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Persian language
Persian language
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Persian
فارسی
fārsī
Fārsi written in Persian calligraphy (Nastaʿlīq)
Pronunciation[fɒːɾˈsiː]
Native to
EthnicityPersians, and other ethnicities in Iran and countries bordering it
SpeakersL1: 91 million (2023–2024)[8]
L2: 35 million (2020–2023)[8]
Total: 127 million (2020–2024)[8]
Early forms
Standard forms
Dialects
Official status
Official language in

Russia

Regulated by
Language codes
ISO 639-1fa
ISO 639-2per (B)
fas (T)
ISO 639-3fas – inclusive code
Individual codes:
pes – Iranian Persian
prs – Dari
tgk – Tajik language
aiq – Aimaq dialect
bhh – Bukhori dialect
haz – Hazaragi dialect
jpr – Judeo-Persian
phv – Pahlavani
deh – Dehwari
jdt – Judeo-Tat
ttt – Caucasian Tat
Glottologfars1254
Linguasphere
58-AAC (Wider Persian)
> 58-AAC-c (Central Persian)
Areas with significant numbers of people whose first language is Persian (including dialects)
Persian linguasphere
Legend
  Official language
  More than 1,000,000 speakers
  Between 500,000 and 1,000,000 speakers
  Between 100,000 and 500,000 speakers
  Between 25,000 and 100,000 speakers
  Fewer than 25,000 speakers to none
This article contains IPA phonetic symbols. Without proper rendering support, you may see question marks, boxes, or other symbols instead of Unicode characters. For an introductory guide on IPA symbols, see Help:IPA.

Persian,[a] also known by its endonym Parsi / Farsi,[b] is a Western Iranian language belonging to the Iranian branch of the Indo-Iranian subdivision of the Indo-European languages. Persian is a pluricentric language predominantly spoken and used officially within Iran, Afghanistan, and Tajikistan in three mutually intelligible standard varieties, respectively Iranian Persian (officially known as Persian),[12][13][14] Dari Persian (officially known as Dari since 1964),[15] and Tajiki Persian (officially known as Tajik since 1999).[16][17] It is also spoken natively in the Tajik variety by a significant population within Uzbekistan,[2][18][19] as well as within other regions with a Persianate history in the cultural sphere of Greater Iran. It is written officially within Iran and Afghanistan in the Persian alphabet, a derivative of the Arabic script, and within Tajikistan in the Tajik alphabet, a derivative of the Cyrillic script.

Modern Persian is a continuation of Middle Persian, an official language of the Sasanian Empire (224–651 CE), itself a continuation of Old Persian, which was used in the Achaemenid Empire (550–330 BCE).[20][21] It originated in the region of Fars (Persia) in southwestern Iran.[22] Its grammar is similar to that of many European languages.[23]

Throughout history, Persian was considered prestigious by various empires centered in West Asia, Central Asia, and South Asia.[24] Old Persian is attested in Old Persian cuneiform on inscriptions from between the 6th and 4th century BC. Middle Persian is attested in Aramaic-derived scripts (Pahlavi and Manichaean) on inscriptions and in Zoroastrian and Manichaean scriptures from between the third to the tenth centuries (see Middle Persian literature). New Persian literature was first recorded in the ninth century, after the Muslim conquest of Persia, since then adopting the Perso-Arabic script.[25]

Persian was the first language to break through the monopoly of Arabic on writing in the Muslim world, with Persian poetry becoming a tradition in many eastern courts.[24] It was used officially as a language of bureaucracy even by non-native speakers, such as the Ottomans in Anatolia,[26] the Mughals in South Asia, and the Pashtuns in Afghanistan. It influenced languages spoken in neighboring regions and beyond, including other Iranian languages, the Turkic, Armenian, Georgian, & Indo-Aryan languages. It also exerted some influence on Arabic,[27] while borrowing a lot of vocabulary from it in the Middle Ages.[20][23][28][29][30][31]

Some of the world's most famous pieces of literature from the Middle Ages, such as the Shahnameh by Ferdowsi, the works of Rumi, the Rubáiyát of Omar Khayyám, the Panj Ganj of Nizami Ganjavi, The Divān of Hafez, The Conference of the Birds by Attar of Nishapur, and the miscellanea of Gulistan and Bustan by Saadi Shirazi, are written in Persian.[32] Some of the prominent modern Persian poets were Nima Yooshij, Ahmad Shamlou, Simin Behbahani, Sohrab Sepehri, Rahi Mo'ayyeri, Mehdi Akhavan-Sales, and Forugh Farrokhzad.

