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Toponym identification in Ajayib al-Hind, Zabag (Zabedj) is interpreted as Java.

Zabag (Indonesian: Sabak; Chinese: 阇婆 or 闍婆 "She-bó", "Shepo"; Sanskrit: Javaka; Arabic: الزابج "Zabaj"; Latin: Jabad) is thought to have been an ancient territory located south of China somewhere in Southeast Asia, between the Chenla Kingdom (now Cambodia) and Java. Several historians have associated this kingdom with Srivijaya and thought its location was somewhere in Sumatra, Java or Malay Peninsula.[1] Indonesian historians have suggested that Zabag is connected to the present day Muara Sabak area, the estuary of Batang Hari River in East Tanjung Jabung Regency, Jambi province.[2] Zabag could also have been located in Java, not Srivijaya because Zabag is noted to annex Srivijaya, and the size of Zabag is only half the size of an island called Ramni (Sumatra).[3]: 30–31 

Samuel Bochart suggested that Jabad is the island of Iabadiu as mentioned by Ptolemy: "it's reads ἰαβαδίου, thas is iaba-diu, or the island of Java".[4] He argues that "iaba diu" means the island of barley, and the word "iaba" is based on the Arabic word jabad or aibad, by which is signified a grass or a grain of barley intended for fattening cattle.[4] Bochart also argue that the correct interpretation of Iabadiu is νῆσος (nesos, many islands) not νήσου (nísou, an island). On critical edition of Stephanus of Byzantium, Abraham Berkelius argues that the island of Iabadiu, as presented by Ptolemy, is Iaba diu, or the island of Java; and for the Persians and Indians there is no one who does not know that "diu" denotes the island, and "iaba" signifies grass or grain of barley.[5][6]

Its exact location, however, is still the subject of debate among scholars. Other possible locations such as northern Borneo and Philippines have also been suggested.[7]

Historical sources

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The main source of the existence of the kingdom of Zabag was a Persian sailor named Sulaiman al-Tajir al-Sirafi, known as Sulaiman the Merchant, in his book "Rihlah As-Sirafiy" (As-Sirafi's journey), in which he recorded his journey to India, China, and the Zabaj islands in the period 851 AD. Following are excerpts of Sulaiman al-Tajir al-Sirafi's journey:[3]: 30–31 

Then we will discuss the city of Zabaj, which separates from China. Between the two [Zabaj and China] can be reached by sea travel for a month, or less if the wind is good; it is said to be around 900 farsakh. The king is known as "maharaja" (''al-maharij''). The maharaja is in control of the many islands so that the total power can reach 1000 Farsakhs or more. And in its territory there is an island which is the center of its kingdom, as told in the length of about 400 Farsakhs. There is also an island known as "Al-Rami" (Land of Arrows)[Note 1] which is about 800 farsakh in length; there are plants such as red wood, camphor, and others. And in its territory there is an island [Singapore][Note 2] which is a crossing between Chinese lands and Arab lands. And the estimated distance is 80 farsakhs. And to him collected merchandise such as rattan, camphor, sandalwood, ivory, tin, ebony, red wood, and various spices, and others whose list will be very long. And at this time the journey from Oman to there and from there to Oman has already taken place. The maharaja's orders apply throughout the islands and also the mainland, and its main area is where it is located. The Maharaja controlled all of these islands. As for the island, where he lives, is a very fertile and densely populated island. Someone who can be trusted says, when roosters start crowing at dawn, as is the case in Arab lands, they will reply within more than 100 farsakhs. This can happen because the villages are interconnected and because there are no deserts or ruins, they line up continuously. People who travel by foot or horse in this country can go wherever he likes. If he is tired, he can stop wherever he likes, and he can always find a place to stay. ("Rihlah As-Sirafiy", Sulaiman al-Tajir al-Sirafi)

Legend of the Maharaja of Zabaj

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One day in a fit of jealousy, the Khmer ruler made the following remark in court.

