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The Daivadnya, (also known as Sonar or Panchal or Vishwa Brahmin), is a community from Goa and Karnataka, who claim to have descended from Vishwakarma. Although they claim themselves to be Brahmin, but these claims are not accepted by others including local Brahmin castes.[1][2][3][4] They are native to the Konkan and are mainly found in the states of Goa and Damaon, Canara (coastal Karnataka), coastal Maharashtra, and Kerala.[citation needed] Daivadnyas in the state of Karnataka are classified by National Commission for Backward Classes as an Other Backward Class.[5]

Key Information

Daivadnyas are a subgroup of Sonars (Gold Smiths) and hence they are called as Daivadnya Sonars or Suvarṇakara[a] or simply Sonar.[b] Daivadnya Sonars in Maharashtra claim to be Brahmins and call themselves as Daivadnya Brahmins[6] however this is not accepted by other Brahmin communities of Maharashtra.[7] The Poona government of the Peshwa era did not accept the claim either but the Bombay Sonars continued with the claim.[4][8] However, Oliver Godsmark, a researcher on late colonial and early postcolonial South Asia, considers them a subcaste of the Brahmins that were originally from the coastal regions of Maharashtra, Karnataka and Goa.[9] They are popularly known in Goa as Shets. This word is derived from the word Shrestha or Shresthin[10][11]

Names

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Their name has many alternative spellings, including Daivajna, Daivajnya, Daiwadnya, and Daivadnea.[12][non-primary source needed]

Daivadnyas are commonly known as Shet. This appellation comes from their guild organisations, during the medieval ages. European documents mentions them as "Chatim" or "Xette", which is corruption of Konkani Shett, or Shetty.[13] The guild or members of the guilds of traders, merchants, and their employees who were mainly artisans, craftsmen, and husband-men in ancient Goa like elsewhere in ancient India, were called Shreni, and the head of the guilds were called Shrestha or Shresthi, which meant His Excellency.[14][15] Of all the trade guilds, the Daivadnya guild, was highly esteemed in Goa. These guilds enjoyed such a reputation for trustworthiness that people deposited money with these guilds, which served as local banks and also made huge donations to the temples.[16] Gomantak Prakruti ani Sanskruti, a comprehensive work on Goan culture also suggests that they called themselves Sreshtha to distinguish themselves from other groups who were assigned status of Sankra jati or mixed origin in the Shastras.[17][18][non-primary source needed]

Old Portuguese documents mention them as Arie Brahmavranda Daivadnea class (Orgon Somudai).[19]

Traditional history

[edit]

Though their history is obscure, Daivadnyas claim to have descended from Davidnya or Vishvadnya the younger son of Vishwakarma, the Hindu architect god.[2][20] Shets or Daivadnyas also claim Brahmin varna status, however, this is not accepted by local Brahmins and other communities of the region.[21][22] There is also a claim that Daivdnyas are descent from the Vedic Rathakara as mentioned in Taittiriya Brahmana of Yajurveda, and Smritis, however Daivadnya community deny this.[23] Hindu doctrines Hiraṇyakeśisutra, Bṛhajjātiviveka, Jātiviveka, Saṅkha smṛti, and Añjabila mention different types of Rathakaras. Most of them can be called Saṅkara Jāti or mixed caste, and their social status varies from those with high social status, who are ritually pure and have the right to perform "strata-smarta" rituals and to those considered fallen or degraded.[24][25][26] Daivadnyas (during the conflicts that arose in the 19th century) refuted this claim, which called them Rathakaras of impure descent, on the basis of Shastra[citation needed][needs independent confirmation]

Medieval and modern history

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Migrations

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Author Vithal Raghavendra Mitragotri says, The Bhojas are well-known sculptures and have migrated to various regions of India. Therefore, the Sthapatis who themselves claim to be Brahmins may have been descendants of Bhojas. The gold-smiths claim themselves to be Daivadnya Brahmins.[27][28] According to Viṭhṭhala Mitragotrī, the migration to Goa dates back to the early 4th to 6th century CE, with the Bhoja dynasty.[27] Bā. Da. Sātoskār in his encyclopedic work on Goan culture, suggests that they are a part of the tribe and reached Goa around 700 BC. From 1352 to 1366 AD Goa was ruled by Khiljī.In 1472, the Bahāmanī Muslims attacked, demolished many temples, and forced the Hindus to convert to Islam. To avoid this religious persecution, several Śeṭ families fled to the neighbourhood kingdom of Sondā.[29][30] Several families from western India had settled down in Kashi since the late 13th century.[31]

In 1510 the Portuguese invaded Goa. King John III of Portugal issued a decree threatening expulsion or execution of non-believers in Christianity in 1559 AD; the Daivadnyas refused conversion and had to decamp. Thousands of Daivadnya families fled to the interior of Maharashtra and coastal Karnataka.[32] About 12,000 families from the Sāsaṣṭī region of Goa (from Raia, Cuncolim, Loutolim, Verṇa and other places), mostly of the Śeṇavīs and the Shetṭs, including Vaishya Vani, Kudumbi, and others, departed by ship to the southern ports of Honnāvara to Kozhikode.[32][33] A considerable number of the Sheṭts from Goa settled in Ratnagiri and the Thane district of Maharashtra, especially the Tansa River valley, after the Portuguese conquest of Goa.[34]

Portuguese period

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Daivajnas and Christianity
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The Portuguese imposed heavy restrictions on all Goan Hindus, but the Shetṭs were granted exemption from certain obligations or liabilities. It is rare to find a Christian Goan Shetṭ, while all the other castes find some representation in the convert society;[35] this is because the economic power the Śeṭs wielded in the sixteenth century enabled them to live and work in Goa on their own terms or emigrate with their religion intact.[35] Their commercial knowledge and skills were held in high esteem by the Portuguese;[35] because of the protection the Portuguese gave them, they had a little religious freedom.[15] For example, they were permitted to wear the horizontal Vibhutī caste-mark on the forehead, and were even exempted from punishment when they committed crimes.[15] The very few who converted were assigned the caste of Bamonn among the Goan Catholics.[citation needed] According to the gazetteer of Goa state they are called Catholic Śeṭs,[36] but no such distinction is found amongst Goan Catholics. A detailed study of Comunidades[h] shows that Whether Hindu or Catholic, the community always enjoyed their social status, and were permitted to remain in Christianised parts of Goa, provided they kept a low profile, observed certain disciplines, and paid a tax of three xeraphims of (gold mohor) annually to the Portuguese.[37][unreliable source?]

A few Daivadnya families who converted to Catholicism migrated to Mangalore due to attacks by the Marathas in Goa during the late 17th and early 18th century.[38][39]

Relationships with other communities
[edit]

The trade in Goa was mainly in the hands of three communities classes, being the Gaud Saraswat Brahmins, the Vanis and the Sets.[40]

Conflict between Daivadnyas and Vaishyas, in 1348 in Khaṇḍepar or Khaṭegrama, is mentioned in Khaṇḍepar copperplate. This issue was solved in Gaṇanātha temple in Khāṇḍepār, its antecedents are not known.[41][42][full citation needed] Another conflict in the 17th century, between Shenvi Brahmins and Shets of Goa, these over social status was evidenced in arguments about use of traditional emblems like Suryapan, parasol etc. during religious rituals, functions and festivals. The hatred was so severe until the 19th century that only fear of the police kept the peace. Later, the Portuguese banned the use of Hindu symbols and wedding festival processions.[43][full citation needed][44][45]

Diaspora

[edit]