There are approximately 130 million Persian speakers worldwide, including Persians, Lurs, Tajiks, Hazaras, Iranian Azeris, Iranian Kurds, Balochs, Tats, Afghan Pashtuns, and Aimaqs. The term Persophone might also be used to refer to a speaker of Persian.[33][34]

Classification

[edit]

Persian is a member of the Western Iranian group of the Iranian languages, which make up a branch of the Indo-European languages in their Indo-Iranian subdivision. The Western Iranian languages themselves are divided into two subgroups: Southwestern Iranian languages, of which Persian is the most widely spoken, and Northwestern Iranian languages, of which Kurdish and Balochi are the most widely spoken.[35]

Name

[edit]

The term Persian is an English derivation of Latin Persiānus, the adjectival form of Persia, itself deriving from Greek Persís (Περσίς),[36] a Hellenized form of Old Persian Pārsa (𐎱𐎠𐎼𐎿),[37] which means "Persia" (a region in southwestern Iran, corresponding to modern-day Fars). According to the Oxford English Dictionary, the term Persian as a language name is first attested in English in the mid-16th century.[38]

Farsi, which is the Persian word for the Persian language, has also been used widely in English in recent decades, more often to refer to Iran's standard Persian. However, the name Persian is still more widely used. The Academy of Persian Language and Literature has maintained that the endonym Farsi is to be avoided in foreign languages, and that Persian is the appropriate designation of the language in English, as it has the longer tradition in western languages and better expresses the role of the language as a mark of cultural and national continuity.[39] Iranian historian and linguist Ehsan Yarshater, founder of the Encyclopædia Iranica and Columbia University's Center for Iranian Studies, mentions the same concern in an academic journal on Iranology, rejecting the use of Farsi in foreign languages.[40]

Etymologically, the term Farsi derives from its earlier form Pārsi (Pārsik in Middle Persian), which in turn comes from the same root as the English term Persian.[41] In the same process, the Middle Persian toponym Pārs ("Persia") evolved into the modern name Fars.[42] The phonemic shift from /p/ to /f/ is due to the influence of Arabic in the Middle Ages, from the lack of the phoneme /p/ in Standard Arabic.[43][44][45][46]

Standard varieties' names

[edit]

The standard Persian of Iran has been called, apart from Persian and Farsi, by names such as Iranian Persian and Western Persian, exclusively.[47][48] The official language of Iran is designated simply as Persian (فارسی, fārsi).[10]

The standard Persian of Afghanistan has been officially named Dari (دری, dari) since 1958.[15] Also referred to as Afghan Persian in English, it is one of Afghanistan's two official languages, together with Pashto. The term Dari, meaning "of the court", originally referred to the variety of Persian used in the court of the Sasanian Empire in capital Ctesiphon, which spread to the northeast of the empire and gradually replaced the former Iranian dialects of Parthia (Parthian).[49][50]

Tajik Persian (форси́и тоҷикӣ́, forsi-i tojikī), the standard Persian of Tajikistan, has been officially designated as Tajik (тоҷикӣ, tojikī) since the time of the Soviet Union.[17] It is the name given to the varieties of Persian spoken in Central Asia in general.[51]

ISO codes

[edit]

The international language-encoding standard ISO 639-1 uses the code fa for the Persian language, as its coding system is mostly based on the native-language designations. The more detailed standard ISO 639-3 uses the code fas for the dialects spoken across Iran and Afghanistan.[52] This consists of the individual languages Dari (prs) and Iranian Persian (pes). It uses tgk for Tajik, separately.[53]

History

[edit]

In general, the Iranian languages are known from three periods: namely Old, Middle, and New (Modern). These correspond to three historical eras of Iranian history; Old era being sometime around the Achaemenid Empire (i.e., 400–300 BC), Middle era being the next period most officially around the Sasanian Empire, and New era being the period afterward down to present day.[54]

According to available documents, the Persian language is "the only Iranian language"[20] for which close philological relationships between all of its three stages are established and so that Old, Middle, and New Persian represent[20][55] one and the same language of Persian; that is, New Persian is a direct descendant of Middle and Old Persian.[55] Gernot Windfuhr considers new Persian as an evolution of the Old Persian language and the Middle Persian language[56] but also states that none of the known Middle Persian dialects is the direct predecessor of Modern Persian.[57][58] Ludwig Paul states: "The language of the Shahnameh should be seen as one instance of continuous historical development from Middle to New Persian."[59]

The known history of the Persian language can be divided into the following three distinct periods:

Old Persian

[edit]
An Old Persian inscription written in Old Persian cuneiform in Persepolis, Iran

As a written language, Old Persian is attested in royal Achaemenid inscriptions. The oldest known text written in Old Persian is from the Behistun Inscription, dating to the time of King Darius I (reigned 522–486 BC).[60][citation not found] Examples of Old Persian have been found in what is now Iran, Romania (Gherla),[61][62][63] Armenia, Bahrain, Iraq, Turkey, and Egypt.[64][65] Old Persian is one of the earliest attested Indo-European languages.[66]

