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Colm Murphy (18 August 1952 – 18 April 2023) was an Irish republican who was the first person to be convicted in connection with the Omagh bombing, but whose conviction was overturned on appeal.[1] While awaiting a retrial on criminal charges, Murphy was found liable for the bombing in a civil trial, along with Michael McKevitt, Liam Campbell and Seamus Daly.[2] He was subsequently cleared of criminal charges in February 2010.[3]

Background

[edit]

Born in Belleeks, County Armagh,[4] on 18 August 1952,[5] Murphy was an active Irish republican paramilitary from his late teens. In March 1972, he was arrested in Dundalk regarding an assault, and was sentenced to two years in prison after the Garda Síochána found a loaded revolver in his car.[6] Murphy was imprisoned in the Curragh military jail but escaped in October 1972, and was not recaptured until May 1973.[6] In June 1976, he was imprisoned again, receiving a three-year sentence for firearms offences and a one-year sentence for Provisional Irish Republican Army membership, both sentences to run concurrently.[6] In July 1983, Murphy was arrested in the US, after attempting to buy a consignment of M60 machine guns to be shipped to Ireland for use by the Irish National Liberation Army.[6] He received a five-year prison sentence, but returned to Ireland in December 1985 after being released early.[6]

In the late 1980s, Murphy began investing in property, and formed a company named Emerald Enterprises in 1990. He bought the Emerald Bar public house in Dundalk for IR£100,000, and it later became a meeting place for dissident republicans. Other investments included 30 acres (120,000 m2) of land in Drogheda bought for IR£52,000 in 1995, and his company won contracts for an IR£11 million development at Dublin City University and the multi-million pound International Financial Services Centre in Dublin's docklands.[6]

Dissident republican activity

[edit]

Murphy was arrested by the Gardaí on 21 February 1999 for questioning under anti-terrorist legislation. On 24 February, Murphy became the first person charged in connection with the Omagh bombing, when he appeared before Dublin's Special Criminal Court and was charged with conspiring to cause an explosion under the terms of Ireland's Offences Against the State Act, between 13 and 16 August 1998. Murphy was also charged with membership of an illegal organisation, the Real Irish Republican Army.[7][8]

On 10 October 2000, the BBC television show Panorama named Murphy as one of four people connected with the Omagh bombing, along with Seamus Daly and Liam Campbell.[9][10] In 2001, Murphy undertook legal action against the BBC and Daily Mail publishers Associated Newspapers for contempt of court. The action against Associated Newspapers was settled on 31 July 2001, and the newspaper released a statement saying Murphy was entitled to be presumed innocent of the charges against him until proven guilty.[11]

Murphy's trial began at Special Criminal Court in Dublin on 12 October 2001.[12] The court heard that Murphy had supplied two mobile phones which were used during the bombing. One witness, Murphy's second cousin, retracted his evidence and the judge called the conduct of two detectives outrageous, saying they had persistently lied under cross-examination.[13] Despite this, on 22 January 2002, Murphy was convicted of conspiring to cause the Omagh bombing, and on 25 January was sentenced to 14 years imprisonment with the judge describing him as a long-time republican extremist.[14]

On 21 January 2005, Murphy's conviction was overturned and a new trial ordered, due to the invasion of Murphy's presumption of innocence, and alteration of Gardaí interview notes and evidence presented by two officers.[15] A week later, Murphy's legal case against the BBC was resolved, with the BBC issuing a statement that Murphy "was fully entitled to maintain his innocence of the charges against him and to test the evidence against him at his trial".[16]

On 23 October 2006, two Gardaí officers were found not guilty of perjuring themselves during Murphy's trial.[17] On 23 May 2007, it was announced that Murphy was suffering from short-term memory loss resulting from a car accident in 1988. His lawyers attempted to prevent a retrial taking place, on the grounds that his condition interfered with his right to a fair hearing.[18] The Court of Criminal Appeal was scheduled to hear his case again in October 2008.[1] Following a retrial held in January 2010, Murphy was acquitted on 24 February 2010.[3]