Documents mention a Gramanya[j] that lasted from 1822 to 1825, between the Daivadnyas and the Brahmins of Pune or the Puna Joshis. This dispute started because the Puna Joshis were against Daivadnyas employing their own priests and not employing the Vyavahare Joshis for their religious functions.[46] These Daivadnya families had migrated from Ratnagiri, to Pune during the reign of Baji Rao I, who always upheld their claims against the Vyavahare Brahmans or the Puna Joshis.[47] The opponent Brahmins were against the Daivadnyas administering Vedokta Karmas or Vedic rituals, studying and teaching Vedas, wearing dhoti, folding hands in Namaskar. They urged the Peshwas, and later, the British to impose legal sanctions, such as heavy fines to implement non-observance of Vedokta Karmas, though the later had been always observing the Vedic rites.[48] The Joshis denied their Brahmin claim, allegedly argued that they are not even entitled to Upabrāhmaṇa status which are mentioned in the Śaivāgama.[49] Thus they claimed that latter were not entitled to Vedokta Karmas and should follow only Puraṇokta rites[46] and they were also against the Brahmins who performed Vedic rituals for the Daivadnyas,[48] they incriminated that Daivadnyas have an impurity of descent and have a mixed-caste status or Saṅkara Jāti.[50][51] The British also issued orders to the Daivadnyas by which the Vedas not be applied for an improper purpose, the purity of the Brahmin caste be preserved[52] and did not impose any restrictions on the Daivadnyas.[50] This dispute almost took a pro-Daivadnya stance in Bombay in 1834,[53] and were ordered to appoint the priests of only their own Jāti and not priests of any other caste as per the tradition.[52] It is during these disputes Daivadnya Pundits came up with extensive literature like versions of Sahyadrikhanda of Skandapurana, to clear their maligned image by the Pune Brahmins.[54]

In 1849, the king of Kolhapur, Shahu Maharaj, provided land grants to the Daivadnyas who had migrated to princely states of Kolhapur and Satara and helped them build their hostels for the students pursuing education.[55][full citation needed]

Many families like the Murkuṭes, the Paṭaṇkars, the Seṭs of Karvara and Bhaṭkala kept their tradition alive and excelled in trade, playing a major role in socio-cultural development of the major metropolis of India such as Bombay.[45]

The Daivadnya priests who officiated at the Gokarṇa Mahabaleswara temple were prosecuted in 1927 by the Havyakas of Gokarṇa, who thought they would take over the puja authority at the temple. The case reached the Bombay High Court, which ruled in favour of the Seṭs.[56]

Modern period

[edit]

Some Goan Daivadnya families migrated to Pune and overseas. The Akhīla Bharatiya Daivajña Samajonnati Pariṣat has existed since 1908 for their betterment.[45]

Similarly, about 3500 Sheṭts migrated to Bangalore city after 1905 from South Canara.[57] Many families have migrated to Mumbai and have founded organisations such as the Kanara Daivajna Association,[58] and Daivajna Shikṣṇa Maṇḍala.[59] The Shimoga, Chikkamagaluru, Koḍagu, Davangere, and Hubli-Dharwad districts of Karnataka now have a considerable Daivadnya population.[32]

Shetṭs have also migrated abroad. They are found in the Arab countries[60] and have been migrating overseas in pursuit of higher education and employment for number of years, notably to the US and UK.[58] A small number have Portuguese[60] or Kenyan citizenship,[61] and a few live in Karachi, Lahore[62] Pakistan, but most of them have settled as refugees in Ulhasnagar after partition.[58]

Religion

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Their earliest religious beliefs could have been based on a mixture of Brahmanism, Bhagavata religion, sun worship and Shaivism, though it cannot be ascertained to a particular period of time or geographical region. Different schools of Shaivism have existed in Goa and Konkan since ancient times. Similarly, Shaivism was very popular amongst Goans of all walks of life, and was very widely practiced. Their religious and cultural beliefs were constantly influenced by other religions such as Jainism, Buddhism and later the Nath sect when the ruling dynasties patronised them. Up to 1476 there was no proper Vaishnavism in Goa, but later under influence of Madhvacharya many of them embraced Madhwa philosophy.[63]

Deities

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Daivadnyas are followers of Madhvacharya and Adi Shankara. The followers of Adi Shankara worship deities as prescribed by him as Panchayatana puja – a concept of worshipping God in any of the five forms, namely Shiva, Devi, Ganesha, Vishnu and Surya, that was propagated by Adi Shankara (8th century) is observed by Daivadnyas today. Daivadnyas worship the Pancayatana deities with Devi or Shiva as the principle deity. A possible Pancayatana set may be: Shantadurga, Shiva, Lakshminarayan (Vishnu with his consort Lakshmi), Ganesha and Surya. Pancayatana may also include guardian deities like Vetala, Ravalnath, Bhutanath, Kala-Bhairava, Kshetrapala and deities like Gramapurusha.[64]

Daivadnyas who follow the Vaishnavism of Madhvacharya worship Vishnu and Lakshmi as their prime deities and have established many temples of Vishnu in the form of Lakshminarayan, Krishna, Venkatesha, Narasimha and Vithoba. They were converted into Madhva fold by Vadiraja Tirtha and they are followers of Sodhe Matha, one of Ashta Mathas of Udupi.[65][66]

Kuladevatas

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Their tutelary deities are primarily in the form of the Mother Goddess, though they revere all Vedic, Puranic and folk deities equally.[10]

Ishtadevata

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Ishta-devata is a term denoting a worshipper's favourite deity.[67] Ganesha is ishta-devata of all the Śeṭs. Ganesh Chaturthi or Siddhivināyaka Vrata is a major festival of the Daivadnyas.

Kalika, Kansarpal, Goa – is worshipped as Ishta-devata by Gomantaka Daivajñas. This temple is more than 800 years old and is located at a distance of around 14 kilometres from Mapusa. It was built by Kadambas and was renovated by a Daivadnya minister who was serving Sawant Bhonsale – kings of Sawantwadi, Maharashtra. It is one of the most important temples in the northern part of Goa. The main festivals celebrated in this temple are Śiśirotsava, Navrātrī, Rathasaptamī, Āvalībhojana and Vasantapujā.[19][68][69]

Other Ishta-devata of Daivadnyas include Rama, Dattatreya[10] Hanuman,[10] Vithoba of Pandharpur, Hayagriva of Udupi, Mahalakshmi, Krishna, Gayatri, Durgā Parameśvarī, Lakshmi-narayan, Mañjunātha of Dharmasthala and Gokarṇa Mahābaleśvara. Daivadnyas maintain several temples in Goa, and about 38 temples in North Canara district of Kanarataka,[70] and many temples in other parts of Karantaka, Maharashtra and few in the state of Kerala.

Daivajñas also honour various saints like Sathya Sai Baba, Dada Maharaj of Patgaon, Raghavendra Swami, Narasimha Saraswati, Swami Samarth Maharaj, Sai Baba of Shirdi, Shreedhar Swami, Mata Amritanandamayi and Maṅkipura Svāmī.[citation needed]

Maṭha tradition and Saṃpradāyas

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Shankara or Smarta sect

[edit]
  • Shets of Goa,[71][72] Maharashtra and some parts of Karnataka follow the religious rules of the Smritis and are thus called Smarta,[citation needed] i.e. the followers of the Smṛitis. They were followers of Sringeri Sharada Peetha[12][10][73][71][74][75]
  • Due to some unavoidable conflicts between the two sects in the community a new maṭha was established in Sri Kshetra Karki, Honnāvara, in North Canara district. The maṭha is called Jnaneshwari Peeth.[76]

Vaishnava or Madhva sect

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  • The Daivadnya diaspora in North Canara, Udupi, South Canara and Kerala, who had migrated from Goa due to Arab and Portuguese invasions, were influenced by Vadiraja[77][full citation needed] and adopted Vaishnavism.[10][74][78] History says that a Daivajña named Gopalashetṭi was sculpting a Gaṇesha idol, but it took form of a horse or Hayagriva. He offered it to Vadiraja, the pontiff of Sode maṭha, who later expanded his sphere of influence by taking all the Daivadnyas of north Canara into the fold of his Vaishnavism by extending to them dikṣa and mudra.[10][77][79]

Classification

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Subdivisions

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Śeṭs were divided according to the place from where they hailed, the maṭha they followed and other criteria.