"I have one desire that I would like to satisfy," said the young ruler.

"What is that desire, O King," inquired his faithful councillor.

"I wish to see before me on a plate," remarked the monarch, "the head of the King of Zabaj."

"I do not wish, O King, that my sovereign should express such a desire,” answered the minister. “The Khmer and Zabaj have never manifested hatred towards each other, either in words or in acts. Zabaj has never done us any harm. What the King has said should not be repeated."

Angered by this sage advice, the Khmer ruler raised his voice and repeated his desire so that all of the generals and nobles who were present at court could hear him. Word of the young ruler's impetuous outburst passed from mouth to mouth until it finally arrived at the court of the Maharaja of Zabaj. Upon hearing the words of the Khmer ruler, the Maharaja ordered his councillor to prepare a thousand ships for departure. When the fleet was ready, the Maharaja himself went aboard and announced to the crowd on shore that he would be making a pleasure trip amongst his islands. Once at sea, however, the Maharaja orders the armada to proceed to the capital of the Khmer ruler, where his troops took the Khmers by surprise, seized the city, and surrounded the palace. After the Khmer ruler had been captured, he was brought before the Maharaja of Zabaj.

"What caused you to form a desire which was not in your power to satisfy, which would not have given you happiness if you had realized it, and would not even have been justified if it had been easily realizable?" inquired the Maharaja of Zabaj.

Since the Khmer king had nothing to say in return, the Maharaja of Zabaj continued. "You have manifested the desire to see before you my head on a plate. If you also had wished to seize my country and my kingdom or even only to ravage a part of it, I would have done the same to you. But since you have only expressed the first of these desires, I am going to apply to you the treatment you wished to apply to me, and I will then return to my country without taking anything belonging to the Khmer, either of great or small value."

When the Maharaja returned to his own palace back home, he seated himself on the throne. Set before him was a plate upon which rested the head of the former Khmer king.[8]: 16–17 

Sayabiga

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Numerous Arabic sources noted the existence of a people called Sayabiga, which are already settled on the shores of the Persian Gulf before the rise of Islam. This tribe or group appears to have been derived from a colony of Sumatran or Javanese people, originally settled in Sind, but who were eventually made prisoners during a Persian invasion and forcibly enrolled in the Persian military forces. Sayabiga were mercenaries of high soldierly qualities, disciplined, used to the sea, faithful servants; and in consequence, they were considered eminently suitable to serve as guards and soldiers, gaolers, and wardens of the treasury. In the reign of Caliph Abu Bakr (632–634) they formed a garrison at At-Khatt, in Al-Bahrain, and in 656 they are recorded as having been entrusted with the guarding of the treasury at Al-Basra.[9] Ferrand (1926) shows that the name Sayabiga is derived directly from Sabag, which is a variation of Zabag.[10]: 316 

Location

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Srivijaya

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Many historian identify Zabag with Srivijaya, an empire centered in Sumatra. Zabag is the Arabic word for Sumatra and Java, roughly corresponding with the Srivijaya.[1] A French scholar, George Coedès, published his discoveries and interpretations in Dutch and Indonesian-language newspapers.[11] Coedès noted that the Chinese references to "Sanfoqi" or "Sanfotsi", previously read as "Sribhoja", and the inscriptions in Old Malay refer to the same empire.[12] This contradicts the opinion of Mulyana and Lombard, who identified Sanfotsi and Sanfoqi as Srivijaya / Sumatra, in contrast to Java.[13][14]

Srivijaya and by extension Sumatra had been known by different names to different peoples. The Chinese called it Sanfotsi, and at one time there was an even older kingdom of Kantoli that could be considered as the predecessor of Srivijaya.[15][16] The Arabs called it Zabag and the Khmer called it Melayu.[15] This is another reason why the discovery of Srivijaya was so difficult.[15] While some of these names are strongly reminiscent of the name of Java, there is a distinct possibility that they may have referred to Sumatra instead.[17]

Java

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Sulayman around 851 AD noted that Sribuza (Srivijaya) and Kalah (a place on the Malay peninsula, possibly Kedah) were the area ruled by Zabag.[18]: 200–201  Therefore, the intended Zabag is not Srivijaya. Ibn Khordazbeh in 844, Ibn Al-Fakih in 902, Abu Zayd Hasan in 943, and Sulayman in 851 AD noted that Zabag united Sribuza and Kalah.[13]: 56 [18]: 200–201  During this period, Java was ruled by Medang kingdom (Ancient Mataram).