In 2009, Murphy was one of four men found by a civil court to be liable for the Omagh bombing in a case taken by relatives of the victims.[2][19] On 7 July 2011, in Belfast High Court, Lord Justice Malachy Higgins directed a retrial of the civil claims against Murphy. He questioned evidence surrounding emails from US undercover agent David Rupert while overturning the judgment on Murphy. The paucity of the email evidence, the lack of consistency in the emails or at least ambiguity, the possibility of initials referring to someone other than Murphy and the fact that they refer on occasions to double hearsay considerably weakened the emails as evidence, he said.[20] Following a civil retrial, on 20 March 2013, Murphy and Seamus Daly were found liable for involvement in the bombing.[21]

Death

[edit]

Murphy died of degenerative lung disease on 18 April 2023, at the age of 70.[22]

References

[edit]
Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia

Colm Murphy

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from Grokipedia
Colm Murphy (18 August 1952 – 18 April 2023) was an Irish building contractor and publican from south with long-standing ties to dissident republican paramilitary groups opposed to the , most notably as the first individual convicted of conspiracy to facilitate the Real IRA's 1998 , which detonated a 500-pound in the town center on 15 August, killing 29 civilians including a pregnant woman and injuring over 300 others. In January 2002, Dublin's sentenced Murphy to 14 years' imprisonment after convicting him of providing mobile phones used in logistical planning for the attack, describing his role as a "back-up" supporter to the bombers despite his denial of direct knowledge of the plot. His conviction was quashed by Ireland's Court of Criminal Appeal in January 2005 due to procedural irregularities, including reliance on disputed evidence, prompting a retrial; he was acquitted in February 2010 when the prosecution failed to secure a new conviction. Despite the criminal acquittal, families of victims pursued civil action, securing a 2009 judgment holding Murphy liable for the bombing alongside other dissident figures, which required him to contribute to £1.6 million in ; this finding was upheld following a 2013 retrial after earlier procedural challenges. Murphy, who maintained his innocence throughout, died of natural causes at age 70 in a hospital, with his funeral in Belleeks, , attended by republican sympathizers and featuring tricolour-draped honors.

Early Life

Family and Upbringing

Colm Murphy was born around 1952 in Belleeks, south , , a rural area with a predominantly nationalist population amid rising sectarian tensions in the early stages of . He grew up in the of Tullyoghan, near Murphy's Cross, in a region characterized by strong Irish republican sympathies and proximity to the , which facilitated cross-border activities. Little public information exists regarding Murphy's or parental background, though he later became a father of four children. His upbringing occurred against the backdrop of escalating violence in , where south Armagh earned a reputation as a republican stronghold, often referred to as "bandit country" due to frequent operations and ambushes. This environment likely contributed to his early exposure to militant , though specific familial influences remain undocumented in available records.

Initial Republican Involvement

Colm Murphy, born in Belleeks, , in 1952, became involved in Irish republican paramilitary activities during his late teens amid the escalating violence of in the early 1970s. His initial engagements aligned with the (PIRA), the dominant republican group at the time, which had split from the Official IRA in late 1969 and intensified its armed campaign against British forces and unionist targets following events like Bloody Sunday in January 1972. Murphy's first documented republican offense occurred on March 6, 1972, when he was arrested in , , by Gardaí investigating an ; a search uncovered a loaded in his possession. In June 1972, the convicted him of unlawful possession of the firearm, sentencing him to two years' imprisonment in . He escaped from in October 1972 but was recaptured in May 1973, reflecting the era's pattern of prison breaks by republican prisoners protesting and conditions. By 1976, Murphy's ties to the PIRA were formalized through conviction: in June, the sentenced him to three years for firearms offenses and one concurrent year for membership in the outlawed organization, confirming his active role in its early campaign phase characterized by urban bombings and rural ambushes in border areas like South Armagh. These early convictions, amid a surge in PIRA following the 1970 introduction of without trial, positioned Murphy as part of the group's logistics and operational support in the , where cross-border activities evaded Northern Ireland's direct security apparatus.