The Subdivisions of Gomantaka Daivajñas

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Until the early 19th century, Goan Śeṭs were divided into three sub-divisions based on their geographical location, but these divisions no longer exist:

These sub-divisions never intermarried nor did they accept food from their counterparts.[80]

Diaspora in Maharashtra

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There are no prominent distinctions found in Maharashtra, but there are mentions of groups of Śeṭs of Goa, especially from Sāsaṣṭī, Bārdes, Tīsvāḍī, landing in places like Ṭhāṇe,[34] Sāvantvāḍī, Ratnagiri, Khārepāṭaṇ, Mālvaṇ, Kudāl etc.[81] Daivajñas from Koṅkaṇa later migrated elsewhere in Maharashtra,[82][page needed] and hence they were also known as Koṅkaṇe or Konkane Devajnas as mentioned in old documents.[48]

Previously, Daivajñas from Goa refrained from having matrimonial alliances outside Goa. Today they arrange them with the Daivajñas of Karnataka and Maharashtra.[83]

Shetṭs of Kerala

[edit]

The emigration of Goan Shetṭs to Kerala dates from the early 13th century,[84][full citation needed] when most of them settled in the port of Cochin.[citation needed] Some Shets migrated from Goa during the later half of the 16th century due to the religious persecution of the Portuguese. These people settled in places such as Quilon, Trichur, Kozhikode, and Kasaragod, along the coast of Kerala.[citation needed]

The Keralite Shets have a temple dedicated to Gopalakrishna, which is perhaps the oldest temple in Fort Cochin.[85]

Society and culture

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Language

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Daivadnyas speak Koṅkaṇi and its dialects.[86] Gomantaka Daivadnyas speak a dialect of Koṅkaṇi known as Goan Koṅkaṇi which the Ethnologue recognises as the Gomāntakī dialect, further divided into sub-dialects such as the Bārdescī Bhās or north Goan, Pramāṇa or standard Koṅkaṇī and Sāśṭicī Bhās or south Goan.[87][88] Their Konkani sociolect is different from others and is more closer to the Saraswat dialect.

Daivadnyas in Maharashtra, i.e. Mumbai, Ṭhane, Pune, Kolhapura, Satara, contemporarily speak Maraṭhi. In the Koṅkaṇa region of Maharashtra they speak dialects of Koṅkaṇi such as Malvani, Kudali and others. Daivadnyas in Kanara speak different dialects of Koṅkaṇi, such as Karvari in the Uttara Kannada district and Maṅgluri in the South Canara district.[88]

Almost all of them are bilingual, Goan seṭs can speak Maraṭhi fluently,[83] Canara Seṭs speak Kannaḍa and Tulu outside home,[89] likewise a very small fraction of Keralites can speak Malayalaṃ with an accent, most of them can speak English fluently.[83] Many of them have accepted Maraṭhi/Kannaḍa as their cultural language but noticeably, this has not led to an assimilation of these languages with Koṅkaṇi.[90] Similarly Daivadnyas settled in various parts of Gujarat use the local Gujarati language.[91] Portuguese language is known by many members of older generation of Goans who had done their formal education during the Portuguese rule.[citation needed]

Historians say that the period of migration of Daivajñas and the Kudāldeskārs, from the northern part of India is same, and they settled in Goa in the same period, for this reason members of both the communities speak the same dialect of Koṅkaṇī in Goa.[44][92]

Historically, many scripts have been used writing either Koṅkaṇī or Marāṭhī. An extinct script called as Goykanadi[i] was used by the traders in the early 16th century. The earliest document written in this script is a petition addressed by Ravala Śeṭī to the king of Portugal.[93] Other scripts used include Devanāgarī, Moḍī,[93] Halekannaḍa and Roman script.[93]

Kali Bhasha secret lexicon

[edit]

Daivajña traders had developed a unique slang called Kalī Bhās, which was used to keep the secrecy of the trade by the traders. Remnants of this jargon are still found in the language used by the Daivajña traders.[94][95][96]

Diet

[edit]

The Daivadnyas are generally non-vegetarians and eat fish, mutton and chicken, but abstain from eating beef, pork and buffalo meat. Rice with fish curry is their main food.[97]

Ceremonies and rituals

[edit]
A couple performing religious rituals

Konkani people in general though speak Indo-Aryan languages follow Dravidian kinship practices (see Karve, 1965: 25 endnote 3).[98] One's father's brother's children as well as mother's sister's children are considered as brothers and sisters, whereas mother's brother's children and father's sisters children are considered as cousins and potential mates. Cross-cousin marriages are allowed and practised. Like dravidian people, they refer to their father's sister as mother-in-law or atte, and their mother's brother as father-in-lawmama, and one's husband's mother is generally referred to as mother-maay.[99]

Daivadnya people are not so orthodox but they strictly adhere to all the Ṣoḍaśa Saṃskāra or the 16 sacraments, and other Brahminical rituals according to the Rig Veda.[64][100] The Saṃskāras begin to be observed right from the day of conception, but the prenatal sacraments like Garbhadhāna, Puṃsavana, are usually performed as a part of the wedding ceremony nowadays, unlike some 30 years ago these sacraments were held separately after the wedding ceremony at the right time.[101]

Usually the birth of the first child is supposed to take place in woman's mother's home.[11] After the child is born, ten days of birth pollution or Suyer is observed, by keeping an oil lamp lit for ten days.[64] On the sixth day following childbirth, the goddess Śaṣṭī is worshipped. On the 11th day, a purification Homa is performed. The Nāmakaraṇa or the Bārso, a naming ceremony, is performed on the 12th day.[11] It is sometimes held one month following the child birth if the stars are not favourable. The Karṇavedha or Kān topap ceremony is held on the 12th day in case of a male child, or for a female child, it is held a month after the birth. For Uśṭāvaṇ, Annaprasana or the first feeding ceremony child's maternal uncle feeds the baby with cooked soft rice mixed with milk and sugar. Another similar ritual, Dāntolyo is also performed by the maternal uncle when the baby gets new teeth, on the first birthday of the child. Ceremonies like the first outing or Niṣkrāmaṇa, Jāval or cūdākarṃa i.e. cutting child's hair for first time, Vidyāraṃbha or commencement of studies, are performed as per caste rules.[64]

When the boys grow up, and before they attain the age of 12, Munj or Upanayana is performed with great fanfare.[64] All other sacraments related to it, like Keśānta or the first shave, Vedarambha or, Samāvartana or Soḍ Munj are performed as a part of thread ceremony nowadays. In case of girls(who were always married before attaining puberty some 75–100 years ago), a ceremony associated with a girl's first menstruation was observed in olden days.[102]

The most important sacrament for them is Vivāha, Lagna or the wedding. Various ceremonies held before the actual wedding ceremony are Sākarpuḍo or the betrothal, Devkāre or Devkārya that includes Puṇyāhvācana, Nāndi, Halad, Tel, Uḍid muhurtaSome of their customs are different from any others castes.[44] etc. The actual wedding ceremony is performed as per Ṛgveda.[64]Sīmāntapujā, Kanyādāna, Kaṅkaṇa-bandhana, Maṅgalasutra-bandhana, Saptapadi, Lājahoma, Aṣmārohaṇa, Vāyanadāna form the actual parts of the wedding ceremony. Ceremonies like Gṛhapraveśa, changing the maiden name of the bride, and the puja are followed by some games to be played by the newly wed couple, and the visit to the family deity temple.Pancpartavaṇ or a feast is organised five days after marriage.[44] They strictly observe Gotra exogamy.[103] The custom of dowry in its strict form does not exist any more, but Sālaṅkṛta Kanyādāna with Varadakṣiṇā is followed as a custom. Intercaste marriages are not common in Daivajñas[104][full citation needed]

A widower is and was allowed to remarry but traditionally this was not the case for widows. In more recent times, post-independence of India, social reforms have allowed widows to remarry but the practice is still frowned upon by the society. The age for girls for marriage is from 18 to 25 and that for boys is from 25 to 30. Child marriage is absent though girls were married off before attaining puberty, this custom was prevalent till the 19th century.[87]

