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Christopher Francis Finlayson KC (born 1956) is a New Zealand lawyer and former Member of Parliament, representing the National Party.

Key Information

He was elected to Parliament in 2005. In the Fifth National Government, from 2008 to 2017, he was Attorney-General and Minister for Treaty of Waitangi Negotiations.[1][2] He left politics to return to his legal career in January 2019.[3]

Early life

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Finlayson grew up in the Wellington suburb of Khandallah. He has three siblings.[4][5]

He attended St Benedict's Convent School[4] and St. Patrick's College, where he participated in debating and drama and was head prefect in 1974.[5] Finlayson joined the National Party in 1974 while still at St Patrick's College, after having had a long conversation with Keith Holyoake at Parliament the previous year.[5] He was an active party member in the Karori and Ōhāriu electorates, including periods as Karori branch chair in the 1980s.[6]

He graduated with a BA in Latin and French and an LLM from Victoria University of Wellington.[5]

Finlayson has been heavily involved in the arts community. He chaired Creative New Zealand's Arts Board from 1998 to 2001,[7] and has twice been appointed to the board of the New Zealand Symphony Orchestra.[8]

[edit]

Finlayson was admitted to the Bar as a barrister and solicitor in 1981.[4] He was a partner in Brandon Brookfield from 1986 to 1990 and then in Bell Gully from 1991 to 2003. In the 1990s, when Winston Peters was expelled from the National Party, Finlayson was a legal advisor to the party.[9] He practised as a barrister sole at the Barristers.Comm chambers from 2003 until 2005, when he entered Parliament.

At Bell Gully he spent years fighting for Ngāi Tahu against the government, pursuing its treaty claims through a series of high-profile court battles. "I used to love going to the office in the morning when we were suing the Crown," Finlayson said in a speech in 2009. "Ngāi Tahu mastered the art of aggressive litigation, whether it was suing the Waitangi Tribunal and [National Treaty negotiations minister] Doug Graham or the Director-General of Conservation. It was take no prisoners and it resulted in a good settlement."[10] The signing of the Treaty deal with Ngāi Tahu in 1997 was the highlight of his legal career.[5]

Since his admission, Finlayson has appeared in all courts of New Zealand, including seven appearances before the Privy Council, including as counsel for the New Zealand Bar Association in Harley v McDonald [2001] 2 WLR 1749 and counsel for the British Government in R v Attorney General for England and Wales (a decision of the Privy Council delivered on 17 March 2003). He has extensive experience appearing before tribunals and local authorities in New Zealand. He taught at the Faculty of Law of Victoria University of Wellington.[11]

Finlayson was a co-author of McGechan on Procedure, a text on the practice and procedure of the Courts of New Zealand, for its editions between1984 and 2008 and was the founding editor of the Procedure Reports of New Zealand.[12] He has written papers on many subjects, including intellectual property, litigation and conflicts of interest and has presented New Zealand Law Society seminars on High Court practice, conflicts of interest and limitation.[13]

On 13 December 2012, Finlayson was recommended by Prime Minister John Key for appointment by the Governor-General as Queen's Counsel,[14] based on his role as Attorney-General,[15] before representing New Zealand in the International Court of Justice in a case against Japan's whaling programme.

After completing nearly fourteen years as a member of Parliament, Finlayson returned to his legal career. He practices at Bankside Chambers in Auckland.[16] High-profile cases he has been involved in include representing Labour MP Louisa Wall when she challenged the Labour Party over her deselection in 2020,[17] representing Ngāi Tahu in its freshwater case against the Crown in the High Court in 2025,[18] and advising Te Pāti Māori MPs on their Privileges Committee summons in 2025.[19]

Member of Parliament

[edit]
New Zealand Parliament
Years Term Electorate List Party
2005–2008 48th List 27 National
2008–2011 49th List 14 National
2011–2014 50th List 9 National
2014–2017 51st List 8 National
2017–2019 52nd List 9 National

Finlayson stood as National's candidate for the Mana electorate in the 2005 election, and was also ranked twenty-seventh on National's party list, making him the second most highly ranked National candidate who was not already an MP. While he failed to win Mana, losing by a margin of 6,734 votes,[20] the National Party polled well on party votes and Finlayson was elected via the party list. Finlayson transferred to the safe Labour seat of Rongotai for the 2008 election, where he was routinely defeated by Annette King. Finlayson had no desire to be an electorate MP and often remarked that if he won the electorate he would be the first to ask for a recount.[21][22][23] When offered the prospect of a safer seat, like Ōhāriu, Finlayson responded by convincing the incumbent Peter Dunne not to resign.[24] National did win the party vote over Labour in Rongotai for the first time in 2014.[25][26]