Paramilitary Affiliations

Provisional IRA Activities

Colm Murphy became involved with the (PIRA) during its early campaign in the 1970s, operating out of South Armagh, a stronghold of republican paramilitary activity. His membership in the organization was confirmed through a conviction in Ireland's . In June 1976, Murphy was sentenced to three years' imprisonment for firearms offences and one year concurrently for PIRA membership, reflecting his participation in the group's armed operations at the time. These convictions arose from evidence of his handling of illegal weapons, consistent with the PIRA's tactics of and in border areas during that period. Following his incarceration, Murphy's direct PIRA involvement diminished as he transitioned to other dissident republican factions.

Involvement with INLA and Real IRA

In the early 1980s, Colm Murphy engaged in arms procurement for the (INLA). In March 1982, he informed an FBI informant in a bar that he was a member of the INLA and sought to acquire heavy military equipment, including missiles, mortars, and machine guns. On April 21, 1982, Murphy discussed obtaining SAM-7 missiles capable of downing helicopters, along with M-16 rifles and Ingram submachine guns for street use in , and indicated he could return with $180,000 for a suitable deal. On July 21, 1982, Murphy, accompanied by associate Vincent Austain Toner, purchased 20 M-16 rifles for $11,000 in traveler's checks from an undercover FBI agent posing as a associate, completing the transaction at a fast-food location in , New York. He was arrested immediately after by federal agents and convicted on firearms offenses, receiving a five-year sentence and a $10,000 fine; he was released early in December 1985. Murphy was also affiliated with the Real Irish Republican Army (Real IRA), a republican group formed in 1997 in opposition to the . He operated across multiple paramilitary factions, including the Real IRA, during periods of heightened activity in the late and early 2000s.

Suspected Atrocities

Kingsmill Massacre Suspicions

Police intelligence from the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) in 1976 identified Colm Murphy as "Suspect A," the individual responsible for hijacking the blue minibus used as the getaway vehicle in the on January 5, 1976. The suspect description compiled by investigators— a man aged 30-40, approximately 5 feet 6 inches to 5 feet 8 inches tall, with a Northern Irish accent—aligned closely with Murphy's physical characteristics at the time. Murphy was arrested by Gardaí in the on January 8, 1976, in connection with the hijacking but denied any involvement. A 2011 report by the Police Service of Northern Ireland's Historical Enquiries Team (HET) further profiled "Suspect A" in terms that matched Murphy's documented background, including his 1972 conviction in the for possession of guns and ammunition (sentenced to two years), a 1976 firearms offense conviction (three years), and subsequent activities such as procuring automatic weapons for the Provisional IRA in the United States during the , for which he served five years. sources also alleged Murphy's direct participation as one of the gunmen in the attack, which targeted Protestant workmen in a sectarian amid tit-for-tat in South Armagh. This profile positioned him as the apparent leader or key organizer, consistent with his established role in republican networks in the region. Forensic evidence yielded mixed results; a palm print recovered from the hijacked minibus was initially associated with but ultimately did not match his prints, instead belonging to another South Armagh republican. No criminal charges were ever brought against for the massacre, despite the intelligence linkages and his broader associations, including prior suspicions in the 1975 Tullyvallen Orange Hall attack that killed five. Relatives of victims have publicly urged recognition of Murphy's suspected role, particularly following his death in April 2023. Colin Worton, whose brother Kenneth was killed, described Murphy as "the man in charge" based on identifying him as the armed hijacker and called for a legacy inquest to name him explicitly. The sole survivor, Alan Black, supported naming deceased suspects like Murphy through legal processes such as , noting the absence of charges did not erase the evidential suspicions. A 2024 into the killings referenced Murphy among potential suspects but did not result in formal attribution due to procedural constraints on naming the deceased without prosecution.

