. Decoration techniques evolved alongside, incorporating incising for linear motifs, polishing or burnishing to achieve a smooth, lustrous finish, and occasional elements, which enhanced both aesthetic appeal and functionality. Skeuomorphic designs persisted, with vessel shapes and surface treatments mimicking and baskets, underscoring the sophistication of Mokaya potters in replicating natural forms through media. Ceramic analyses from Mokaya sites reveal their role in social contexts, including feasting events where elaborately decorated vessels facilitated communal beverage consumption and prestige display. Evidence of trade emerges through stylistic variations and compositional studies, such as instrumental neutron activation analysis (INAA), showing that while most was locally produced, select wares circulated across zones like Acapetahua and Mazatán, indicating early exchange networks. Some vessels also bear residues of cacao, linking to specialized processing and consumption practices.

Cacao Processing and Use

The Mokaya culture in the region of southern was among the earliest known in to process and consume cacao (), with archaeological from sites like Paso de la Amada dating to approximately 1900 BCE. Cacao was likely domesticated earlier in upper Amazonia, , around 3300 BCE, before spreading northward. Genetic analyses of modern trees in the area reveal high Criollo ancestry, suggesting long-term cultivation practices in the region. Chemical analysis of residues from Mokaya sites has confirmed the preparation of cacao-based beverages, with —a unique to —detected in vessels from both the (1900–1700 BCE) and Locona (1700–1500 BCE) phases. These findings, obtained through liquid chromatography-mass spectrometry (LC/MS), indicate that the Mokaya produced frothy drinks stored and served in specialized tecomate vessels, such as the elaborately decorated Bayo Brown type, which facilitated aeration through pouring techniques. Mokaya cacao processing involved several labor-intensive steps to transform raw beans into a consumable beverage: the beans were first fermented in their surrounding pulp to develop flavor precursors, then dried and lightly roasted to remove shells and enhance taste, followed by grinding into a fine paste on stone metates. This paste was mixed with water and possibly spices or to create a frothy liquid, often aerated by pouring from height to produce a stable foam, reflecting early innovations in beverage preparation during the Formative period. C cacao beverages held significant ritual and elite connotations among the Mokaya, serving as a in ceremonial contexts at sites like Paso de la Amada, a major socio-political center. Consumed primarily by high-ranking individuals during social and prestige events, these drinks likely symbolized wealth and social distinction, reinforcing hierarchies in early sedentary communities.

Chronology and Phases

Early Phases: Barra and Locona

The Early Phases of the Mokaya culture, encompassing the (1900–1700 BCE) and Locona (1700–1500 BCE) periods, represent the initial establishment of sedentary village life in the region along the Pacific coast of , , and western . These phases mark a transition from pre-ceramic, semi-sedentary groups to more organized communities with emerging , characterized by the adoption of and reliance on localized resources. Archaeological evidence from sites in this coastal lowland environment highlights innovations in and subsistence that laid the groundwork for later Mesoamerican developments. The Barra phase initiated the Mokaya ceramic tradition with the appearance of the earliest known pottery in , featuring sophisticated forms such as tecomates and open bowls with elaborate surface decorations like zoned rocking. These vessels, often found in domestic contexts, suggest use in communal activities, including the preparation of cacao beverages, as evidenced by residues detected in a Bayo Brown tecomate sherd from a refuse deposit at Paso de la Amada. Settlements during this period consisted of large villages spanning 15–51 hectares, typically located near rivers for access to marine and estuarine resources, surrounded by smaller hamlets and farmsteads. Subsistence emphasized , , and gathering, with isotopic analysis of human remains indicating that C4 plants like contributed minimally to the diet, which was dominated by marine proteins and wild plants. By the Locona phase, Mokaya communities exhibited increased social differentiation, with the emergence of chiefdom-level organization evidenced by larger architectural features and stratified burials. At Paso de la Amada, a key site covering approximately 50 hectares, excavations have uncovered a 12-meter-long apsidal structure interpreted as an elite residence and one of Mesoamerica's earliest ballcourts, indicating ritual and competitive activities that reinforced hierarchical structures. Ceramic production grew more complex, incorporating diverse forms and incised decorations that show possible stylistic influences from emerging Olmec traditions in the , such as shared motifs on greenstone artifacts. Early occupations at sites like Cantón Corralito and further illustrate this phase's expansion, with evidence of nucleated settlements supporting populations of several hundred individuals focused on intensified resource exploitation. This progression from the to Locona phase reflects a shift toward fully hierarchical communities, driven by innovations in and subsistence that enabled and social elaboration in the lowlands.