Finlayson's first term was spent in opposition. He was appointed as deputy chair of the Justice and Electoral select committee (2005–2008) and as a member of the Māori Affairs committee (2006–2008). He was National's shadow attorney-general and, under John Key, spokesperson for Treaty of Waitangi negotiations and arts, culture and heritage. When National formed a new government in 2008, Finlayson became Attorney-General and Minister for Treaty of Waitangi Negotiations (2008–2017). He was also Minister for Arts, Culture and Heritage (2008–2014), Associate Minister of Māori Development (2011–2017) and Minister responsible for the NZSIS and GCSB (2014–2017).[4][27]

Finlayson speaking at a lectern with flowers behind him
Finlayson speaking at the 30th Anniversary of the NZ String Quartet in 2017

As Attorney-General and Minister for Treaty of Waitangi Negotiations, Finlayson was successful in reaching an unprecedented number of Treaty settlements (59 over nine years) including with iwi he had previously represented in private practice.[4] Academic Margaret Mutu, who negotiated the Ngāti Kahu settlement with Finlayson, described him as the "best qualified" Treaty settlements minister than any before, saying that Finlayson's perspective on the portfolio was one of "a lawyer with a conscience" remedying the honour of the Crown.[5] He also chaired the Privileges Committee from 2012 to 2017.[2] Being attorney-general had been Finlayson's principal political ambition and he regarded it as "the highlight of [his] legal career."[28]

As Minister for Arts, Culture and Heritage, Finlayson progressed legislation enabling the development of Pukeahu National War Memorial Park ahead of the 100th anniversary of Anzac Day.[29] In 2012, he conducted a review of the orchestra sector but ruled out disestablishing the national symphony orchestra.[30][31] He briefly acted as Minister of Labour (2012–2013) when Kate Wilkinson resigned after the Royal Commission on the Pike River Coal Mine Tragedy reported back.[2][32] He was also acting Minister for the Environment when Nick Smith resigned in 2012 and acting Minister of Justice when Judith Collins resigned in 2014.[2][33][34] Finlayson was said to be interested in the role of Minister of Foreign Affairs after Murray McCully retired but missed out to Gerry Brownlee; New Zealand Herald writer Audrey Young described Finlayson as being "too important" in Treaty settlements to promote.[35]

In June 2010 he was found by the registrar of pecuniary interests to have broken the rules in not declaring a directorship in his annual pecuniary interest return.[36] In his memoir, Finlayson commented that his interest had not been pecuniary and he successfully campaigned to change the name of the register to be the "pecuniary and other interests" register.[37]

Finlayson (left) with US Secretary of State John Kerry and Gerry Brownlee at Pukeahu National War Memorial Park, Wellington, in 2016

He supported Simon Bridges as deputy leader of the National Party in 2016 and, after National lost the 2017 election, as leader in 2018, although later expressed regret for not supporting Steven Joyce.[38][39] In opposition for the second time, Finlayson was again appointed as the shadow-attorney general and additionally as National's spokesperson for commerce, the NZSIS and the GCSB (2017–2018) and Crown-Māori relations and Pike River mine re-entry (2018–2019).[2] He was on the intelligence and security committee from 2018 to 2019. His member's bill, the Administration of Justice (Reform of Contempt of Court) Bill, was drawn from the ballot and introduced in 2018.[40] It was adopted by the Government and became law after Finlayson's retirement.[41]

Finlayson left parliament in January 2019 after announcing his intention in November 2018 to return to his legal career.[4] As part of his legacy, it was noted that at that time he had appointed all the Supreme Court other than the Chief Justice, all 10 members of the Court of Appeal, and 37 of the 46 High Court Judges.[42][43] He has said the highlights of his political career had been:

Political views

[edit]

Finlayson describes himself as a "liberal conservative."[5] He does not like populist politics or populist politicians such as Donald Trump or Winston Peters.[4] He criticised the National Party leadership after he left Parliament in 2019 and repeated this criticism in his 2022 memoir, Yes, Minister.[44][45][46]

In 2013, Finlayson voted against the Marriage (Definition of Marriage) Amendment Bill, a bill allowing same-sex couples to marry in New Zealand.[47] He was the only openly gay member of Parliament to vote against the bill and cited his opposition came from his belief that "the state should not be involved in marriage at all."[46][48]

He voted against the first reading of the End of Life Choice Bill in 2017.[49]