Arms Procurement Efforts

Murphy's documented arms procurement efforts primarily involved attempts to acquire firearms for Irish republican paramilitary groups, beginning with activities tied to the Provisional IRA in the early 1970s. In 1972, he appeared before Ireland's Special Criminal Court and was convicted of firearms offenses, including gun-running in support of IRA operations, resulting in a two-year prison sentence. Following his shift to the (INLA) in the early 1980s, Murphy traveled to the to facilitate weapons importation. In 1983, he was arrested in New York alongside associate Vincent Austain Toner after Murphy negotiated the purchase of twenty M-16 rifles (described in court records as machine guns) from an undercover FBI agent posing as a black market supplier linked to ; the transaction was intended to supply the INLA with arms for shipment to . The pair were convicted in U.S. federal court of to export munitions without a and related firearms violations. was sentenced to five years' , serving time until his release in the late ; reports of additional elements in the sting, such as discussions of missiles and sub-machine guns, surfaced in later accounts but aligned with the same operation targeting his procurement network. No verified successful importations were attributed to these efforts, which were thwarted by law enforcement stings.

Omagh Bombing Connection

Alleged Role in the Plot

Colm Murphy was charged with conspiracy to cause an in connection with the Real IRA's 15 August 1998 car bombing in , , which killed 29 civilians and injured over 300. Prosecutors alleged that his role involved logistical support to the plotters, primarily through the provision of mobile phones used by the bombing team for coordination and . These devices were traced via call records linking them to Real IRA members involved in transporting the bomb across the border from the and timing the detonation. The allegations positioned Murphy as a key enabler rather than a direct participant in the bombing's execution; he was not suspected of presence in on the day of the attack or handling the itself, a packed with 500 pounds of fertilizer-based explosive. Instead, evidence presented in his 2001 trial at Dublin's highlighted his Real IRA affiliations and actions such as transporting dissident republicans to border areas for scouting potential targets, including , in the weeks prior to the attack. Phone analysis showed devices under his influence active in patterns consistent with the plot's operational phases, from planning in South Armagh to the final movements. In a 2013 civil retrial for damages brought by victims' families, Mr Justice Richard McCloskey ruled there was "compelling evidence" of Murphy's liability for the bombing, affirming his contributory role in the Real IRA's directive to conduct a high-impact attack aimed at disrupting the peace process. This finding rested on forensic telephony data and circumstantial links, though Murphy maintained innocence, denying Real IRA membership or knowledge of the specific plot. The civil threshold of proof on the balance of probabilities upheld the allegations, contrasting with his criminal after a successful 2005 against the initial conviction, where procedural issues in witness handling were cited.

Evidence from Interrogations and Trials

During interrogations following his arrest on February 21, 1999, at Monaghan Garda station, Colm Murphy was questioned over three separate 24-hour detention periods by two teams of detectives: one comprising Detective Gardaí John Donnelly and John Fahy, and the other Detective Gardaí Martin McGrath and John Hanley. The prosecution alleged that Murphy made admissions during these sessions, including confessing to lending two mobile phones to , identified as a dissident republican involved in transporting the car bomb from to , where it detonated on August 15, 1998, killing 29 people and injuring over 300. Murphy consistently denied making any such confessions, asserting that they were fabricated by the interrogating officers. In the 2001-2002 trial at Dublin's , the prosecution relied on these alleged admissions, supplemented by witness testimony from a former employee who confirmed lending Murphy a the day before the bombing, which was returned four days later. The court initially discounted notes from Donnelly and Fahy due to forensic ESDA analysis revealing indentations from erased content—including references to "Sheila Grew"—indicating rewriting, but accepted evidence from McGrath and , leading to Murphy's conviction on January 22, 2002, for conspiring to cause the explosion and a 14-year sentence. Murphy's defense highlighted contradictions in the interview records and sought dismissal of the case, arguing the evidence was unreliable. The Court of Criminal Appeal quashed the conviction on January 21, 2005, deeming it unsafe due to the illegal amendment of notes by Donnelly and Fahy—who were later prosecuted for related —and inadequate scrutiny of Hanley's credibility, alongside improper judicial references to Murphy's prior convictions that undermined the . A retrial in 2007-2008 resulted in Murphy's , with defense arguments focusing on the inadmissibility of the contested amid ongoing concerns over garda handling of the interviews. Detective Garda John Fahy, testifying in related proceedings, denied and affirmed the substance of the phone-lending allegation, though he acknowledged the notes' rewriting had caused issues in the original .