From other Arabic information, the kingdom of Zabag is as far as 20 days of voyage from the Kalah. According to Abu'lfida' information, the distance between Kalah and the central state of Java was 20 days of journey.[13]: 57  The distance is the same as the distance from Malacca to Majapahit as recorded by The Epic of Hang Tuah.[19] According to Nugroho, this indicates that Zabag is Java, not Sumatra or the Malay peninsula. He also noted several important points: Sulayman mentioned that Zabaj is only half the length of Al-Rami island, which indicates that Zabaj is Java while Al-Rami is Sumatra. The island on which the Maharaja resided was very fertile and densely populated, which corresponds to Java.[3]: 8–10, 30–31  It is also possible that She-pó or She-bó in Chinese records, which is the original name of the island of Java (Javadvipa is the Sanskrit word for the island), is Zabag.[14]

When John of Marignolli returned from China to Avignon, he stayed at the Kingdom of Saba for a few months, which he said had many elephants and was led by a queen. Saba may be his interpretation of She-bó.[20]: xii, 192–194  Afanasij Nikitin, a merchant from Tver (in Russia), travelled to India in 1466 and described the land of Java, which he called шабайте (shabait/šabajte).[21][22]

The word saba (sabhā) in Old Javanese means "meeting" or "assembly," so the name could be interpreted as "meeting place".[23][24]: 1581  According to Fahmi Basya, the word means "assembly place", "meeting place", or "meeting place of nations".[25]: 162, 172 

See also

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Notes

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References

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Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia

Zabag (ancient territory)

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Zabag, known in Arabic accounts as the "Empire of the ," was a powerful ancient in that flourished from the 7th to the 13th centuries CE, encompassing numerous islands, parts of the , and key trade routes across the region. Ruled by a Buddhist titled the , it was renowned for its immense wealth derived from controlling maritime commerce, including the export of aromatics such as , aloes, cloves, and , as well as , , and tin. Arab writers like Sulayman al-Tajir (c. 851 CE) and Abu Zayd al-Sirafi (c. 916 CE) portrayed Zabag as a vast domain so extensive that a swift vessel could not circumnavigate its territories in two years, with its capital situated on an near a lake and volcano, facing toward . Many scholars identify Zabag with the historical empire, a maritime polity centered at in southeastern , , though its precise identification remains debated; this association is supported by the correspondence between Arabic descriptions of Zabag and Chinese records of "San-fo-ch'i" (), both referring to a dominant Buddhist kingdom that included dependencies like Sribuza () and Kalah ( on the ). Under the Sailendra dynasty in the 8th–9th centuries, the empire expanded through dynastic ties between and , fostering Buddhist culture and monumental architecture. Zabag's prominence in historical records stems largely from 9th–10th century Arab geographers such as (c. 846 CE) and al-Mas'udi (c. 955 CE), who emphasized its military strength, with armies of and fleets of ships, and its role as a hub for . The empire's decline began in the 11th century following invasions by the of (c. 1025 CE), which weakened its control over trade routes, and further erosion by Javanese forces from and , leading to its fragmentation by the late . Despite its fall, Zabag/Srivijaya left a lasting legacy in Southeast Asian history as a model of and cultural synthesis between Indian, Chinese, and local traditions.