According to certain historical assumptions about the early history and origin of ancient Persians in Southwestern Iran (where Achaemenids hailed from), Old Persian was originally spoken by a tribe called Parsuwash, who arrived in the Iranian Plateau early in the 1st millennium BCE and finally migrated down into the area of present-day Fārs province. Their language, Old Persian, became the official language of the Achaemenid kings.[66] Assyrian records, which in fact appear to provide the earliest evidence for ancient Iranian (Persian and Median) presence on the Iranian Plateau, give a good chronology but only an approximate geographical indication of what seem to be ancient Persians. In these records of the 9th century BCE, Parsuwash (along with Matai, presumably Medians) are first mentioned in the area of Lake Urmia in the records of Shalmaneser III.[67] The exact identity of the Parsuwash is not known for certain, but from a linguistic viewpoint the word matches Old Persian pārsa itself coming directly from the older word *pārćwa.[67] Also, as Old Persian contains many words from another extinct Iranian language, Median, according to P. O. Skjærvø it is probable that Old Persian had already been spoken before the formation of the Achaemenid Empire and was spoken during most of the first half of the first millennium BCE.[66] Xenophon, a Greek general serving in some of the Persian expeditions, describes many aspects of Armenian village life and hospitality in around 401 BCE, which is when Old Persian was still spoken and extensively used. He relates that the Armenian people spoke a language that to his ear sounded like the language of the Persians.[68]

Related to Old Persian, but from a different branch of the Iranian language family, was Avestan, the language of the Zoroastrian liturgical texts.

Middle Persian

[edit]
Middle Persian text written in Inscriptional Pahlavi on the Paikuli inscription from between 293 and 297. Slemani Museum, Iraqi Kurdistan.

The complex grammatical conjugation and declension of Old Persian yielded to the structure of Middle Persian in which the dual number disappeared, leaving only singular and plural, as did gender. Middle Persian developed the ezāfe construction, expressed through ī (modern e/ye), to indicate some of the relations between words that have been lost with the simplification of the earlier grammatical system.

Although the "middle period" of the Iranian languages formally begins with the fall of the Achaemenid Empire, the transition from Old to Middle Persian had probably already begun before the 4th century BC. However, Middle Persian is not actually attested until 600 years later when it appears in the Sassanid era (224–651 AD) inscriptions, so any form of the language before this date cannot be described with any degree of certainty. Moreover, as a literary language, Middle Persian is not attested until much later, in the 6th or 7th century. From the 8th century onward, Middle Persian gradually began yielding to New Persian, with the middle-period form only continuing in the texts of Zoroastrianism.

Middle Persian is considered to be a later form of the same dialect as Old Persian.[69] The native name of Middle Persian was Parsig or Parsik, after the name of the ethnic group of the southwest, that is, "of Pars", Old Persian Parsa, New Persian Fars. This is the origin of the name Farsi as it is today used to signify New Persian. Following the collapse of the Sassanid state, Parsik came to be applied exclusively to (either Middle or New) Persian that was written in the Arabic script. From about the 9th century onward, as Middle Persian was on the threshold of becoming New Persian, the older form of the language came to be erroneously called Pahlavi, which was actually but one of the writing systems used to render both Middle Persian as well as various other Middle Iranian languages. That writing system had previously been adopted by the Sassanids (who were Persians, i.e. from the southwest) from the preceding Arsacids (who were Parthians, i.e. from the northeast). While Ibn al-Muqaffa' (eighth century) still distinguished between Pahlavi (i.e. Parthian) and Persian (in Arabic text: al-Farisiyah) (i.e. Middle Persian), this distinction is not evident in Arab commentaries written after that date.

New Persian

[edit]
Ferdowsi's Shahnameh

"New Persian" (also referred to as Modern Persian) is conventionally divided into three stages:

  • Early New Persian (8th/9th centuries)
  • Classical Persian (10th–18th centuries)
  • Contemporary Persian (19th century to present)

Early New Persian remains largely intelligible to speakers of Contemporary Persian, as the morphology and, to a lesser extent, the lexicon of the language have remained relatively stable.[70]

Early New Persian

[edit]

New Persian texts written in the Arabic script first appear in the 9th-century.[71] The language is a direct descendant of Middle Persian, the official, religious, and literary language of the Sasanian Empire (224–651).[72] However, it is not descended from the literary form of Middle Persian (known as pārsīg, commonly called Pahlavi), which was spoken by the people of Fars and used in Zoroastrian religious writings. Instead, it is descended from the dialect spoken by the court of the Sasanian capital Ctesiphon and the northeastern Iranian region of Khorasan, known as Dari.[71][73] The region, which comprised the present territories of northwestern Afghanistan as well as parts of Central Asia, played a leading role in the rise of New Persian. Khorasan, which was the homeland of the Parthians, was Persianized under the Sasanians. Dari Persian thus supplanted Parthian language (pahlavānīg), which by the end of the Sasanian era had fallen out of use.[71] New Persian has incorporated many foreign words, including from eastern northern and northern Iranian languages such as Sogdian and especially Parthian.[74]