After leaving politics, Finlayson has commented publicly on partnership under the Treaty of Waitangi and co-governance of public assets between the Crown and iwi/Māori. As Minister for Treaty of Waitangi Negotiations, Finlayson oversaw the introduction of formal shared governance as part of Treaty settlements, including the establishment of the Waikato River Authority which shares governance of the Waikato River between Waikato Regional Council and local iwi.[50] Finlayson described co-governance as parties with shared interests and shared responsibility jointly setting priorities and managing a resource, although he noted that co-governance does not mean "co-government" and it would be impractical to apply to all government functions.[51][52] The Labour Government which succeeded the government Finlayson had been part of promoted further opportunities for co-governance between iwi and the Crown, including in its Water Services Reform Programme. The National Party and ACT New Zealand opposed Labour's co-governance reforms and campaigned in the 2023 general election on rolling them back.[53][54] Finlayson distanced himself from these perspectives, stating that co-governance "should be embraced, not feared."[50] After the election, in which ACT campaigned for a referendum on rewriting the principles of the Treaty of Waitangi,[55] Finlayson said he would not support such a referendum because it would "bring all the nutcases out" and cause division,[56] but would support a review of the Treaty of Waitangi Act 1975.[57]

Selected published works

[edit]
  • Chris Finlayson; James Christmas (19 July 2021). He Kupu Taurangi: Treaty Settlements and the Future of Aotearoa New Zealand. Huia Publishers. p. 296. ISBN 978-1-77550-615-7. OL 39650317M. Wikidata Q124540179.

Personal life

[edit]

Finlayson has described himself as being an "odd fish" since he is gay as well as being a Catholic.[5] He has no partner, and says he is celibate.[5]

He is a distant cousin on his mother's side of former Labour MP Annette King. King was a second cousin to Finlayson’s mother through her Russ side (the Russ family were a large Nelson family) and is also related to Chester Borrows.[58][59]

References

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[edit]
Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia

Chris Finlayson

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from Grokipedia

Christopher Francis Finlayson KC (born 1956) is a and former who represented the National Party as a from 2005 to 2020. Finlayson's political career focused on legal and constitutional matters, including service as Attorney-General from to 2017, where he advised on legislative compliance with the Act and represented the government in judicial proceedings. As Minister for Negotiations from 2008 to 2017, he negotiated and finalized 59 settlements addressing historical grievances between and , substantially progressing the treaty settlement process amid ongoing debates over its implementation and fiscal implications. He also managed portfolios such as Arts, Culture and Heritage, contributing to cultural policy and commemorative initiatives like the . Prior to entering politics, Finlayson practiced as a , specializing in commercial and , and was appointed in recognition of his expertise. Post-parliament, he returned to the bar, engaging in and commentary on constitutional issues, including criticisms of recent government approaches to policy as exceeding legal bounds. His tenure is noted for pragmatic advancement of treaty resolutions while navigating tensions between and principles inherent to National Party governance.

Early life and education

Childhood and family

Christopher Francis Finlayson was born in 1956 in , . He grew up in the suburb of Khandallah. Finlayson's early exposure to New Zealand history occurred through frequent visits to the local library, where he read and borrowed books on the subject, fostering a lifelong interest.

Academic and early professional influences

Finlayson received his at St. Patrick's College in , following attendance at St Benedict's Convent School. At St. Patrick's, he served as head prefect in 1974 and distinguished himself in , debating, and drama, activities that honed his rhetorical skills essential for legal advocacy. He then studied at , where he obtained a degree with majors in Latin and French, alongside legal studies leading to a (LLM). His coursework included , providing an early intellectual framework for understanding governmental structures and legal principles, though formal instruction on the was absent during this period. Upon graduation, Finlayson entered legal practice as a solicitor in , marking his initial immersion in the profession. This foundational phase emphasized procedural and litigation skills, later evidenced by his contributions as a foundation author to McGechan on Procedure, a key reference on senior court practices.

Entry into law and key positions

Christopher Francis Finlayson was admitted as a and solicitor of the in February 1981, following his graduation with a in Latin and a from . He commenced his legal practice as a solicitor in firms, focusing initially on commercial and matters. Finlayson advanced to partnership roles in prominent Wellington-based firms, beginning at Brandons, where he served as a partner in the mid-1980s, handling general litigation and advisory work. From 1990 to 2002, he was a partner at Bell Gully, a leading firm specializing in resource management, local government, and Treaty-related consultations, during which he contributed to legal support for Ngāi Tahu's Treaty of Waitangi claim, including preparation of briefs and court submissions. In 2002, Finlayson transitioned to independent practice as a sole, establishing expertise in constitutional and advisory roles for government and corporate clients, prior to his entry into in 2005; he was appointed Queen's in 2003, reflecting his standing in appellate and high-stakes litigation.