Etymology and Terminology

Name Origins and Variations

The name "Zabag" emerges in 9th-century geographical as a designation for a maritime realm in , with the earliest known attestation appearing in the writings of from c. 846 CE, which associate it with the Maharaja's domain extending to ports like (). This form, "Zabaj," reflects an transcription, while contemporary Persian and later sources vary it as "Zabedj" or "Zabaj," as seen in 's writings. The account of the merchant Sulaiman al-Tajir, composed around 851 CE, describes the "city of Zabaj" and its surrounding islands as a prosperous dependency hub. By the , Abu Zayd al-Sirafi's additions to Sulaiman's text in 916 CE introduce "Serboza" (or Sarboza) as a related toponym within the Zabag ruler's sphere, highlighting orthographic shifts in across Islamic scholarly traditions. Scholars such as Gabriel Ferrand have traced the etymological roots of "Zabag" to the term Javaka, an ancient designation for or Javanese-influenced territories, positing that the "Zabag" preserves an older pronunciation of Djawaga or Jawaga, evolving into the later "Zabaj" form. Ferrand's analysis, based on phonetic comparisons in 9th–10th-century texts, argues that this derivation aligns with regional naming conventions rather than direct geographic labels, distinguishing it from unrelated East African toponyms like . Chinese sources from the same era render similar entities as "San-fo-ch'i," a transcription often debated but not directly convertible from "Zabag" according to Ferrand's linguistic assessment, underscoring the challenges of nomenclature.

Linguistic Connections

The term "Zabag," as recorded in sources, exhibits linguistic ties to ancient Southeast Asian nomenclature rooted in influences on local Austronesian languages. Ptolemy's 2nd-century CE reference to "Iabadiou," an island noted for its and production, is widely interpreted as a Hellenized form of the Yavadvīpa (" Island" or "Island of Grain"), reflecting early adaptations where the initial y shifted to i or ya in . This precursor term underscores a conceptual link between maritime trade descriptions and indigenous island designations, predating accounts by centuries. The evolution from Yavadvīpa to "Zabag" (or Zābaj in ) involves phonetic adaptations through intermediary Old Malay and forms. Sanskrit yava (barley or grain) transitioned via java to Old Malay jaba or jāwa, denoting islands or kingdoms in the , with the intervocalic v often dropping or shifting to a in Austronesian . Arab traders, encountering these terms around the , rendered them as Zābaj, where the initial j became z (a common substitution in for foreign palatals) and nasal elements were simplified, aligning with toponyms like Javadeśa (Land of ). This shift highlights the role of trade lingua francas in transforming Sanskrit-derived names across linguistic boundaries. Supporting evidence appears in 7th-9th century epigraphy from and , where terms akin to Yava or Jāwa denote regional polities or islands. The Kota Kapur inscription (686 CE), found on and an Old Malay text from the era, uses jāwa in the context of preparations for a military expedition against . Similarly, the Canggal inscription (732 CE) in Old Javanese- from explicitly mentions Yavadvīpa as a prosperous island under Śailendra rule, linking it to agricultural abundance and royal legitimacy. These inscriptions demonstrate the integration of lexicon into local scripts, providing philological continuity with later "Zabag" without implying direct borrowing. Chinese records, such as San-fo-ch'i, offer a parallel phonetic variant but remain secondary to indigenous evidence.