Persian notes on Quranic booklets, written by a native of Tus called Ahmad Khayqani in 292 AH (905 CE).
A page from a manuscript of "Kitab al-Abniya 'an Haqa'iq al-Adwiya" by Abu Mansur Muwaffaq, Copied by Asadi Tusi in 447 AH (1055 CE).

The transition to New Persian was already complete by the era of the three princely dynasties of Iranian origin, the Tahirid dynasty (820–872), Saffarid dynasty (860–903), and Samanid Empire (874–999).[75] Abbas of Merv is mentioned as being the earliest minstrel to chant verse in the New Persian tongue and after him the poems of Hanzala Badghisi were among the most famous between the Persian-speakers of the time.[76]

The first significant Persian poet was Rudaki. He flourished in the 10th century, when the Samanids were at the height of their power. His reputation as a court poet and as an accomplished musician and singer has survived, although little of his poetry has been preserved. Among his lost works are versified fables collected in the Kalila wa Dimna.[24]

The language spread geographically from the 11th century on and was the medium through which, among others, Central Asian Turks became familiar with Islam and urban culture. New Persian was widely used as a trans-regional lingua franca, a task aided due to its relatively simple morphology, and this situation persisted until at least the 19th century.[77] In the late Middle Ages, new Islamic literary languages were created on the Persian model: Ottoman Turkish, Chagatai Turkic, Dobhashi Bengali, and Urdu, which are regarded as "structural daughter languages" of Persian.[77]

Classical Persian

[edit]
Kalilah va Dimna, an influential work in Persian literature

"Classical Persian" loosely refers to the standardized language of medieval Persia used in literature and poetry. This is the language of the 10th to 12th centuries, which continued to be used as literary language and lingua franca under the "Persianized" Turko-Mongol dynasties during the 12th to 15th centuries, and under restored Persian rule during the 16th to 19th centuries.[78]

Persian during this time served as lingua franca of Greater Persia and of much of the Indian subcontinent. It was also the official and cultural language of many Islamic dynasties, including the Samanids, Buyids, Tahirids, Ziyarids, the Mughal Empire, Timurids, Ghaznavids, Karakhanids, Seljuqs, Khwarazmians, the Sultanate of Rum, Turkmen beyliks of Anatolia, Delhi Sultanate, the Shirvanshahs, Safavids, Afsharids, Zands, Qajars, Khanate of Bukhara, Khanate of Kokand, Emirate of Bukhara, Khanate of Khiva, Ottomans, and also many Mughal successors such as the Nizam of Hyderabad. Persian was the only non-European language known and used by Marco Polo at the Court of Kublai Khan and in his journeys through China.[79][80]

Use in Asia Minor
[edit]
Persian on an Ottoman miniature

A branch of the Seljuks, the Sultanate of Rum, took Persian language, art, and letters to Anatolia.[81] They adopted the Persian language as the official language of the empire.[82] The Ottomans, who can roughly be seen as their eventual successors, inherited this tradition. Persian was the official court language of the empire, and for some time, the official language of the empire.[83] The educated and noble class of the Ottoman Empire all spoke Persian, such as Sultan Selim I, despite being Safavid Iran's archrival and a staunch opposer of Shia Islam.[84] It was a major literary language in the empire.[85] Some of the noted earlier Persian works during the Ottoman rule are Idris Bidlisi's Hasht Bihisht, which began in 1502 and covered the reign of the first eight Ottoman rulers, and the Salim-Namah, a glorification of Selim I.[84] After a period of several centuries, Ottoman Turkish (which was highly Persianised itself) had developed toward a fully accepted language of literature, and which was even able to lexically satisfy the demands of a scientific presentation.[86] However, the number of Persian and Arabic loanwords contained in those works increased at times up to 88%.[86] In the Ottoman Empire, Persian was used at the royal court, for diplomacy, poetry, historiographical works, literary works, and was taught in state schools, and was also offered as an elective course or recommended for study in some madrasas.[87]

Use in the Balkans
[edit]

Persian learning was also widespread in the Ottoman-held Balkans (Rumelia), with a range of cities being famed for their long-standing traditions in the study of Persian and its classics, amongst them Saraybosna (modern Sarajevo, Bosnia and Herzegovina), Mostar (also in Bosnia and Herzegovina), and Vardar Yenicesi (or Yenice-i Vardar, now Giannitsa, in northern Greece).[88]