Notable cases and expertise

Finlayson contributed to the legal team representing in their claims against , culminating in the signing of a $170 million settlement deed on 21 December 1997, which addressed historical land losses from 19th-century purchases and provided redress including cultural and fisheries acknowledgments. This involvement demonstrated his early proficiency in complex matters involving historical grievances and under the Act 1975, with the outcome empirically advancing resource rights through co-management provisions and financial compensation verified in subsequent legislative ratifications. Prior to entering , Finlayson's final major case as a saw him successfully defend against claims of historic abuse at institutions such as the St Mary's Home in , securing victories in both the and Court of Appeal around 2004–2005. The rulings affirmed limitations defenses and evidentiary thresholds in claims for institutional liability, limiting retrospective damages and influencing precedents on non-delegable duties in . His pre-political practice established expertise in public and , including advisory roles on constitutional issues, resource management litigation, and contract disputes, with appearances across courts emphasizing rigorous statutory analysis over policy advocacy. This foundation, evidenced by peer-regarded successes in high-stakes advisory work rather than anecdotal acclaim, positioned him as a leading practitioner in areas requiring causal dissection of legal obligations, such as breaches in contexts and regulatory compliance under acts like the Resource Management Act 1991.

Parliamentary career

Election and initial roles

Christopher Francis Finlayson was selected by the National Party as a list candidate for the , ranked at number 27 on the party list, with his legal expertise as a contributing to his high placement among new candidates. The election occurred on 17 September 2005, and National secured 48 seats in the 121-seat , enabling Finlayson's entry as a list MP without winning his contested electorate of Mana. In opposition from 2005 to 2008, Finlayson served as National's shadow Attorney-General, leveraging his background in constitutional and to scrutinize government on matters. He contributed to parliamentary oversight through select committee assignments, including appointment as deputy chair of the Justice and Electoral Committee, where he reviewed bills such as electoral finance proposals with attention to procedural and legal standards. Finlayson also joined the Māori Affairs Committee in 2006, participating in examinations of affecting indigenous issues during this period. These roles involved detailed evidence review and preparation, marking his adjustment to the demands of legislative in a environment.

Service in government portfolios

Finlayson retained his position as a list MP following the National Party's victory in the 2008 general election, ranking sufficiently high on the party list to enter without winning an electorate seat. In this capacity, he focused on party organizational roles, serving as both junior and senior , where he assisted in coordinating operations and enforcing voting discipline among National MPs. Outside cabinet responsibilities, Finlayson contributed to parliamentary debates on legislation, particularly during his early opposition years. In , he participated in committee stages of the Criminal Justice Reform Bill, advocating for reforms to streamline procedures and enhance efficiency in criminal proceedings. His involvement underscored a commitment to practical improvements in the system, aligning with National Party priorities on law and order. Throughout his service from 2008 to 2019, Finlayson demonstrated strong adherence to party lines, consistently supporting National-initiated bills on fiscal restraint and criminal policy, including backing the three-strikes provisions in the Sentencing and Parole Reform Act 2010 despite noting potential inconsistencies with the Bill of Rights Act. This reflected the high typical of National MPs, with no recorded instances of on key votes.

Key ministerial responsibilities

Attorney-General tenure

Christopher Finlayson served as Attorney-General from 19 November 2008 to 26 October 2017 in the Fifth National Government, functioning as the principal legal advisor to the executive on matters of , international obligations, and the legality of proposed . In this capacity, he was responsible for instructing the Solicitor-General on litigation strategy for proceedings, ensuring government actions complied with the , and recommending appointments to senior judicial positions including the . A notable aspect of his tenure involved guiding legislative reforms to intelligence agencies amid revelations of operational ambiguities. In 2013, Finlayson supported the (GCSB) and Related Legislation Amendment Bill, which passed its third reading on 21 August, expanding the GCSB's mandate to assist domestic agencies with cybersecurity while mandating judicial warrants for certain activities and strengthening oversight by the Inspector-General of Intelligence and Security. He argued the reforms resolved prior legal gaps, noting that previous administrations had permitted GCSB involvement in domestic matters without explicit statutory backing, thereby formalizing practices to align with privacy protections under the Act 1990. Finlayson also handled high-level judicial appointments, exercising the Attorney-General's statutory role under the Senior Courts Act 2006 and to recommend candidates to the . On 21 December 2011, he announced the appointment of a judge effective 1 February 2012; similar processes led to further appointments announced on 12 July 2016, effective 22 July. In June 2014, he confirmed additional and Court of Appeal vacancies filled through merit-based selections emphasizing and expertise in constitutional interpretation. To bolster the Crown's litigation effectiveness, Finlayson commissioned an independent review of the Solicitor-General's office in October 2011, culminating in a February 2012 report that affirmed its independence but proposed structural enhancements for handling complex, high-stakes cases, including better resourcing for appellate advocacy. Additionally, in November 2009, he initiated explorations into coordinated litigation strategies among partners (, , , the , and the ) to counter common international legal challenges, such as claims against security policies. These efforts reflected a pragmatic approach to maintaining legal defensibility in an era of expanding government responsibilities, though specific metrics on Crown litigation success rates during his tenure remain unpublished in official records.