Their dead are cremated according to the vedic rights, and various Śhrāddhas श्राद्ध and other Kriyās, Tarpaṇas are performed by the son or any other paternal relative, or in some cases by the son-in-law of the deceased.[64] As per the Vedas, dead infants without teeth must not be cremated,[105] and are supposed to be buried.[64] The body is generally carried to the cremation ground by the son of the deceased and his/her close relatives. Death pollution or Sutaka usually lasts for twelve days.[64] They usually own their own cremation grounds.[64] Women are not allowed in the crematorium.[106] If the deceased was male, his widow was tonsured and strict restrictions were imposed on widows.[107] There was no custom of widow remarriage in the past[108] neither is it very common nowadays[109] nor was there any custom of divorce.[108]

Their priests are usually from their own caste otherwise, particularly Karhade priests officiate their ceremonies whom they show much reverence.[110][108]

Festivals

[edit]

Daivajñas observe all the Hindu festivals but Ganesh Chaturthi, Nag Panchami and Diwali are the most important annual festivals.[83] Other festivals and Vratas observed by them are — Saṃvatsarāraṃbha, Saṃvatsar Pāḍvo or Yugādi, Vaṭa Paurṇimā, Vadāpunav, Ṛk Śrāvaṇi, Sūtāpunav, Gokulashtami, Āditya pujan, Āytārā puja, Haritālikā Tṛtiyā, Tay or Tayī, Navratri, Lalita Panchami, Dasaro, Āvatāñcī pujā, Bhaubeej, Tulaśī Lagna, Ekadashis like Āṣādhī, Kārtikī, Mālinī Paurṇimā or Mānnī Punav, Makar Sankranti, Shigmo, Holi, Mahashivratri, Veṅkaṭapatī Samarādhanā'[111]

Dressing style

[edit]
A Daivajna couple from Goa, late 18th century

Daivajña men traditionally wear Dhotīs called Puḍve or Aṅgavastra, which cover them from waist to foot. These are made of cotton and sometimes silk on special occasions and wore Judi or Sadro to cover upper part of their bodies, and a piece of cloth called Uparṇe over the shoulders. They wore turbans and Pagdis, Muṇḍāso, a red velvet cap or Topī was used by the traders and merchants so that they would not be troubled by the Portuguese.[112][113] Men had their ears pierced and wore Bhikbālī, sported Śendī and wore Vibhutī or Sandalwood or Gopīcandana paste on their foreheads. Men were fond of gold jewellery, too.[113]

Traditional Daivajña woman wear a nine-yard saree,[citation needed] also known as Kāppad or Cīre in such a way that the back was fully covered.[113] The fashion of wearing a blouse became popular in the 18th century. Ghāgro and a five yards saree was worn by unmarried girls. Women wore gold ornaments on different parts of their bodies (e.g. Ghonṭ, Pāṭlī, Todo, Bājunband, Galesarī, Valesar, Kudī[113]), and wore silver ornaments to decorate their feet (e.g.;Paijaṇ, Salle, Māsolī, Vāle[113]).

Arts and music

[edit]

They do not have their own repertoire of folk songs, but many of them are skilled in singing bhajans, in folk and classical traditions. Until recently every family had a tradition of evening bhajan and prayers with the family members in front of the family gods; a few families have still kept this tradition alive. Children recited Shlokas, Shubhankaroti, Parvacha, as the womenfolk lit the lamp in front of the deity, tulasi and ancestors. Womenfolk were not allowed to sing or dance which was considered demeaning, they do not have any folk songs other than ovis which they hummed while doing household work, some pujas, and other ceremonies such as the naming ceremony, the wedding and the thread ceremony.[114]

Even though they do not have a tradition of folk songs, they have played a significant role in field of Hindustani classical music, drama, arts and literature.[114]

Socio-economic background

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The traditional occupation of Daivajña people is the jewellery trade. Why this became their occupation is not known. There are no mentions of the Śeṭs practising this occupation in the early history, although they used to make gold and silver images for the temples, which old texts suggest they have inherited this art from the Bhojaks[27] who made idols of the Sun god, hence were also called as Murtikāras. They were well versed in Śilpaśāstra and in Sanskrit hence received royal patronage.[41] Dhume mentions that the Śeṭs also studied medicine, astrology, astronomy[115] in ancient university of Brahmapuri in Goa.[116]

They were renowned for their skills even in the western world and were the first to introduce exquisite jewellery designs to Europe,[citation needed] and were extensively involved in gold, silver, perfumes, black pepper export[citation needed] and even silk, cotton textiles, tobacco[117] and import of horses during Portuguese and pre-Portuguese era.[118] Texts maintain names of many wealthy traders e.g. Virūpa Śeṭī of Coḍaṇe,[118]Āditya Śeṭī of Śivāpura or Śirodā[119] Viṭhṭhala Śeṭī, Dama Śeṭī, who was appointed as an administrator of the Bhatkaṭa port by the Portuguese,[120] and others. Ravala Śeṭī from Caraim who was summoned to Lisbon by the king of Portugal,[121][122] was a collaborator with Afonso de Albuquerque and retained a high office in Goa. Since days of yore their business has been flourishing on the banks of river Mandovi, historical records mention them as prosperous and wealthy traders and business class. These traders, merchants with their fellow artisans, craftsmen had organised themselves into Śreṇīs or guilds,[123] Śreṣṭhīs or the head of the guilds were very wealthy, and made huge donations to the temples, and their guilds also served as local banks and treasuries.[15]

Few of them also worked as interpreters in king's court and were called Dubash, Gaṇa Śeṭī from Loutolim village was in Kadamba rajas court.[124] From the old documents it can be also seen that few of them were involved in politics,[125] and were employed by the kings for their service. Some of them were even associated with salvage operation of the vessels, and sometimes even provided the Portuguese with troops, ships and crew.[126]

They assisted the kings in minting and designing the coins;[41] during Maratha rule some Daivadnya families were given a title of Potdar, which literally means treasurer in Persian, who were in charge of testing the genuineness of the minted coins and their prescribed weight,[127] and played an important role in the revenue system of the Marāṭhas.[128]

The tradition of studying Vedas amongst the Goan Śeṭs does not exist any more,[71] but Daivadnyas from Gokarṇa, Honnavara and many other places in coastal Karnataka and Koṅkaṇa division of Maharashtra have kept this tradition alive. Many of them are priests who offer religious services to the community, very few of them are astrologers and temple priests.[10]

Along with educationally advanced communities in the 1850s – the CKPS, Pathare Prabhus, Saraswats, Parsis;Daivadnyas were one of the communities in the Bombay Presidency that allowed female education.[129]

Daivadnyas in the state of Karnataka are classified by National Commission for Backward Classes as an Other Backward Class.[5]

Notable people

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Notes

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References

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Further reading

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Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
The Daivadnya (also spelled Daivajña, also known as Daivadnya Sonar or Sonar), are a Hindu ethno-religious community predominantly inhabiting the Konkan coastal regions of Goa, Maharashtra, and Karnataka in India, traditionally specializing in goldsmithing and metal craftsmanship as Sonars or Panchals. They assert Brahmin status, claiming descent from Vedic artisans such as Vishwakarma[1] and the Ribhus, and identify as Vishwa Brahmins or Rathakaras, with historical ties to Magha and Bhoja Brahmin lineages skilled in sculpture and performing arts, although this claim has not been accepted by other Brahmin castes.[2][3] Originating from migrations southward from northern India around 800 CE alongside Saraswat Brahmins—prompted by invasions and climatic shifts—the Daivadnya integrated into Goan and Konkan society as essential artisans, producing gold and silver ornaments, coins, and temple artifacts for religious institutions dedicated to deities like Kamakshi and Mahalsa, where Gaud Saraswat Brahmins served as mahajans. Their presence is evidenced from early centuries CE through archaeological gold usage, while copper plate inscriptions primarily reference Saraswat Brahmin settlements, with roles in temple administration, village communidades, and royal patronage via agraharas under Kadamba and later rulers more associated with Gaud Saraswat Brahmins.[3] Socially ranked variably within Brahmin hierarchies, claiming descent from Rathakaras mentioned in the Taittiriya Brahmana and various Smritis—where Rathakaras are often described as saṅkara jātis (mixed castes) with varying social status from elevated to degraded, reflecting debates over their position—sometimes lower due to occupational associations yet elevated by priestly functions, the community faced economic fluctuations, such as post-Bahamani copper shortages leading some to bangle-making, and significant disruptions from Portuguese Inquisition in the 16th century, spurring migrations to Uttar Kannada, North Konkan, and beyond, where they preserved cultural practices amid conflicts with merchant groups like Vanis over temple control. Defining characteristics include endogamous sub-divisions like Konkani Daivadnya, adherence to Smarta or Dvaita traditions, and a legacy of craftsmanship that positioned them as key economic contributors in pre-colonial Konkan society.[3][2][4]