Vardar Yenicesi differed from other localities in the Balkans insofar as that it was a town where Persian was also widely spoken.[89] However, the Persian of Vardar Yenicesi and of the rest of the Ottoman-held Balkans was different from formal Persian both in accent and vocabulary.[89] The difference was apparent to such a degree that the Ottomans referred to it as "Rumelian Persian" (Rumili Farsisi).[89] As learned people such as students, scholars and literati often frequented Vardar Yenicesi, it soon became the site of a flourishing Persianate linguistic and literary culture.[89] The 16th-century Ottoman Aşık Çelebi (died 1572), who hailed from Prizren in modern-day Kosovo, was galvanized by the abundant Persian-speaking and Persian-writing communities of Vardar Yenicesi, and he referred to the city as a "hotbed of Persian".[89]

Many Ottoman Persianists who established a career in the Ottoman capital of Constantinople (modern-day Istanbul) pursued early Persian training in Saraybosna, amongst them Ahmed Sudi.[90]

Use in Indian subcontinent
[edit]
Persian poem, Agra Fort, India, 18th century
Persian poem, Takht-e Shah Jahan, Agra Fort, India

The Persian language influenced the formation of many modern languages in West Asia, Europe, Central Asia, and South Asia. Following the Turko-Persian Ghaznavid conquest of South Asia, Persian was firstly introduced in the region by Turkic Central Asians.[91] The basis in general for the introduction of Persian language into the subcontinent was set, from its earliest days, by various Persianized Central Asian Turkic and Afghan dynasties.[81] For five centuries prior to the British colonization, Persian was widely used as a second language in the Indian subcontinent. It took prominence as the language of culture and education in several Muslim courts on the subcontinent and became the sole "official language" under the Mughal emperors.

The Bengal Sultanate witnessed an influx of Persian scholars, lawyers, teachers, and clerics. Thousands of Persian books and manuscripts were published in Bengal. The period of the reign of Sultan Ghiyathuddin Azam Shah is described as the "golden age of Persian literature in Bengal". Its stature was illustrated by the Sultan's own correspondence and collaboration with the Persian poet Hafez; a poem which can be found in the Divan of Hafez today.[92] A Bengali dialect emerged among the common Bengali Muslim folk, based on a Persian model and known as Dobhashi; meaning mixed language. Dobhashi Bengali was patronised and given official status under the Sultans of Bengal, and was a popular literary form used by Bengalis during the pre-colonial period, irrespective of their religion.[93]

Following the defeat of the Hindu Shahi dynasty, classical Persian was established as a courtly language in the region during the late 10th century under Ghaznavid rule over the northwestern frontier of the subcontinent.[94] Employed by Punjabis in literature, Persian achieved prominence in the region during the following centuries.[94] Persian continued to act as a courtly language for various empires in Punjab through the early 19th century serving finally as the official state language of the Sikh Empire, preceding British conquest and the decline of Persian in South Asia.[95][96][97]

Beginning in 1843, though, English and Hindustani gradually replaced Persian in importance on the subcontinent.[98] Evidence of Persian's historical influence there can be seen in the extent of its influence on certain languages of the Indian subcontinent. Words borrowed from Persian are still quite commonly used in certain Indo-Aryan languages, especially Hindi-Urdu (also historically known as Hindustani), Punjabi, Kashmiri, and Sindhi.[99] There is also a small population of Zoroastrian Iranis in India, who migrated in the 19th century to escape religious persecution in Qajar Iran and speak a Dari dialect.

Contemporary Persian

[edit]
Qajar dynasty
[edit]
Persian dialects

In the 19th century, under the Qajar dynasty, the dialect that is spoken in Tehran rose to prominence. There was still substantial Arabic vocabulary, but many of these words have been integrated into Persian phonology and grammar. In addition, under the Qajar rule, numerous Russian, French, and English terms entered the Persian language, especially vocabulary related to technology.

The first official attentions to the necessity of protecting the Persian language against foreign words, and to the standardization of Persian orthography, were under the reign of Naser ed Din Shah of the Qajar dynasty in 1871.[citation needed] After Naser ed Din Shah, Mozaffar ed Din Shah ordered the establishment of the first Persian association in 1903.[39] This association officially declared that it used Persian and Arabic as acceptable sources for coining words. The ultimate goal was to prevent books from being printed with wrong use of words. According to the executive guarantee of this association, the government was responsible for wrongfully printed books. Words coined by this association, such as rāh-āhan (راه‌آهن) for "railway", were printed in Soltani Newspaper; but the association was eventually closed due to inattention.[citation needed]

A scientific association was founded in 1911, resulting in a dictionary called Words of Scientific Association (لغت انجمن علمی), which was completed later and renamed Katouzian Dictionary (فرهنگ کاتوزیان).[100]