Historical Sources

Arab and Persian Accounts

In the , the Arab merchant al-Tajir provided one of the earliest detailed accounts of Zabag in his travelogue Akhbar al-Sin wa al-Hind, compiled around 851 AD. He described the territory as ruled by a whose domain extended over a vast area encompassing numerous in the eastern , including a principal island and the larger island of Al-Rami—identified with northern —which was rich in resources such as brazilwood, , and aromatic woods. Sulayman's account was later expanded by Abu Zayd al-Sirafi in the same work, around 916 AD, who emphasized the kingdom's vast maritime reach and economic prosperity. Abu Zayd noted that the distance from Zabag to was traversable in about a month with favorable winds, highlighting the territory's position as a key intermediary in long-distance . He portrayed the maharaja's realm as exceptionally wealthy, with the ruler collecting from subordinate islands like Sribuza (likely in ) and Kalah (possibly on the ), and described Al-Rami as spanning approximately 800 parasangs (farsakhs) in length. The kingdom benefited from abundant gold, spices, and exotic goods that attracted merchants from across the . The geographer , in his (c. 846–885 AD), referenced Zabag—termed "Djabah al-Hind"—in the context of overland and maritime trade networks connecting the to . He described routes where goods from , such as and , were transported via Zabag's ports to and then to the , with the maharaja's domain serving as a vital hub for exchanging spices, , and textiles. was noted as a dependency under Zabag's influence, underscoring the territory's role in facilitating commerce between the Islamic world and Southeast Asian polities. These accounts collectively depict Zabag as a powerful, island-based kingdom under a whose authority spanned an expansive , integral to the economic exchanges of the era. The term "Zabaj" appears as a variant in these texts, reflecting phonetic adaptations in transcription.

Chinese and Southeast Asian Records

Chinese records from the (618–907 CE) offer the earliest detailed accounts of San-fo-ch'i, a maritime polity frequently associated with the ancient territory of Zabag, emphasizing its diplomatic and naval prominence. The Buddhist pilgrim I-Tsing, in his 7th-century travelogue A Record of the Buddhist Religion as Practised in and the (Nanhai Jigui Neifa Zhuan), recounted his six-month stay in San-fo-ch'i in 671 CE, portraying it as a vibrant hub for Buddhist scholarship where over 1,000 monks resided and studied texts. He noted the kingdom's strategic location near the southern sea routes, its well-organized society under a capable , and its fleet of large ships owned by the king himself, which facilitated trade and pilgrimages to , highlighting San-fo-ch'i's emerging naval power and control over international commerce. Tang dynastic histories further document San-fo-ch'i's tributary relations with , recording formal missions in 702, 716, 728, and 742 CE that presented tribute such as aromatics, spices, and exotic woods to the imperial court, as detailed in the New History of the Tang (Xin Tang Shu). These embassies, dispatched from the capital at , underscored the polity's diplomatic engagement and economic vitality, with envoys traveling via the to . I-Tsing also alluded to San-fo-ch'i's military strength, describing how its forces protected pilgrims and merchants from piracy, a testament to its role in securing vital maritime passages that connected to and beyond. By the late , geographer Jia Dan's descriptions in Tang geographical treatises reinforced San-fo-ch'i's position as a key port near the Straits of Melaka, integral to the flow of goods like and benzoin. Song dynasty (960–1279 CE) sources expand on these interactions, focusing on San-fo-ch'i's centrality in maritime trade networks that supplied with luxury items from the southern seas. The History of the Song (Song Shi) chronicles over a dozen tribute missions between 960 and 1018 CE, including those in 992 and 1028 CE, where envoys delivered resins like and , receiving imperial favor and trade privileges in return. 12th-century accounts by Chou Qufei in Linguai Daida depict San-fo-ch'i as a wealthy kingdom with a population of around 1,000 families in its capital, boasting advanced and annual voyages of large vessels to Chinese ports like , carrying cargoes of spices, textiles, and metals. Zhao Rukuo's Zhufan Zhi (1225 CE) similarly praises its commercial prowess, noting the export of high-quality benzoin and its function as an entrepôt for and Indian merchants, with trade volumes so substantial that San-fo-ch'i's ships dominated routes to the . These records portray a polity whose economic influence persisted despite regional shifts, maintaining steady diplomatic ties through tribute that symbolized mutual respect and commercial interdependence. Southeast Asian records, including those from Khmer sources, provide complementary evidence of interactions with Zabag equivalents like San-fo-ch'i, particularly in the when maritime influences extended into mainland territories. Khmer inscriptions from the isthmian regions, such as the Ligor inscription dated 775 CE (late 8th to early ), record donations and royal decrees by a Srivijayan in areas bordering Khmer domains, suggesting diplomatic outreach and shared cultural practices like Buddhist patronage. Later Khmer chronicles and inscriptions, including those from the 9th–10th centuries in the New History of the Tang cross-referenced with local steles, allude to tensions over trade control in the , with San-fo-ch'i's expansion prompting defensive responses from emerging Khmer powers under rulers like . These interactions, often involving naval skirmishes near the , are evidenced by references to southern "island kingdoms" in Angkorian-era texts, indicating competitive dynamics for regional hegemony without direct conquest.