Treaty of Waitangi Negotiations

Finlayson served as Minister for Negotiations from November 2008 to October 2017, during which he led the 's efforts to resolve historical grievances stemming from alleged breaches of the 1840 . His tenure saw the completion of 59 settlements with groups, a record number that accelerated the pace of negotiations compared to prior governments. These agreements provided financial redress totaling approximately NZ$1.6 billion, alongside commercial redress such as fisheries quotas, land transfers, and forest licenses, aimed at addressing land confiscations, resource losses, and cultural harms from the 19th and early 20th centuries. Notable settlements under Finlayson's oversight included the Tūhoe agreement signed on 4 August 2014, valued at around NZ$170 million in redress, which revoked the status of as a in favor of iwi ownership while establishing shared governance mechanisms. Another major deal was with Ngāti Tamaoho in 2016, settling claims related to Auckland-area lands with financial and cultural components. Finlayson's strategy prioritized out-of-court negotiations over prolonged Tribunal hearings, reducing the litigation backlog and enabling pragmatic compromises grounded in historical records rather than expansive reinterpretations of principles. Proponents credited this with fostering economic empowerment for and closing chapters of grievance, as evidenced by the increased asset bases of settling groups, such as Tūhoe's post-settlement entity managing over NZ$500 million in assets by 2017. Critics, however, highlighted the fiscal strain on taxpayers, with the NZ$1.6 billion figure representing a sharp escalation from previous administrations' outlays and comprising direct payments without equivalent revenue offsets. Organizations like contended that the settlements entrenched racial preferences by granting exclusive rights to resources and governance roles, potentially incentivizing additional claims and eroding universal . They pointed to rushed final deals in late 2017 as indicative of political expediency over fiscal prudence, arguing that such arrangements prioritized group entitlements over individual rights and failed to fully extinguish future litigation risks. Despite these outcomes, empirical data showed a decline in active historical claims by 2017, though ongoing fiscal commitments, including relativity clauses triggering top-up payments exceeding NZ$100 million across , underscored the settlements' long-term costs.

Other ministerial roles

Finlayson held the portfolio of Minister for , and Heritage from November 2008 to December 2014. In this capacity, he oversaw funding decisions and developments, including the announcement of $50,000 in support for youth cultural initiatives on 12 June 2014, aimed at fostering participation in activities among young people. He established the Cultural Philanthropy Taskforce to investigate mechanisms for enhancing contributions to cultural institutions amid fiscal constraints. Finlayson also commissioned a review of the professional orchestra sector to evaluate the efficacy of government funding and support structures, contributing to informed adjustments. From October 2014 to 2017, Finlayson served as Minister in Charge of the (NZSIS) and Minister Responsible for the (GCSB). This appointment followed the transfer of day-to-day oversight from the after the 2013 Kitteridge Report, which highlighted operational and accountability issues within the agencies. Under his tenure, he emphasized maintaining equilibrium between imperatives and protections, defending the post-2013 legislative framework that enhanced warrants and oversight mechanisms. Finlayson engaged in parliamentary debates on proposed expansions of capabilities in 2015 and 2017, while seeking international advice on deradicalisation strategies to address emerging threats.