Etymology and Nomenclature

Alternative Names and Self-Identification

The Daivadnya community employs several alternative designations, including Daivajna, Daivajnya, Daiwadnya, and Daivadnea, with regional pronunciations such as [d̪aivaɡna] in Karnataka. In coastal areas of the Konkan region, particularly Goa and surrounding districts, they are commonly known as Shet or Set, a vernacular adaptation of the Sanskrit term Śreṣṭha or Śreṣṭhin, denoting "superior" or "eminent," which originated from their medieval guild-based prominence in mercantile and artisanal roles. Older generations in Goa often self-refer as Śeṭī, underscoring continuity with this historical nomenclature. The community self-identifies primarily as Daivadnya Brahmins, asserting an orthodox Vedic heritage tied to Rigvedic recitation and adherence to Grihya Sutras, distinguishing themselves from non-Brahmin artisan groups despite shared occupational histories in metallurgy. This Brahmin self-designation has been contested by certain other Brahmin subgroups, such as Gaud Saraswat, Chitpavan, Deshastha, and Karhade Brahmins, who historically classified Daivadnya as outside the Brahmin varna; however, Daivadnya maintain their status through gotra systems tracing to sapta rishis like Atri, Kashyap, and Bharadwaja, and reject conflation with Vishwakarma or Sonar communities as a 20th-century misconception propagated amid caste mobility debates. External labels like Sonar (goldsmith) or Panchal occasionally appear due to traditional professions, but these are not embraced in self-identification, as they imply lower ritual status inconsistent with claimed Brahmin purity.

Historical References to the Community

The Daivadnya community, often identified with goldsmith artisans, is referenced in early medieval inscriptions from the Konkan region, particularly during the Bhoja dynasty around 400 CE. The Siroda copper plate of Devaraja mentions roles in trade and commerce akin to Vaishyas, with these goldsmiths later claiming Brahmin status as Daivadnya, involved in crafting gold ornaments, silver images, masks, and assisting in coin minting under royal patronage.[3] Their ancient settlement in Goa is evidenced by membership in village communidades, indicating long-standing presence and integration into local socio-economic structures.[3] Traditional accounts link the Daivadnya to the Vedic Rathakāra, skilled chariot-makers with ritual significance described in texts such as the Rigveda, Yajurveda, and Taittiriya Brāhmaṇa, where they held a specialized priestly role in yajña ceremonies. Some Vedic scholars, including Veṅgaḍācārya and Nārāyaṇaśastri Kṣirasāgara, associate the community with these figures based on Sanskrit textual interpretations emphasizing artisan-priests. Community lore further claims descent from Magha and Bhoja Brahmins, supported by their historical interest in performing arts like dance and drama, which aligned with elite Brahmin cultural practices.[3] By the medieval period, Daivadnya Brahmins appear in records of social dynamics in Goa, including rivalries with Saraswat Brahmins and artisan groups like Guravas and Kasars. In the 13th century, some adopted the Dvaita philosophy of Madhvacharya while retaining Shaivite worship, reflecting sectarian shifts amid regional influences.[3] Their shared family deity Kāmākshī with Saraswats underscores intertwined community ties in pre-Portuguese Goa, as noted in regional texts like the Sahyadrikhanda.[3]

Historical Origins and Development

Ancient and Medieval Roots

The Daivajña community, known for professions in goldsmithing and priesthood, traces its nomenclature to the Sanskrit term daivajña, denoting an astrologer or interpreter of divine omens, a role referenced in ancient texts such as Vālmīki's Rāmāyaṇa (c. 5th–1st century BCE), where it describes individuals consulting celestial signs for royal decisions.[5] Similarly, the 6th-century astronomer Varāhamihira, author of Bṛhat Saṃhitā, bore the epithet Daivajna, reflecting expertise in jyotiṣa (astronomy and astrology) during the Gupta era's scholarly milieu. These early usages indicate the term's association with intellectual and ritualistic vocations, though direct linkage to the cohesive community identity remains conjectural absent epigraphic or archaeological corroboration.[6] Medieval records provide firmer attestation of Daivajña involvement in Konkan society, particularly from the 13th–15th centuries under regional dynasties like the Yadavas and early Vijayanagara influence. Ganeśa Daivajña (fl. c. 1400–1525), a prominent mathematician from the western Deccan, composed Buddhivilāsinī, a commentary on Bhāskara II's Līlāvatī featuring geometric illustrations, underscoring the group's contributions to mathematical sciences amid Konkan's mercantile and temple-building economy. Traditional accounts posit migrations to Goa and coastal Maharashtra around the 4th–6th centuries CE, accompanying Bhoja groups—possibly linked to ancient Bhoja rulers or artisans—settling as suvarṇakāras (goldworkers) who blended craftsmanship with Vedic rituals under Smārta orthodoxy. They received royal patronage for their expertise in Śilpaśāstra. Community lore further asserts Vedic antiquity, portraying Daivadnyas as Sūryavaṃśī priests akin to Ṛgvedic yājñikas (ritual performers) affiliated with Aśvalāyana's Gṛhyasūtra and descended from Viśvakarman, the mythic divine artisan. Such narratives, echoed in later Purāṇic interpolations like the Bhaviṣyapurāṇa, likely emerged to legitimize Brahmin status for a guild-like artisan cohort, as empirical pre-medieval evidence—such as inscriptions naming the endogamous group—is lacking, contrasting with verifiable medieval scholarly output.[7]

Regional Flourishing in Konkan and Goa

The Daivadnya, recognized as a subcaste of Vishwakarma Panchal Brahmins specializing in goldsmithing and metallurgy, achieved notable prominence in the Konkan coastal region, encompassing Goa, during the medieval period as part of the area's caste-based social and economic framework. They integrated into the maritime-oriented society, leveraging skills in craftsmanship to support temple construction, trade, and artisanal production amid dynastic rule by entities such as the Silaharas and Yadavas. Historical ethnological studies identify them alongside other Konkani Brahmin groups like Chitpavans and Gaud Saraswats, underscoring their established role in regional hierarchies where endogamy and occupational specialization facilitated economic stability.[8][9] Scholarly accounts describe their settlement patterns as involving migrations from northern interiors or adjacent Konkan areas into Goa, potentially from the 4th to 8th centuries CE, aligning with broader Aryan-descended movements to Dandakaranya and southward. In Goa, they functioned as Gaonkars—hereditary members of village communities with land and administrative rights—indicating socio-economic embeddedness and prosperity derived from gold trade, which thrived in the pre-Portuguese era's bustling ports. Ethnologists like Dr. Bragança Pereira note their Aryan origins and adaptation to local Dravidian influences, without sub-caste divisions in Goan contexts, which preserved community cohesion and enabled flourishing through inter-regional networks extending to Maharashtra and Mangalore.[9][9] Contributions to intellectual traditions further evidenced their regional vitality; for instance, Narsimha Daivajna, an astrologer from the community, fathered the 14th-century mathematician Narayana Pandita, author of works like Ganitakaumudi and Bijaganitavatamsa, reflecting Daivadnya engagement in Vedic sciences alongside artisanal pursuits. This period of growth, prior to 16th-century colonial incursions, saw them assert Brahmin status through sacred thread-wearing and Vedic rites, claims rooted in centuries-old self-identification as Daivadnya Brahmans entitled to priestly functions, though contested by orthodox hierarchies. Their prosperity as traders and craftsmen, documented in caste ethnographies, positioned them as key economic actors in Konkan's pre-modern ecosystem.[10][11][8]