Legends and Narratives

Legend of the of Zabaj

The legend of the of Zabaj, as recounted in the tenth-century Arabic travelogue Accounts of China and India by Abu Zayd al-Sirafi, centers on a dramatic naval confrontation between Zabaj and the Khmer kingdom, emphasizing the former's overwhelming military prowess. According to the account, the Khmer ruler, in a moment of youthful arrogance, boasted that he wished to see the 's head served on a silver charger, dismissing his advisor's warnings about the dangers of such provocation. Enraged by this insult, the swiftly mobilized a vast fleet of one thousand ships, launching a surprise expedition that sailed directly to the Khmer capital. The Zabaj forces overwhelmed the Khmer defenses, capturing the city and executing the offending ruler by around 802 CE. In the aftermath, the installed a compliant to rule Khmer on his behalf, transforming the kingdom into a subservient . The narrative describes how, from that point forward, successive Khmer kings began each day by prostrating themselves toward Zabaj, rendering ritual homage to the as a of enduring subjugation. This account provides geographical context to frame the feasibility of this campaign, noting that Khmer and Zabaj territories were positioned to allow direct , with the sailing distance between them spanning 10 to 20 days depending on seasonal winds and weather conditions. The narrative, drawn from seafaring traditions, serves to exalt Zabaj as a preeminent maritime in the eyes of medieval Muslim observers, capable of rapid, decisive interventions that asserted over continental powers like Khmer and reinforced its control over vital routes.

Sayabiga and Associated Migrations

The Sayabiga, a group of non-Arab emigrants of possible Southeast Asian origin, have been tentatively linked etymologically to the ancient territory of Zabag through variations like Sabag, often associated with early Sumatran polities. Some scholars suggest their name derives from renderings of "Zabag," implying connections to maritime networks in the region, though direct historical ties remain debated. Their presence is noted in early Islamic sources as settled coastal populations in key ports like Siraf by the early CE, where they contributed to regional maritime activities. Accounts from Persian mariners portray the inhabitants of Zabag as formidable capable of long-distance expeditions, a trait that may parallel the Sayabiga's adaptation to Gulf naval roles. This narrative aligns with broader patterns of pre-Islamic diaspora through routes, where groups from functioned in maritime and military capacities in the region.

Geographical and Political Context

Identification with Srivijaya

Georges Coedès, a pioneering French scholar of , proposed in his seminal study that the ancient territory of Zabag corresponded to the core of the maritime empire, centered at in southern . This identification was based on Srivijaya's documented dominance as a thalassocratic power from the 7th to the 13th century, evidenced by Old Malay inscriptions such as the of 683 CE, which describes maritime expeditions and Buddhist rituals under Srivijayan rulers. Coedès argued that Zabag represented the Sumatran heartland of this empire, which exerted control over key straits and trade routes in . Supporting this theory, historical records from Chinese sources align Zabag with San-fo-ch'i, a polity frequently mentioned in Tang and annals as a prosperous Buddhist kingdom sending tribute missions, such as those in 960 and 1003 CE to the court. These accounts describe San-fo-ch'i as a fertile realm rich in spices, aromatics, and agricultural produce, mirroring Arab geographers' portrayals of Zabag as an island kingdom abundant in rice fields, elephants, and gold, as detailed by al-Tajir in his 9th-century Akhbar al-Sin wa'l-Hind. Coedès noted that both sets of records depict a centralized authority ruling over vassal ports like and Ligor, consistent with Srivijaya's expansive influence. Name variations, such as the Sribuza, further corroborate this linkage to Srivijaya's Sanskrit-derived nomenclature. Archaeological evidence from Muara Sabak in reinforces the connection, revealing ceramics, port structures, and temple remains that point to a major trade hub integrated into Srivijaya's network. Excavations have uncovered Chinese porcelain shards datable to the 8th–10th centuries CE, alongside structural evidence of riverine harbors that facilitated international in like cloves and . These findings, part of the broader Muara Jambi temple complex—one of Southeast Asia's largest Buddhist sites—underscore Srivijaya's role as an economic powerhouse, with serving as a secondary administrative center after its annexation around the .