Political views and ideology

Views on Treaty settlements and Māori issues

Finlayson has consistently advocated for settlements as a principled mechanism to address historical grievances, emphasizing their role in providing closure through financial redress, cultural redress, and relational frameworks like co-governance. During his tenure as Minister for Negotiations from 2008 to 2017, he oversaw the ratification of 59 settlements, the highest number under any administration, arguing that these agreements foster economic empowerment for and reduce ongoing litigation by establishing clear legal finality on claims. He has described settlements not as mere commercial transactions but as enduring commitments requiring post-settlement governance to ensure long-term viability, warning that failure in implementation would reflect shortcomings rather than or political fault. In supporting co-governance arrangements embedded in settlements, such as the 2010 settlement, Finlayson portrayed them as pragmatic fulfillments of partnership principles, enabling shared decision-making on natural resources without ceding . He has defended co-governance against fears of division, asserting it applies selectively—e.g., to resource-specific issues like rivers or conservation—rather than universally, and citing examples where expertise enhances outcomes, as in environmental management. Empirical assessments of these models show mixed results: while some have leveraged settlement assets into commercial successes exceeding $1 billion in collective value by 2020, critics from conservative perspectives argue they entrench race-based privileges, correlating with expanded separatism through mechanisms like veto rights or dedicated Māori seats in local governance post-2010s reforms. Finlayson's views prioritize causal resolution of grievances via equality under post-settlement, critiquing ambiguous that perpetuates cycles, yet he has upheld the model as essential for pragmatic coexistence. Conservative counterarguments, grounded in fiscal data, highlight unsustainability—total redress exceeding $2.2 billion by 2017 with ongoing co-governance costs in areas like water infrastructure (estimated at tens of millions annually for consultation)—potentially fostering dependency by prioritizing iwi input over universal democratic equality. Studies indicate settlements returned less than 1% of original land values on average, often dividing communities and sustaining claims culture despite formal closures, challenging the narrative of definitive resolution. Finlayson maintains that sincere apologies and actionable redress outweigh such critiques, though sources advancing often reflect institutional biases toward expansive interpretations.

Positions on governance and law

Finlayson has consistently advocated for the as a cornerstone of , stressing that the Attorney-General's primary responsibility is to ensure executive actions remain bound by legal constraints rather than political expediency. In reflecting on his tenure, he described this role as safeguarding against government overreach, particularly in ensuring and align with constitutional principles without undue deference to transient majorities. In his 2022 memoir : An Insider's Account of the John Key Years, Finlayson critiqued the National Party's post-2017 leadership for fostering internal dysfunction, including flawed candidate selection processes that prioritized loyalty over competence and experience, which he argued undermined effective opposition and . He opposed unchecked executive dominance within party structures, favoring institutional checks that promote merit-based decision-making over factional maneuvering. As Minister responsible for the and from 2014, Finlayson endorsed reforms enhancing parliamentary and independent oversight of intelligence activities, including responses to the 2016 Independent Review of Intelligence and Security, which recommended greater transparency and accountability mechanisms to balance with . He welcomed inquiries into agency conduct, such as the 2015 report on potential links to overseas practices, affirming that rigorous scrutiny upholds the even in sensitive domains. On , Finlayson supported policies emphasizing deterrence and proportionality, as evidenced by his involvement in the 2009 Sentencing and Reform Bill, where he certified its consistency with the New Zealand Act while advocating for structured sentencing guidelines via a proposed Sentencing Council to prioritize reduction through evidence-based penalties over expansive rehabilitative mandates. He critiqued elements of streamlining reforms that risked eroding protections, arguing for evidentiary thresholds that maintain judicial integrity without compromising public safety.

Controversies and criticisms

Debates over Treaty settlement impacts

Under Chris Finlayson's tenure as Minister for Negotiations from 2008 to 2017, concluded 59 historical claims with , representing an unprecedented acceleration in the settlement process compared to prior decades. These agreements provided financial redress, land returns, and co-management rights totaling over NZ$1.8 billion by 2017, facilitating investments in commercial enterprises, infrastructure, and community programs that supporters credit with fostering and regional economic contributions. Proponents of the settlements, including Finlayson, argue that they resolved longstanding grievances, reduced litigation costs, and enabled measurable asset expansion; for instance, the combined assets of New Zealand's ten largest post-settlement entities reached NZ$8.2 billion by 2024, comprising approximately 70% of the estimated post-settlement economy, with many achieving positive investment returns amid broader Māori asset growth to NZ$126 billion. Empirical indicators, such as dividends totaling NZ$235 million in 2023 (up from NZ$138 million in 2022), suggest causal links between settlements and diversified revenue streams, including , fisheries, and , contrasting with pre-settlement reliance on prolonged processes. Critics, particularly from perspectives emphasizing equal application of , contend that the settlements' scale—contributing to cumulative redress exceeding NZ$2.7 billion across all agreements—imposes fiscal burdens with indirect effects on debt through ongoing obligations and implementation shortfalls, such as tens of millions spent addressing compliance failures in agencies. They argue these arrangements entrench racial distinctions by granting veto-like powers in , eroding the principle of one for all and exacerbating social divisions, as evidenced by protests and parliamentary debates over principles that highlight perceptions of unequal treatment. Data on long-term effects reveal mixed outcomes: while asset growth demonstrates positive economic causality from settlements, persistent relitigation and implementation disputes indicate incomplete closure, with some analyses noting that emphasis on -based remedies since the 1970s has intensified national debates on identity and governance equity rather than unifying outcomes. Right-leaning commentators, such as those advocating Treaty Principles Bills, view settlements as politically motivated "payoffs" that prioritize group rights over individual equality, potentially sustaining dependency and backlash indicators like rising calls to reform the process for durability.