Migrations and Expansions

The Daivadnya community underwent notable migrations from their Konkan and Goan strongholds beginning in the medieval era, primarily driven by invasions and economic pressures. Historical accounts indicate that in the 12th and 14th centuries, groups relocated from Goa to various parts of India amid Islamic incursions and shifting socioeconomic conditions, leading to settlements in regions such as Maharashtra and coastal Karnataka.[12] These movements facilitated the community's expansion beyond the western coast, with families establishing artisanal and priestly roles in new locales while preserving Vedic traditions.[13] During the Maratha period, further dispersals occurred, including migrations from Ratnagiri district to Pune under Peshwa Baji Rao I (r. 1720–1740), who endorsed Daivadnya claims to Brahmin status amid disputes with local Vyavahare Brahmins.[14] Post-Maratha expansions saw additional families moving to Madhya Pradesh, where they integrated into regional economies, often as goldsmiths and astrologers. Smaller clusters settled in areas like Vapi in Gujarat, reflecting adaptive relocations tied to trade networks and patronage.[14] These patterns of expansion underscore the Daivadnya's resilience, with communities maintaining endogamous ties and cultural practices across dispersed settlements in Maharashtra, Karnataka, and beyond, though primary archival evidence remains sparse and reliant on oral and sectarian records.[15]

Encounters with Colonial Powers

Portuguese Conquest and Persecution

The Portuguese forces under Afonso de Albuquerque captured Goa from the Bijapur Sultanate on November 25, 1510, establishing it as a key base for their Indian Ocean empire.[16] This conquest marked the onset of policies aimed at eradicating non-Christian religions, with initial tolerance giving way to coercive measures against Hindus, including restrictions on rituals and temple access.[17] By the mid-16th century, these efforts intensified under viceroys like Constantine de Sá, who in 1541 ordered the closure of Hindu temples, followed by decrees in 1546 prohibiting Hindu worship and mandating conversions.[18] Temple demolitions accelerated after 1566, with campaigns destroying over 300 structures in areas like Bardez and Salcete, often repurposing sites for churches or forts; records indicate that by 1570, most Hindu religious infrastructure in the "Old Conquests" (core territories seized early) had been razed.[19] The Goa Inquisition, formally instituted in 1560 and operational from 1561, further enforced compliance through trials, confiscations, torture, and public autos-da-fé, targeting crypto-Hindus and priests who preserved Vedic traditions, with punishments including burning at the stake for relapsed converts.[20] The Daivadnya community, comprising Brahmin priests specializing in service to deities like Shanaishchara and involved in temple goldsmithing and rituals, suffered acutely as their occupational and devotional roles were criminalized.[21] Unable to practice openly amid bans on Hindu ceremonies and idol worship, many Daivadnya fled Goa starting in the 1540s and accelerating post-Inquisition, migrating southward to Kerala, eastward to Karnataka's Kanara coast, and northward to Maharashtra's Konkan regions by the late 16th century; for instance, seafaring families reached Kochi, where they integrated as priests while concealing origins to evade pursuit.[22] This diaspora preserved core practices in safer enclaves, though at the cost of community fragmentation and adaptation to local hierarchies.[13]

Post-Portuguese Diaspora and Resettlement

The Portuguese conquest of Goa in 1510 initiated a period of intense religious persecution against Hindus, prompting significant emigration among the Daivadnya community, who faced restrictions on their traditional practices as goldsmiths, astrologers, and priests.[14] This exodus, which had begun in smaller numbers during the 13th to 15th centuries, accelerated markedly in the 16th century, with families fleeing to avoid forced conversions and temple destructions under policies enforced by the Goa Inquisition starting in 1560.[14][13] Resettlement primarily occurred in adjacent coastal and inland regions of Maharashtra and Karnataka, where Daivadnyas (often referred to as Shetts) established new communities while preserving their Vishwakarma-derived Brahmin identity and occupational expertise in metallurgy and astrology. In Maharashtra, groups settled in the Thane and Ratnagiri districts, particularly along the Tansa River valley, integrating into local economies under the patronage of regional rulers who valued their artisanal skills.[13] In coastal Karnataka's Canara region, including areas around Karwar and Mangalore, migrants formed clusters during the 17th century, adapting to temple-based economies and aligning with local matha traditions.[12][13] Further dispersals extended to southern Karnataka, Kerala, and interior Maharashtra, driven by ongoing Portuguese expansions and inquisitorial pressures into the 18th century, with families fleeing to rural hinterlands for safety.[13] These resettled communities maintained endogamous practices, Vaishnava or Shaiva affiliations, and Konkani dialects, often receiving protection from Maratha or Nayaka kings who employed them in royal workshops and advisory roles.[13] By the 19th century, Daivadnya populations outside Goa had stabilized, contributing to urban goldsmith guilds in Bombay and mercantile networks in Mysore, though some subgroups faced varna disputes with host communities over their Brahmin claims.[23] The annexation of Goa by India in 1961 allowed limited repatriation for some descendants, but the diaspora communities in Maharashtra and Karnataka retained distinct identities, with ongoing migrations to urban centers like Mumbai and Bangalore for education and commerce in the late 20th century.[13] Historical accounts from community mathas emphasize resilience through religious continuity, though primary records remain sparse due to the oral nature of much Daivadnya historiography.[12]

Religious Practices and Traditions

Core Deities and Worship Patterns

The Daivadnya community predominantly venerates Shiva and Shakti (Devi) as kuladevas, a tradition rooted in ancient practices reinforced by texts such as the Vishwa Brahma Kulotsava.[13] These deities form the core of familial worship, with Shiva representing the masculine principle and Shakti embodying the dynamic feminine energy integral to their Shaiva-Shakta inclinations. Many families also incorporate Vishnu in forms like Lakshmi Narayan and Hayagreeva, reflecting a syncretic approach that integrates Vaishnava elements alongside Shaiva-Shakta primacy.[15] Worship follows the Smarta tradition aligned with Advaita Vedanta, emphasizing Panchayatana puja—a ritual system prescribing devotion to five deities arranged in a quincunx: Shiva, Vishnu, Devi (Shakti), Ganesha, and Surya, with Shiva or Devi often serving as the ishta devata (chosen personal deity).[14] This practice, attributed to Adi Shankara's teachings, promotes non-sectarian reverence by treating the deities as manifestations of a singular Brahman, performed daily at home altars using icons or saligrama stones. Kuladevata shrines, typically located in Goan temples, anchor periodic rituals like suttapunav (ancestral purification) and major festivals honoring these gods. Patterns of observance include strict adherence to the shodasha samskaras (16 life-cycle sacraments) and Vedic rituals such as homam (fire offerings) and abhishekam (anointing), conducted by family priests or at mathas affiliated with the community. While less rigid than some Brahmin sects in daily orthodoxy, these practices maintain continuity with Brahminical norms, incorporating regional Konkani adaptations like invocations to local forms such as Shantadurga.[15] Devotees emphasize ethical conduct and bhakti (devotion) over asceticism, with worship cycles tied to lunar calendars and community mathas serving as centers for collective pujas and initiations.