Identification with Java

The identification of the ancient territory of Zabag with the island of stems primarily from 9th-century accounts that describe a vast, fertile island ruled by a powerful , whose domain extended over regional trade networks including . al-Tajir, in his travelogue Akhbar al-Sin wa'l-Hind (c. 851 CE), portrays Zabaj as an island approximately 400 farsakhs (roughly 2,400 kilometers) in length, emphasizing its political centrality under the , who commanded authority over and maintained a formidable to protect maritime routes. This depiction aligns with 's geographical scale and its historical role as a hub of influence during the Sailendra dynasty, which exerted control over Srivijayan territories in the 8th and 9th centuries. Further support comes from classical Greco-Roman geography, where Ptolemy's Geographia (c. 150 CE) references Iabadiu, a large off the southern coast of the (), noted for its exceptional fertility in grain production and gold mines. Scholars have linked Iabadiu etymologically to , interpreting the name as deriving from yava-dvipa ("barley "), reflecting the island's agricultural abundance that later Arab observers in the expanded upon by highlighting Java's dense population and prolific yields, which sustained large kingdoms and extensive trade. These accounts underscore Java's reputation for self-sufficiency in staples, contrasting with less productive neighboring regions and reinforcing its candidacy for Zabag. In modern Indonesian and , theories persist that localize Zabag to eastern Java or affiliated polities like the ancient kingdom of Kahuripan, drawing on oral traditions that associate the Maharaja's legendary wealth and migrations with Javanese cultural motifs of prosperity and divine kingship. These folk narratives, often intertwined with shadow puppetry epics like the Serat Centhini, portray eastern Java as a cradle of ancient maritime power, echoing Arab descriptions without direct textual dependence. Chinese records from the , such as those in the New Tang Book, briefly corroborate this by noting large southern sea islands comparable in size to , fertile enough to export rice and support vast populations.

Alternative Location Theories

Historian proposed that the kingdom of Zabag was located on the , particularly in the vicinity of Ligor (modern ), based on accounts describing it as a powerful maritime entity encompassing territories like (Kedah) and Tamralinga. This theory draws support from the frequent joint mentions of Jāvaka (a term possibly referring to or a peninsular ) and Tambalińga in inscriptions and texts, such as the Ligor inscription dated to 775 CE, which indicate shared political and cultural spheres under the Sailendra influence, predating later Sumatran dominance. Majumdar argued that the peninsula's strategic position on trade routes facilitated early Hindu-Buddhist colonization, with archaeological evidence from sites like Takua Pa and Caiya reinforcing connections to Indianized polities in the region. Alternative proposals have placed Zabag in Borneo or the Philippines, stemming from ambiguities in basin descriptions in medieval and Chinese records, which portray it as a extending influence over multiple islands and coastal areas. These suggestions interpret terms like Sribuza or Ramni as potentially encompassing Bornean ports or Philippine settlements, but they lack substantial archaeological corroboration, with no major inscriptions or temple complexes directly linking these areas to the of Zabag's domain. Debates persist due to the fluid nature of maritime empires in the period, yet evidence gaps, including the absence of gold-rich sites matching descriptions, undermine these identifications compared to more established peninsular or Sumatran theories. In modern Indonesian scholarship, sites like Muara Jambi in eastern Sumatra have been advanced as potential locations for Zabag or related polities, distinct from the traditional Palembang focus, supported by excavations since the 1970s revealing an extensive Buddhist temple complex spanning nearly 4,000 hectares—the largest in Southeast Asia. These findings include eighth- to thirteenth-century structures with Indian and local architectural influences, suggesting a major religious and trade center that could align with Zabag's described prosperity, though direct epigraphic ties to the name remain elusive. Recent restorations and surveys, including efforts as of 2024–2025 and the site's inclusion on UNESCO's Tentative World Heritage List in 2023, highlight ongoing debates, with Indonesian archaeologists emphasizing Jambi's role in Srivijayan networks as an alternative hub, addressing limitations in earlier Palembang-centric models through new radiocarbon dating and artifact analysis.