Pahlavi dynasty
[edit]

The first academy for the Persian language was founded on 20 May 1935, under the name Academy of Iran. It was established by the initiative of Reza Shah Pahlavi, and mainly by Hekmat e Shirazi and Mohammad Ali Foroughi, all prominent names in the nationalist movement of the time. The academy was a key institution in the struggle to re-build Iran as a nation-state after the collapse of the Qajar dynasty. During the 1930s and 1940s, the academy led massive campaigns to replace the many Arabic, Russian, French, and Greek loanwords whose widespread use in Persian during the centuries preceding the foundation of the Pahlavi dynasty had created a literary language considerably different from the spoken Persian of the time. This became the basis of what is now known as "Contemporary Standard Persian".

Varieties

[edit]

There are three standard varieties of modern Persian:

All three varieties are based on the classic Persian literature and its literary tradition. There are also several local dialects from Iran, Afghanistan and Tajikistan which slightly differ from the standard Persian. The Hazaragi dialect (in Central Afghanistan and Pakistan), Herati (in Western Afghanistan), Darwazi (in Afghanistan and Tajikistan), Basseri (in Southern Iran), and the Tehrani accent (in Iran, the basis of standard Iranian Persian) are examples of these dialects. Persian-speaking peoples of Iran, Afghanistan, and Tajikistan can understand one another with a relatively high degree of mutual intelligibility.[101] Nevertheless, the Encyclopædia Iranica notes that the Iranian, Afghan, and Tajiki varieties comprise distinct branches of the Persian language, and within each branch a wide variety of local dialects exist.[102]

The following are some languages closely related to Persian, or in some cases are considered dialects:

More distantly related branches of the Iranian language family include Kurdish and Balochi.

The Glottolog database proposes the following phylogenetic classification:

Phonology

[edit]

Iranian Persian and Tajik have six vowels; Dari has eight. Iranian Persian has twenty-three consonants, but both Dari and Tajiki have twenty-four consonants, due to the phonemic merger of /q/ and /ɣ/ in Iranian Persian.[111]

Persian spoken by an Iranian. Recorded in the United States.

Vowels

[edit]
Tehrani Persian vowel chart
Front Back
Close iː uː
Mid e o
Open æ ɒː
Dari vowel chart
Front Back
long short short long
Close ɪ ~ (ɛ) ʊ uː
mid eː oː
Open a ~ ä ɑː
Tajik vowel chart
Front Central Back
Close i ʉ ~ ɵ̞ u
mid e ɔː
Open a
The vowel phonemes of modern Tehran Persian

Historically, Persian distinguished length. Early New Persian had a series of five long vowels (//, //, /ɑː/, //, and //) along with three short vowels /æ/, /i/, and /u/. At some point prior to the 16th century in the general area now modern Iran, /eː/ and /iː/ merged into /iː/, and /oː/ and /uː/ merged into /uː/. Thus, older contrasts such as شیر shēr "lion" vs. شیر shīr "milk", and زود zūd "quick" vs زور zōr "strength" were lost. However, there are exceptions to this rule, and in some words, ē and ō are merged into the diphthongs [eɪ] and [oʊ] (which are descendants of the diphthongs [æɪ] and [æʊ] in Early New Persian), instead of merging into /iː/ and /uː/. Examples of the exception can be found in words such as روشن [roʊʃæn] (bright). Numerous other instances exist.

However, in Dari, the archaic distinction of /eː/ and /iː/ (respectively known as یای مجهول Yā-ye majhūl and یای معروف Yā-ye ma'rūf) is still preserved as well as the distinction of /oː/ and /uː/ (known as واو مجهول Wāw-e majhūl and واو معروف Wāw-e ma'rūf). On the other hand, in standard Tajik, the length distinction has disappeared, and /iː/ merged with /i/ and /uː/ with /u/.[112] Therefore, contemporary Afghan Dari dialects are the closest to the vowel inventory of Early New Persian.[113]

According to most studies on the subject, the three vowels traditionally considered long (/i/, /u/, /ɒ/) are currently distinguished from their short counterparts (/e/, /o/, /æ/) by position of articulation rather than by length. However, there are studies that consider vowel length to be the active feature of the system, with /ɒ/, /i/, and /u/ phonologically long or bimoraic and /æ/, /e/, and /o/ phonologically short or monomoraic.[114]

There are also some studies that consider quality and quantity to be both active in the Iranian system. That offers a synthetic analysis including both quality and quantity, which often suggests that Modern Persian vowels are in a transition state between the quantitative system of Classical Persian and a hypothetical future Iranian language, which will eliminate all traces of quantity and retain quality as the only active feature. The length distinction is still strictly observed by careful reciters of classic-style poetry.[114]