Sectarian Affiliations and Matha Traditions

The Daivadnya community maintains affiliations with two principal Hindu sectarian traditions: the Smarta sect rooted in Advaita Vedanta and the Madhva sect adhering to Dvaita Vedanta. These divisions reflect historical influences from philosophical lineages established by Adi Shankaracharya (8th century CE) for Smartas and Madhvacharya (13th century CE) for Madhvas, with community members selecting based on regional and familial adherence.[24][14] Daivadnyas in the Smarta tradition, predominant among those in Goa and Maharashtra, follow Smriti-based rituals and Panchayatana worship encompassing Shiva, Vishnu, Shakti, Surya, and Ganesha as manifestations of Brahman. They align with the Sringeri Sharada Peetham in Karnataka, an Advaita matha founded by Shankaracharya circa 800 CE, which provides doctrinal authority and officiates key rites akin to practices among Dravida Brahmins. This affiliation underscores their emphasis on non-sectarian theism and Vedic orthodoxy, including adherence to the Ashvalayana Grihya Sutra for domestic ceremonies.[14][13] In contrast, the Madhva Vaishnava sect, more common in the North Kanara and Udupi diaspora regions, emphasizes exclusive devotion to Vishnu and his avatars, incorporating Dvaita dualism that distinguishes between God, souls, and matter. This group traces influence to Vadiraja Tirtha (1480–1600 CE), a disciple lineage of Madhvacharya, and affiliates with the Sode Vadiraja Matha (also known as Sonda Matha) in Uttara Kannada, Karnataka, established in the 16th century as one of the Ashta Mathas. The matha serves as a spiritual headquarters, guiding rituals like the application of Gopichandana marks and worship of forms such as Hayagriva, with its pontiffs historically validating community status, as in the 1927 Gokarna temple dispute ruling by the 33rd pontiff, Vishwadeesha Tirtha.[23][24] Matha traditions among Daivadnyas involve pilgrimage to these institutions for initiations, scriptural discourse, and resolution of doctrinal queries, fostering continuity of Vedic learning despite migrations. While no independent Daivadnya-founded mathas exist at scale, these affiliations reinforce priestly roles in community temples and lifecycle samskaras, blending artisanal heritage with monastic oversight. Inter-sect tensions have occasionally arisen, such as over temple access in historical Konkan disputes, yet both uphold Brahminical purity through gotra-based (e.g., Atri, Kashyap) exogamy and ritual purity.[23][13]

Social Structure and Classification

Internal Subdivisions and Regional Variants

The Daivadnya community, particularly its Gomantaka (Goan) segment, features internal subdivisions delineated by territorial origins within historical Goa, reflecting localized settlement patterns and occasionally influencing marriage preferences and affiliations with specific mathas. These include the Vāḍkār subgroup, originating from northern talukas such as Pedne, Sattari, and Divar; the Goyṃkār, associated with central talukas like Sasti, Murganv, Tiswadi, and Bardes; and the Sauṃdekār, linked to southern talukas including Phonda, Kankon, and Sanguem.[14] Such divisions arose from pre-colonial geographic distributions, with each group tracing descent and property ties to particular areas, though strict endogamy has diminished amid post-independence mobility.[14] Beyond territorial clans, Daivadnya lineages are organized by gotras derived from the Sapta Rishis—Atri, Kashyap, Gautama, Jamadagni, Bharadwaja, Vasistha, and Vishwamitra—serving as exogamous units that prohibit marriage within the same gotra while permitting unions across them.[23] Surnames often correlate with these gotras and regional identities, such as Shet, Raikar, Revankar, and Shirodkar among Goan groups, or Velnekar and Bandiwadekar in Kannada-speaking areas, though surnames were not uniformly used historically and emerged from occupational or locational descriptors.[25] Regional variants manifest in linguistic adaptations and minor ritual emphases tied to settlement areas outside core Goa. In coastal Karnataka (e.g., Karwar, Bhatkal), Daivadnya predominantly speak Konkani, integrate local temple worship like that of Mahaganapati at Gokarna, and maintain goldsmithing traditions alongside modern professions.[15] Those in Maharashtra, such as in Ratnagiri or Sindhudurg, favor Marathi dialects and align with Konkan-specific customs, while preserving pan-community Vedic rites and Vishwakarma veneration.[15] Despite these adaptations, no substantive doctrinal divergences exist; variations primarily affect dialectal Konkani inflections, attire (e.g., silk sarees in Karnataka vs. nine-yard in Goa), and secondary deity preferences, with inter-regional marriages now common via community networks.[15]

Varna Claims, Caste Status, and Debates

The Daivadnya community self-identifies as belonging to the Brahmin varna, asserting descent from ancient priests associated with sun and fire worship, as well as metallurgical crafts linked to the deity Vishwakarma, positioning themselves as a subgroup of Pancha-Dravida or Rigvedic Brahmins.[14] This claim is reflected in historical records, such as the 1901 British census, where Sonars (goldsmiths) were enumerated as Daivadnya Brahmins, acknowledging their adoption of Brahminical practices like specific dhoti styles and greetings.[26][27] Community traditions emphasize Vedic orthodoxy, including adherence to Grihya Sutras and roles in temple administration as mahajans (chief patrons); however, the tradition of studying the Vedas among Goan Daivadnya, referred to as Śeṭs, no longer exists, though it persists in regions like coastal Karnataka.[14] This supports their priestly pretensions despite primary engagement in goldsmithing.[13] Contestation of this Brahmin status primarily comes from other Brahmin groups, notably Gaud Saraswat Brahmins and Maharashtrian Brahmins (such as under Peshwa authority), who argue that Daivadnya artisanal occupations—centered on jewelry crafting and trade—align them with Vishwakarma or Shudra-like guilds rather than pure sacerdotal lineages.[28] Historical frictions, documented in 16th–17th-century Goan records, involved Saraswats restricting Daivadnya access to temples and priestly roles, citing loss of ritual purity from mercantile activities and political influence.[29] Under Peshwa authority, Brahmin orthodoxy enforced restrictions on Sonars (Daivadnya), labeling them Shudras and prohibiting adoption of Brahmin practices such as wearing the sacred thread (Janeu), performing Vedic rituals, donning the dhoti in Brahmin style, and using greetings like Namaskar, with violations met by humiliation or punishment.[28] Early 19th-century disputes, spanning 1822–1825, challenged Daivadnya rights to perform Vedokta (Vedic-prescribed) ceremonies, with opponents deeming their status insufficient for such privileges, though a Bombay court in 1834 leaned toward recognizing their jati-specific priestly autonomy.[30] In contemporary India, Daivadnya varna claims yield mixed classifications: while some maintain forward-caste Brahmin identity in Goa, subgroups in Karnataka and Maharashtra are designated Other Backward Classes (OBC) for reservation purposes, based on socioeconomic metrics rather than ritual consensus, highlighting how occupational history and regional politics influence status debates.[31] Government surveys, such as those from the Census of India, occasionally list them alongside Brahmins but note internal variations, underscoring persistent ambiguity where self-assertion clashes with inter-caste hierarchies and state categorization.[32] These debates reflect broader tensions in jati-varna dynamics, where empirical evidence of priestly roles coexists with critiques rooted in occupational determinism.[28]

Cultural and Societal Aspects

Language, Dialects, and Linguistic Heritage

The Daivadnya community predominantly speaks dialects of Konkani, an Indo-Aryan language indigenous to the Konkan coastal region spanning Goa, Maharashtra, and Karnataka. This linguistic tradition dates to at least the 5th century CE, when Konkani evolved from Prakrit Apabhramsa as the vernacular for communities in the area, including the Daivadnya.[23] Dialects exhibit Sanskrit influences, reflecting the group's Brahminical practices and use in ritual texts, though spoken forms prioritize regional phonetics and vocabulary.[33] In Goa, the core homeland, Daivadnya employ the Gomāntakī dialect of Goan Konkani, characterized by sub-variations such as Sashtichi Bhas (from South Goa) and Bardeschi Bhas (from North Goa), with accents shifting by locality. Maharashtra's Konkan Daivadnya favor dialects like Malvani and Kudali, which incorporate Marathi lexical elements due to proximity and migration. In coastal Karnataka (Kanara), dialects blend Konkani substrates with Kannada influences, alongside occasional use of Tulu in Uttara Kannada districts.[14][34] Linguistic heritage underscores adaptation amid historical displacements, such as post-16th-century migrations from Portuguese-controlled Goa, leading to code-switching with dominant regional tongues like Marathi in Maharashtra or Kannada in Karnataka for commerce and administration. Written communication often defaults to Devanagari-script Konkani or Marathi, preserving oral traditions in family and temple settings. No standardized orthography unique to Daivadnya exists, but community efforts since the 20th century promote Konkani literacy to counter assimilation pressures.[14][15]