Cultural and Economic Significance

Trade Networks and Economy

Zabag's ports were central to the export of , spices, and , as detailed in 9th-century accounts that portray the territory as a hub of extraordinary wealth. The merchant al-Tajir described the king of Zabag as possessing immense riches, including fleets of ships laden with gold and spices, alongside vast herds of used in trade and tribute. These commodities flowed from Zabag's coastal centers into the networks, connecting with markets in and the . Integration into these broader trade routes amplified Zabag's economic influence, with its goods—particularly aromatics and spices—reaching distant consumers via intermediary ports. Chinese records of San-fo-ch'i, the contemporary name for the polity associated with Zabag, document tribute missions to the Tang and courts that included aromatics, spices, and related products like and , exchanged for silks and . For example, a 1003 mission presented spices, aromatics, pharmaceuticals, horn, and , highlighting the territory's role in supplying exotic goods to imperial . This exchange not only enriched Zabag but also solidified its position as a vital link in the maritime . The scale of Zabag's economy was underscored by its territorial extent and tributary system, as estimated by the 10th-century writer Abu Zayd al-Sirafi at around 900 square parasangs, encompassing regions that contributed resources. Dependencies such as al-Rami (likely in northern ) and Sribuza provided in , spices, and other valuables, implying control over roughly 1,000 farsakhs of maritime domain. This vast network of subordinates ensured a steady influx of , sustaining Zabag's dominance in regional commerce without reliance on direct .

Society, Governance, and Relations with Neighbors

The kingdom of Zabag was ruled by a , portrayed in 9th-century Arab accounts as an absolute with divine attributes, often revered as a god-king who commanded unwavering from his subjects. This ruler, titled the "king of the islands of the eastern sea," exercised centralized authority over a vast maritime empire encompassing multiple islands and dependencies, each potentially governed by subordinate chiefs while ultimate power rested with the in the capital. Governance was highly organized, supported by rituals such as daily offerings of gold bricks to affirm the ruler's sacred status, reflecting a theocratic that integrated political and religious authority. Zabag's society featured a dense and thriving , with the main island described as thickly settled from end to end, marked by continuous villages where the crowing of cocks could be heard across vast distances. This populous realm sustained itself through extensive rice agriculture on fertile lands, bolstered by systems that enabled abundant production and supported large communities of farmers, Brahmans, and Buddhists. Naval prowess was a of societal strength, with the kingdom maintaining formidable fleets capable of traversing the "Immense " and deploying up to 1,000 vessels for military campaigns, underscoring a culture adept at maritime dominance and defense. Relations with neighboring powers were marked by a mix of rivalry and strategic ties, particularly with the , where a mid-9th-century Arab account recounts the subjecting the Khmer capital, beheading its king, and installing a puppet ruler, highlighting intense military antagonism. Broader interactions included naval raids on , such as the burning of a temple in 787 CE as recorded in Cham inscriptions, indicating aggressive expansionism. Ties to involved both conquests and alliances under the Sailendra dynasty, with inscriptions from 778–782 CE linking the regions politically, though rivalries persisted through competing expeditions and dominance over shared territories like and .

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