Criminal Convictions and Appeals

In January 2002, Colm Murphy was convicted by the Dublin Special Criminal Court, a non-jury court established to handle cases involving paramilitary activities, of conspiracy to cause an explosion likely to endanger life in connection with the Real IRA's 1998 , which killed 29 people and injured hundreds. The conviction relied on evidence including Murphy's alleged provision of safe houses, financial support, and logistical assistance to Real IRA members preparing the attack, as testified by Garda informants and forensic links to explosives procurement. On January 25, 2002, he was sentenced to 14 years' imprisonment, marking the only criminal conviction directly tied to the Omagh atrocity at the time. Murphy appealed the conviction to the Irish Court of Criminal Appeal, arguing that the trial evidence—primarily circumstantial and based on —was insufficient to meet the beyond-reasonable-doubt standard and that judicial directions on accomplice evidence were flawed. On , , the appeal court quashed the conviction, ruling that the prosecution's case lacked corroboration for key informant statements and that inconsistencies in the evidence undermined its reliability, ordering a retrial. Murphy was released on pending the retrial but remained subject to ongoing civil proceedings related to the bombing. The retrial commenced in the in 2007, but on February 11, 2008, Murphy was acquitted after the prosecution withdrew the case mid-trial, citing evidential difficulties including the or unavailability of witnesses and challenges in proving beyond doubt without relying heavily on uncorroborated prior statements. No further criminal charges or convictions against Murphy for offenses were pursued following the acquittal, despite his documented associations with dissident republican groups.

Civil Liability Findings

In June 2009, Justice Paul Girvan ruled that Colm Murphy, alongside , , and , was liable for the 1998 in a civil action brought by relatives of 12 victims, finding the Real IRA responsible on the balance of probabilities and awarding damages exceeding £1.5 million to the plaintiffs. The judgment relied on , including Murphy's prior criminal conviction for related to the bombing (later overturned on ), his associations with dissident republicans, and intelligence linking him to arms procurement and logistical support for the Real IRA. Murphy and Daly successfully appealed the 2009 ruling in 2011, securing a retrial on grounds that the original trial judge had erred in evidentiary assessments and burden of proof application. In March 2013, Justice Richard McCloskey, presiding over the retrial, again found Murphy and Daly liable for the atrocity, citing phone records, witness testimony on their involvement in Real IRA operations, and failure to disprove complicity despite the civil standard's lower threshold compared to criminal proceedings. The court ordered joint liability for damages, though enforcement remained limited due to the defendants' non-participation and financial constraints. No further civil actions or liability findings against Murphy were reported in connection with other alleged activities, such as Provisional IRA operations or arms importation, with the Omagh case representing the primary civil accountability outcome. The civil findings contrasted with Murphy's 2010 criminal for the bombing , highlighting the distinct evidentiary standards where civil liability requires preponderance of evidence rather than proof beyond .

Later Years and Death

Post-Release Life

Following his release on bail in January 2005 after the quashing of his conviction, Murphy resided at his home in Ravensdale, County Louth, and agreed to report daily to Dundalk Garda Station. After his acquittal on conspiracy charges in February 2010, he continued to live in Ravensdale, outside Dundalk, where he worked as a building contractor and publican. He was known as a Dundalk-based businessman during this period. Murphy maintained a life with partner and four children. In 2019, he was declared bankrupt owing to unpaid damages awarded against him in civil proceedings related to the . No further criminal convictions or involvements were recorded after his release.

Cause and Circumstances of Death

Colm Murphy died on April 18, 2023, at the age of 70, from a degenerative disease. He passed away at Hospital in , , , where he had been residing in Ravensdale near as a building contractor and publican. A family death notice confirmed the date and location of his passing, with no indications of suspicious circumstances reported in contemporaneous accounts. His death occurred after years of legal battles related to his alleged involvement in republican activities, during which he had been released from custody following an in a criminal trial but remained civilly liable for the 1998 .