Consonants

[edit]
Labial Alveolar Post-alv./
Palatal
Velar Uvular Glottal
Nasal m n
Stop p b t d t͡ʃ d͡ʒ k ɡ (q) ʔ
Fricative f v s z ʃ ʒ x ɣ h
Tap ɾ
Approximant l j

Notes:

Grammar

[edit]

Morphology

[edit]

Suffixes predominate Persian morphology, though there are a small number of prefixes.[118] Verbs can express tense and aspect, and they agree with the subject in person and number.[119] There is no grammatical gender in modern Persian, and pronouns are not marked for natural gender. In other words, in Persian, pronouns are gender-neutral. When referring to a masculine or a feminine subject, the same pronoun او is used (pronounced "ou", ū).[120]

Syntax

[edit]

Persian adheres mainly to subject–object–verb (SOV) word order. But case endings (e.g. for subject, object, etc.) expressed via suffixes may allow users to vary word order. Verbs agree with the subject in person and number. Normal declarative sentences are structured as (S) (PP) (O) V: sentences have optional subjects, prepositional phrases, and objects followed by a compulsory verb. If the object is specific, the object is followed by the word and precedes prepositional phrases: (S) (O + ) (PP) V.[119]

Vocabulary

[edit]

Native word formation

[edit]

Persian makes extensive use of word building and combining affixes, stems, nouns, and adjectives. Persian frequently uses derivational agglutination to form new words from nouns, adjectives, and verbal stems. New words are extensively formed by compounding – two existing words combining into a new one.

Influences

[edit]

While having a lesser influence from Arabic[29] and other languages of Mesopotamia and its core vocabulary being of Middle Persian origin,[23] New Persian contains a considerable number of Arabic lexical items,[20][28][30] which were Persianized[31] and often took a different meaning and usage than the Arabic original. Persian loanwords of Arabic origin especially include Islamic terms. The Arabic vocabulary in other Iranian, Turkic, and Indic languages is generally understood to have been copied from New Persian, not from Arabic itself.[121]

John R. Perry, in his article "Lexical Areas and Semantic Fields of Arabic", estimates that about 20 percent of everyday vocabulary in current Persian, and around 25 percent of the vocabulary of classical and modern Persian literature, are of Arabic origin. The text frequency of these loan words is generally lower and varies by style and topic area. It may approach 25 percent of a text in literature.[122] According to another source, about 40% of everyday Persian literary vocabulary is of Arabic origin.[123] Among the Arabic loan words, relatively few (14 percent) are from the semantic domain of material culture, while a larger number are from domains of intellectual and spiritual life.[124] Most of the Arabic words used in Persian are either synonyms of native terms or could be glossed in Persian.[124]

The inclusion of Mongolic and Turkic elements in the Persian language should also be mentioned,[125] not only because of the political role a succession of Turkic dynasties played in Iranian history, but also because of the immense prestige Persian language and literature enjoyed in the wider (non-Arab) Islamic world, which was often ruled by sultans and emirs with a Turkic background. The Turkish and Mongolian vocabulary in Persian is minor in comparison to that of Arabic and these words were mainly confined to military, pastoral terms and political sector (titles, administration, etc.).[126] New military and political titles were coined based partially on Middle Persian (e.g. ارتش arteš for "army", instead of the Uzbek قؤشین qoʻshin; سرلشکر sarlaškar; دریابان daryābān; etc.) in the 20th century. Persian has likewise influenced the vocabularies of other languages, especially other Indo-European languages such as Armenian,[127] Urdu, Bengali, and Hindi; the latter three through conquests of Persianized Central Asian Turkic and Afghan invaders;[128] Turkic languages such as Ottoman Turkish, Chagatai, Tatar, Turkish,[129] Turkmen, Azeri,[130] Uzbek, and Karachay-Balkar;[131] Caucasian languages such as Georgian,[132] and, to a lesser extent, Avar and Lezgin;[133] Afro-Asiatic languages like Assyrian (List of loanwords in Assyrian Neo-Aramaic) and Arabic, particularly Bahrani Arabic;[27][134] and even Dravidian languages indirectly especially Malayalam, Tamil, Telugu, and Brahui; as well as Austronesian languages such as Indonesian and Malaysian Malay. Persian has also had a significant lexical influence, via Turkish, on Albanian and Serbo-Croatian, particularly as spoken in Bosnia and Herzegovina.

Use of occasional foreign synonyms instead of Persian words can be a common practice in everyday communications as an alternative expression. In some instances in addition to the Persian vocabulary, the equivalent synonyms from multiple foreign languages can be used. For example, in Iranian colloquial Persian (not in Afghanistan or Tajikistan), the phrase "thank you" may be expressed using the French word مرسی merci (stressed, however, on the first syllable), the hybrid Persian-Arabic phrase متشکّرَم motešakkeram (متشکّر motešakker being "thankful" in Arabic, commonly pronounced moččakker in Persian, and the verb ـَم am meaning "I am" in Persian), or by the pure Persian phrase سپاسگزارم sepās-gozāram.