Post-retirement public statements

Following his retirement from in 2019, Finlayson published the memoir Yes, Minister: An Insider's Account of the John Key Years in August 2022, reflecting on his ministerial tenure while critiquing aspects of the National Party's subsequent direction under later leaders. In the book, he described the party as having shifted toward internal discord and less pragmatic governance, attributing this to leadership changes after 's departure. Finlayson escalated public criticisms of the National Party in June 2021, labeling it as "self-destructing" amid leadership instability and policy debates, a view dismissed by then-leader as outdated given his departure two leaders prior. His post-retirement commentary increasingly focused on policy, advocating for co-governance arrangements he helped negotiate during his time as Treaty Negotiations Minister, arguing in August 2025 that such models promote partnership under the rather than division. This stance drew counter-criticism from conservative voices within his former party base, who accused him of prioritizing interests—potentially influenced by his ongoing legal representation of —over broader electoral mandates, thereby fueling perceptions of elite detachment from public sentiment on resource rights. In 2025, Finlayson intervened prominently against the coalition government's reforms, opposing the Treaty Principles Bill during its January select committee hearings by asserting lacked authority to redefine principles derived from the 1840 , a position he framed as preserving constitutional integrity against populist revisionism. Following the bill's defeat amid widespread protests, he wrote that while the outcome halted immediate erosion of Treaty-based governance, underlying populist pressures on policy persisted, requiring sustained defense of bicultural frameworks. Critics, including government supporters, contended his interventions overlooked empirical evidence of public backlash against expansive Treaty interpretations, such as in disputes, and risked alienating moderate voters by aligning with activist narratives over fiscal prudence. Finlayson's August 2025 critique of proposed marine and coastal rights amendments under the Marine and Coastal Area (Takutai Moana) Act 2011 labeled them "mean-spirited," arguing they falsely claimed to simplify processes while undermining customary rights protections he had embedded in the original legislation. In October 2025, speaking at a Waitangi Tribunal panel alongside Sir Geoffrey Palmer, he praised the Tribunal's role in upholding Treaty claims while condemning the government's broader approach as overreach that strained Crown-Māori relations, citing specific policy reversals on co-governance in water and coastal management. Opponents highlighted data from public consultations showing majority non-Māori support for streamlined protections against expansive iwi vetoes, viewing Finlayson's advocacy as enabling legal delays that have historically inflated settlement costs beyond $2 billion annually without commensurate economic benefits for all New Zealanders.

Post-parliamentary activities

Following his resignation from on 30 January 2019, Finlayson rejoined the New Zealand Bar as a sole, taking up tenancy at Chambers in from February 2019. His practice emphasizes commercial and matters, including , drawing on his prior experience as a litigator in areas such as relationship property, employment, construction disputes, and general civil litigation. Appointed Queen's Counsel in 2003 prior to his parliamentary career, Finlayson transitioned to designation following the accession of King Charles III in 2023, reflecting his senior standing at the Bar. In this capacity, he has undertaken advisory and advocacy roles for private clients, leveraging expertise in complex disputes without direct involvement in political advocacy. Notable engagements include leading the legal team for in a 2025 High Court challenge to government declarations on freshwater rights, where he argued against perceived inadequacies in consultation processes under legislation. He also represented the industry in 2025 proceedings contesting the lawfulness of the government's decision to phase out the activity, focusing on procedural fairness and executive decision-making under principles. These cases underscore his continued specialization in adjudication, emphasizing evidentiary rigor and over policy debate.

Public engagements and commentary

Following his retirement from Parliament in January 2019, Finlayson accepted appointments to public boards focused on cultural and environmental governance. In August 2021, he was named to the New Zealand Symphony Orchestra board for a three-year term, contributing to strategic oversight of the institution until his departure in October 2024. In 2023, he joined the Te Urewera Board, responsible for co-managing the Te Urewera under the Te Urewera Act 2014, which established legal for the area and shared governance between and Tūhoe . Finlayson has continued to participate in events addressing , , and matters. He delivered the Tompkins Wake Annual Public Lecture at the in 2024, titled "Precipice," where he discussed perceived risks to New Zealand's constitutional and relational frameworks amid policy shifts. In October 2025, Finlayson spoke at the Waitangi Tribunal's 50th anniversary conference in , praising the Tribunal's role in processing over 2,500 claims since 1975 and facilitating settlements totaling approximately NZ$2.2 billion, while faulting the coalition government's legislative reforms for eroding the Tribunal's inquiry powers and signaling a retreat from prior reconciliation commitments.