Assessments

Perspectives from Republican Supporters

Republican supporters portray Colm Murphy as a lifelong dedicated activist in the Irish republican cause, with early involvement in arms procurement for groups like the (INLA), including a 1983 U.S. conviction for attempting to purchase M60 machine guns. They emphasize his commitment to republican principles over decades, framing his actions as principled resistance rather than indiscriminate violence. Supporters maintain that Murphy's 2002 conviction for conspiring to aid the Real IRA in the represented a , secured through unreliable evidence in the non-jury . The 2005 quashing of the conviction by Ireland's Court of Criminal Appeal, due to forged interrogation notes, is cited as vindication, with republicans arguing it exposed systemic flaws in state prosecutions against dissidents, including coerced admissions and procedural irregularities. They dismiss subsequent civil findings of liability in 2009, which held Murphy responsible alongside others and awarded damages exceeding £1.6 million to victims' families, as lacking the evidentiary standards of criminal trials and motivated by political pressure rather than proof. Following Murphy's death on April 18, 2023, from a degenerative disease at age 70, republican organizations expressed public condolences, hailing him as a "" and "true activist" whose life exemplified steadfastness amid persecution. His funeral in drew a large attendance of republicans, interpreted by supporters as a testament to enduring respect within the movement, undeterred by unionist or victim critiques. These tributes underscore a of Murphy as a principled figure targeted by the state to suppress republican , rather than a perpetrator of the bombing.

Criticisms from Victims' Families and Unionists

Families of the victims of the 1998 , which killed 29 people and injured hundreds, have repeatedly held Colm Murphy accountable through civil proceedings, viewing him as a key facilitator of the Real IRA attack. In a landmark 2009 ruling, Murphy was among four individuals and the Real IRA group found liable for the atrocity, with the court citing phone records and his provision of mobile phones used in the plot; though this verdict was initially overturned on procedural grounds, a 2013 retrial reaffirmed liability against Murphy and , awarding damages to the families. Spokesman Michael Gallagher emphasized the families' determination to achieve some measure of justice absent criminal convictions, stating the civil wins exposed the bombers' roles despite denials. Frustration persisted over Murphy's in a 2010 criminal retrial and his release without serving time linked directly to , with families decrying the attack's impunity. Following Murphy's death on April 18, 2023, Kathryn Radford, sister of 16-year-old victim Alan Radford, described the outcome as offering "," highlighting how civil liability failed to deliver punishment or closure for the indiscriminate bombing that targeted civilians including children and . The families' campaign, led by groups like the Omagh Support and Self-Help Group, criticized systemic failures in prosecutions while pursuing Murphy as emblematic of dissident republican violence that derailed peace efforts. Unionists have portrayed Murphy as a hardened terrorist whose lifelong republican activism, including prior IRA and INLA arms procurement, culminated in enabling the Omagh massacre, which they see as an assault on Northern Ireland's communities regardless of creed. In 1983, Murphy was convicted for attempting to purchase M60 machine guns and SAM-7 missiles for the , reflecting a pattern of violent intent later tied to Real IRA operations. Unionist commentators condemned his 2023 funeral's large attendance by republicans as indicative of unrepentant support for figures blamed for 29 deaths, with the highlighting Murphy's admitted IRA strategy to "ethnically cleanse" unionists from border areas, underscoring his threat to Protestant-majority regions. Such views frame Murphy's actions as antithetical to the , prioritizing agendas over civilian lives in a bombing that killed across divides.

References

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  53. https://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/uknews/northernireland/5478243/Omagh-bombing-victims-families-win-landmark-terrorism-ruling.html
  54. https://www.itv.com/news/utv/2023-04-20/no-justice-for-omagh-bomb-victims-families-as-man-found-liable-for-blast-dies
  55. https://www.bbc.com/news/uk-northern-ireland-35698873
  56. https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2002/jan/23/northernireland.northernireland
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