Traditional Occupations, Diet, and Daily Life

The Daivadnya community's traditional occupation centered on the jewellery trade, encompassing goldsmithing and related artisanal work with precious metals and gems, a practice derived from the Sanskrit term suvarṇakāra meaning "worker in gold."[23] This vocation, often referred to as sonar or shet in regional contexts, involved crafting, trading, and appraising jewelry, and was prevalent across the Deccan, Konkan, Karnataka, and Kanara regions where the community historically resided.[23] While some oral traditions link their roles to ancient priesthood or sthapatya (architectural supervision) under Vishwakarma, empirical evidence from community records emphasizes commerce and craftsmanship over sacerdotal duties as the primary hereditary pursuit.[13] In terms of diet, Daivadnyas traditionally followed a non-vegetarian regimen, incorporating fish, mutton, and chicken while strictly avoiding beef, pork, and buffalo meat due to ritual purity considerations.[35] Their staple meals revolved around rice paired with fish curry (locally termed hūmaṇ), supplemented by vegetable curries, pickles, and sweets such as payasa or maṅgaṇe.[35] Fish was euphemistically regarded as "sea vegetable" in some customs to align with Brahminical dietary norms, reflecting a pragmatic adaptation to coastal environments rather than strict vegetarianism.[35] Daily life adhered to the Āśvalāyana Gṛhya Sūtras for household rituals and customs, emphasizing family-centric observances like ancestor veneration during Mahalaya (Pitru Paksha) or Amavasya.[36] Families historically maintained evening bhajans and prayers before household deities, fostering communal piety, though this practice has waned in modern settings.[14] Social norms included reluctance to accept cooked food or water from outsiders, preserving endogamous purity, alongside participation in regional festivals tied to their Shaiva-Shakta traditions.[36] These routines balanced occupational diligence with religious discipline, often structured around dawn-to-dusk work cycles interspersed with ritual ablutions and familial duties.[36]

Rituals, Festivals, and Attire

The Daivadnya community observes a range of Hindu rituals rooted in Vedic traditions, including the samskaras such as birth ceremonies, upanayana (thread ceremony), and vivaha (marriage), guided by the Ashvalayana Grihya Sutras.[36] In birth rituals, the family is considered unclean until the 11th day, after which purification with panchagavya is performed, followed by the cradle ceremony and naming on the same day.[36] The upanayana typically occurs at age 7, during which the father whispers the Gayatri Mantra to the initiate.[36] Marriage rituals emphasize Vedic procedures, commencing with betrothal (soiriki) and devakarya, proceeding to the udid ceremony, garland exchange, saptapadi (seven steps around the sacred fire), kanyadan (gift of the bride), and the tying of the mangalsutra.[36] Additional ceremonial elements include phool muddi, ghade udhak, and a simulated Kaashi yatra.[36] The community also performs annual Vedic rites such as upakarma during the Shravan or Dhanishta nakshatra, involving ritual renewal of the sacred thread. Daivadnya celebrate major Hindu festivals with emphasis on Ganesh Chaturthi, Nag Panchami, and Diwali, often concluding these and other ceremonies with a distinctive fish feast, reflecting regional Konkani influences despite Brahminical norms.[29] Temple-associated observances include jatras, paryaya, and chaturmas, alongside deva-specific events like shishirotsava, navratri, rathasaptami, avali bhojana, and vasant puja at affiliated shrines.[37] Traditional attire for Daivadnya men features dhotis termed pudve or angavastra, extending from waist to foot and crafted from cotton or silk.[38] Women don nine-yard sarees known as kappad or cire, draped to fully cover the back, paired in ceremonial contexts with blouses, mangalsutras, toe rings, and bashing ornaments.[36] In weddings, brides initially wear simple sarees before changing to elaborate ones, while grooms adopt a peta headgear and fresh sacred thread.[36]

Modern Socio-Economic Profile

Contemporary Occupations and Economic Shifts

In recent decades, a segment of the Daivadnya community continues to practice the traditional occupation of goldsmithing, focusing on the crafting of gold ornaments and silver articles, particularly in regions like Goa, coastal Karnataka, and Maharashtra.[31] This persistence reflects the enduring demand for artisanal jewelry in Indian markets, where family-based workshops remain viable economic units. Urban migration, especially to metropolitan areas such as Mumbai and Pune, has driven occupational diversification among Daivadnya individuals, with many pursuing white-collar professions amid India's post-1991 economic liberalization. The community's reported sound educational attainment—facilitating access to higher learning—and robust economic standing underscore this transition, enabling shifts toward sectors like business management, finance, and technology services.[31] These changes align with broader patterns of artisan caste mobility in western India, where improved literacy rates (exceeding national averages in urban subsets) and community networks have reduced reliance on hereditary trades, though gold-related enterprises often serve as a foundational asset for entrepreneurial ventures.[31] By the 2010s, such adaptations contributed to intergenerational upward mobility, with younger members leveraging urban opportunities for stable, salaried employment over manual craftsmanship.

Diaspora Communities and Global Presence

Daivadnya community members have migrated to various countries, forming small diaspora pockets primarily in pursuit of higher education and professional opportunities. Notable destinations include the United States, United Kingdom, Canada, Australia, and Gulf Arab states, where individuals often work in fields like engineering, IT, and business.[39] [40] These expatriate populations remain modest in size, lacking large formalized associations or temples, and rely on digital networks for social cohesion. The Daivagnya Brahmin Global Facebook group, launched in November 2018, serves as a key platform to connect members across continents, facilitating discussions on matrimony, cultural preservation, and community events.[41] Similarly, an Instagram account under the same name promotes unity among global Daivadnyas, with over 3,900 followers as of 2025.[42] Matrimonial services tailored for Daivadnyas highlight active profiles from these regions, underscoring ongoing endogamous practices despite geographic dispersion.[43] For instance, profiles from London and other UK cities indicate settled professionals maintaining ties to Konkani heritage.[44] In Gulf countries, temporary work migrations are common, with returnees contributing to remittances and local economies in Goa and coastal Karnataka.[40] Overall, the diaspora emphasizes professional adaptation while preserving Vedic rituals and Brahminical identity through virtual means rather than physical institutions.

Notable Individuals and Contributions

Jagannath Shankarsheth (1803–1865), popularly known as Nana Shankarsheth, emerged as a leading philanthropist and educational reformer from the Daivadnya community in 19th-century Mumbai. Born into the affluent Murkute family of goldsmiths within the Daivadnya Brahmin subgroup, he shifted from hereditary artisanal pursuits to commerce and civic leadership, amassing wealth through trade with Arabs, Afghans, and other merchants.[45][46] His initiatives included advocating for the introduction of railways in India, supporting the establishment of the Bombay Medical School in 1845, and contributing to the founding of Elphinstone Institution (later College) in 1834, where he served on the managing committee.[45] Shankarsheth's efforts extended to social welfare, notably founding one of the earliest schools for girls in Mumbai and promoting vernacular education alongside English-medium institutions. He held pioneering roles such as the first Indian Sheriff of Bombay in 1840 and Justice of the Peace, while also influencing infrastructure like the first cotton mill in the city and cultural landmarks including libraries and museums.[45][47] As a member of the Bombay Legislative Council, he championed reforms amid British colonial administration, earning recognition for architecting aspects of modern urban Bombay despite limited formal documentation of his caste in mainstream colonial records, which community histories consistently affirm as Daivadnya.[46][47] Other Daivadnya individuals have contributed in niche fields, such as Dwarkanath Madhav Pitale (1882–1940s), a businessman and philanthropist involved in early 20th-century industrial ventures in Maharashtra, though his profile remains less documented outside community annals.[14] Contemporary figures include professionals in jewelry, academia, and local governance, reflecting the community's adaptation from traditional metallurgy to diverse modern occupations, but no equivalents to Shankarsheth's scale appear in verifiable historical records.[15] ![Portrait of a Daivadnya Shet gentleman]float-right

References

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