Publications and writings

Major works

Finlayson's most prominent publication is the memoir Yes, Minister: An Insider's Account of the John Key Years, released in August 2022 by . The 272-page book draws on his nine years as Attorney-General (2008–2017), offering firsthand accounts of cabinet deliberations, policy negotiations, and personal interactions with , including specific episodes like the handling of the Pike River mine disaster and constitutional reforms. In 2021, he co-authored He Kupu Taurangi: Treaty Settlements and the Future of Aotearoa New Zealand with James Christmas, published by Huia Publishers. This work analyzes the Crown's negotiation of over 70 settlements during his ministerial tenure as Minister for Treaty of Waitangi Negotiations, detailing procedural frameworks, redress mechanisms such as financial reparations totaling billions of dollars, and prospective governance models post-settlement. Finlayson has also produced opinion pieces grounded in his policy experience, including a February 2023 article in the Herald's Listener section titled "I worked on co-governance. Here's what it actually means," which delineates co-governance as limited shared decision-making in specific contexts, such as those embedded in settlements, rather than broad constitutional overhaul.

Themes and reception

Finlayson's publications, particularly Yes, Minister: An Insider's Account of the Years (2022), have been praised for their candid assessment of Treaty settlement achievements under his tenure as Minister for Negotiations, with reviewers highlighting the book's entertainment value and insider perspective on successful conservative governance. In a 2022 Q+A interview tied to the book's release, Finlayson emphasized the empirical progress in resolving historical grievances through negotiated deals totaling over NZ$2 billion in redress by 2019, earning commendations for transparency on pragmatic outcomes rather than ideological posturing. Critics, however, have accused the works of reflecting personal bias post his 2019 departure from the National Party, labeling them as expressions of "sour grapes" amid fallout with party leadership over policy directions. Right-leaning commentators, including Matthew Hooton, noted the memoir's "venom" toward former colleagues and overemphasis on accommodation at the expense of fiscal realism, arguing that settlements imposed long-term liabilities—estimated at NZ$1.7 billion in commercial redress alone—without sufficient evidence of proportional economic returns or reduced litigation costs. Similarly, He Kupu Taurangi: Treaty Settlements and the Future of New Zealand (co-authored) faced scrutiny for advocating ongoing co-governance models while downplaying critiques of fiscal unsustainability, with empirical analyses from conservative outlets questioning whether post-settlement entities have delivered verifiable iwi-wide prosperity beyond . Finlayson's post-2022 opinion pieces and public writings have amplified opposition to the 2023-2025 National-led coalition's -related reforms, influencing debates by framing them as reversals of evidenced settlement stability; for instance, his 2025 Guardian contribution critiqued the Principles Bill as populist overreach, citing historical negotiation data to argue it risks reigniting s resolved under prior frameworks. Conservative receptions counter that such interventions prioritize interpretive expansions of principles over originalist readings and budgetary discipline, with sources like accusing undue favoritism toward veto powers in , potentially exacerbating fiscal pressures amid New Zealand's 2025 public debt exceeding 40% of GDP. This polarized reception underscores a divide, where pro-settlement advocates value his causal emphasis on resolution's role in social cohesion, while skeptics demand more rigorous cost-benefit audits to validate ongoing policy extensions.

Personal life

Family and relationships

Finlayson has three siblings and grew up in the Wellington suburb of Khandallah. His parents separated many years ago, and he has maintained a close relationship with his mother, describing himself as a devoted son who cares for her. Finlayson is openly homosexual, becoming National's first openly gay Cabinet minister upon his appointment in 2008. As a practising Catholic, he has stated that he maintains and, as of 2014, had no partner. He has no children.

Interests and affiliations

Finlayson has maintained a longstanding interest in and , independent of his professional roles. He chaired Creative New Zealand's Arts Board from 1998 to 2001, reflecting his commitment to supporting artistic endeavors in . This involvement underscores a personal affinity for cultural institutions and creative expression. As a practicing Catholic, Finlayson identifies with the despite voicing criticisms of certain Church practices and handling of issues like clerical abuse. His religious affiliation has influenced public commentary on topics such as ecumenical unity and , though he emphasizes New Zealand's model of religious diversity.

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