Middle Phases: Ocós, Cherla, and Cuadros

The Ocós phase (1500–1350 BCE) marked a period of consolidation and growth in Mokaya society, characterized by expanded settlements and enhanced subsistence practices. Sites such as Paso de la Amada grew to approximately 50 hectares, reflecting increased and organizational complexity compared to earlier periods. Ceramic production diversified significantly, with larger vessel sizes and a broader range of forms, including more robust open bowls and dishes suitable for communal cooking and serving, likely tied to the preparation of processed foods. This ceramic elaboration coincided with intensified agriculture, as evidenced by higher densities of maize remains in archaeological contexts, indicating a shift toward greater reliance on cultivated staples for sustenance. During the Cherla phase (1350–1200 BCE), Mokaya communities experienced heightened external interactions, particularly with emerging Olmec groups from the , leading to cultural hybridization in . Jars were introduced as a standard form, facilitating storage and transport in an era of expanding regional networks. Olmec influence peaked, manifest in the adoption of black-and-white differentially fired , which comprised 10–20% of classified vessel rims (averaging 16%), often featuring incised designs and bichrome effects reminiscent of Gulf Coast styles. These ceramics, alongside Olmec-inspired figurines depicting "baby-face" motifs, suggest intensified exchange along coastal routes, with Mokaya sites serving as intermediaries in the distribution of prestige goods like and . The Cuadros phase (1200–1000 BCE) saw further , with s reflecting elite-sponsored activities and deepened Olmec stylistic integration. Feasting vessels, such as large serving bowls and carved platters, appeared in higher proportions at mound summits and residences, indicating communal events that reinforced hierarchical distinctions. Olmec-style motifs, including stylized felines and profile heads, were incorporated into ceramic contexts at sites like Cantón Corralito, signaling alliances or emulation among emerging leaders. Household-level variations in artifact quality and quantity further attest to emerging social inequalities. Artifact distributions across the , including Olmec-style imports concentrated at key centers, provide evidence of structured alliances through trade rather than overt conflict, with coastal routes enabling the flow of exotic materials that bolstered local elites. Cacao processing, inferred from residue analysis on vessels, continued as a valued activity, linking these phases to broader subsistence traditions.

Late Phases: Jocotal and Conchas

The Jocotal phase (ca. 1000–950 BCE) marked a transitional period in Mokaya development, characterized by continued evolution in ceramics that bridged earlier Cuadros styles with emerging Middle Formative forms. Key innovations included Suchiate Brushed tecomates with diagonal brushing and incised arcs, alongside white-slipped pottery featuring engraved motifs and white-rimmed black wares, reflecting refined decorative techniques such as exterior finger punching and diagonal incising. These changes indicated growing social differentiation, with elite status potentially displayed through access to imported goods like from distant sources and Manantial-style ceramics signaling intensified regional interactions. Settlement patterns during this phase showed continuity in coastal and estuarine locations, setting the stage for subsequent shifts. The Conchas phase (ca. 850–650 BCE) witnessed significant cultural transformations, including a pronounced shift in settlement focus to the Lower Río Naranjo zone, exemplified by the rise of La Blanca as a major center spanning over 300 hectares with a three-tiered across 350 km². Ceramic assemblages evolved further, featuring Conchas Red-and-white, Streaky Brown-black, and Conchas Fine Red-on-cream wares, often slipped and polished, alongside new vessel forms like composite silhouette bowls and cuspidors that underscored increased craft specialization and possible trade in items such as Río Blanco Orange from the . Subsistence patterns emphasized heavy reliance on , with abundant cob impressions of Nal-Tel or Chapalote varieties found in ceramic contexts, prepared likely as tamales in specialized tecomates, reflecting agricultural intensification on fertile river terraces. Monumental emerged prominently, including at La Blanca where Mound 1 reached 25 meters in height— the tallest in the region at the time—alongside other platforms 3–10 meters high, indicating centralized labor organization and ritual functions. By the late Conchas phase, signs of decline appeared in some areas, with sites like Salinas La Blanca abandoned and La Blanca itself reduced to hamlet size after ca. 600 BCE, possibly linked to shifts in regional power dynamics. This contraction coincided with broader population decreases in coastal zones and inland migrations toward the , though direct evidence of environmental stress remains limited. The phase laid groundwork for transitions into Late Formative cultures, with ceramic and architectural traits influencing emerging centers like and elements foreshadowing Epi-Olmec developments in the broader Mesoamerican interaction sphere.

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