Orthography

[edit]
Example showing Nastaʿlīq's (Persian) proportion rules[135][citation not found]
Ali-Akbar Dehkhoda's personal handwriting, a typical cursive Persian script
The word "Persian" in the Book Pahlavi script

The vast majority of modern Iranian Persian and Dari text is written with the Arabic script. Tajiki, which is considered by some linguists to be a Persian dialect influenced by Russian and the Turkic languages of Central Asia,[112][136] is written with the Cyrillic script in Tajikistan (see Tajik alphabet). There also exist several romanization systems for Persian.

Persian alphabet

[edit]

Modern Iranian Persian and Afghan Persian are written using the Persian alphabet, which is a modified variant of the Arabic alphabet, using different pronunciation and additional letters not found in the Arabic language. After the Arab conquest of Persia, it took approximately 200 years before Persians adopted the Arabic script in place of the older alphabet. Previously, two different scripts were used, Pahlavi, used for Middle Persian, and the Avestan alphabet (in Persian, Dīndapirak, or Din Dabire—literally: religion script), used for religious purposes, primarily for the Avestan but sometimes for Middle Persian.

In the modern Persian script, historically short vowels are usually not written, only the historically long ones are represented in the text, so words distinguished from each other only by short vowels are ambiguous in writing: Iranian Persian kerm "worm", karam "generosity", kerem "cream", and krom "chrome" are all spelled krm (کرم) in Persian. The reader must determine the word from context. The Arabic system of vocalization marks known as harakat is also used in Persian, although some of the symbols have different pronunciations. For example, a ḍammah is pronounced [ʊ~u], while in Iranian Persian it is pronounced [o]. This system is not used in mainstream Persian literature; it is primarily used for teaching and in some (but not all) dictionaries.

Persian typewriter keyboard layout
A variant of the Iranian standard ISIRI 9147 keyboard layout for Persian

There are several letters generally only used in Arabic loanwords. These letters are pronounced the same as similar Persian letters. For example, there are four functionally identical letters for /z/ (ز ذ ض ظ), three letters for /s/ (س ص ث), two letters for /t/ (ط ت), two letters for /h/ (ح ه). On the other hand, there are four letters that do not exist in Arabic پ چ ژ گ.

Additions

[edit]

The Persian alphabet adds four letters to the Arabic alphabet:

Sound Isolated form Final form Medial form Initial form Name
/p/ پ ـپ ـپـ پـ pe
/tʃ/ چ ـچ ـچـ چـ če (che)
/ʒ/ ژ ـژ ـژ ژ že (zhe or jhe)
/ɡ/ گ ـگ ـگـ گـ ge (gāf)

Historically, there was also a special letter for the sound /β/. This letter is no longer used, as the /β/-sound changed to /b/, e.g. archaic زڤان /zaβaːn/ > زبان /zæbɒn/ 'language'[137]

Sound Isolated form Final form Medial form Initial form Name
/β/ ڤ ـڤ ـڤـ ڤـ βe

Variations

[edit]

The Persian alphabet also modifies some letters of the Arabic alphabet. For example, alef with hamza below ( إ ) changes to alef ( ا ); words using various hamzas get spelled with yet another kind of hamza (so that مسؤول becomes مسئول) even though the latter has been accepted in Arabic since the 1980s; and teh marbuta ( ة ) changes to heh ( ه ) or teh ( ت ).

The letters different in shape are:

Arabic style letter Persian style letter Name
ك ک ke (kāf)
ي ی ye

However, ی in shape and form is the traditional Arabic style that continues in the Nile Valley, namely, Egypt, Sudan, and South Sudan.

Latin alphabet

[edit]

The International Organization for Standardization has published a standard for simplified transliteration of Persian into Latin, ISO 233-3, titled "Information and documentation – Transliteration of Arabic characters into Latin characters – Part 3: Persian language – Simplified transliteration"[138] but the transliteration scheme is not in widespread use.

Another Latin alphabet, based on the New Turkic Alphabet, was used in Tajikistan in the 1920s and 1930s. The alphabet was phased out in favor of Cyrillic in the late 1930s.[112]

Fingilish is Persian using ISO basic Latin alphabet. It is most commonly used in chat, emails, and SMS applications. The orthography is not standardized, and varies among writers and even media (for example, typing 'aa' for the [ɒ] phoneme is easier on computer keyboards than on cellphone keyboards, resulting in smaller usage of the combination on cellphones).

Tajik alphabet

[edit]

The Cyrillic script was introduced for writing the Tajik language under the Tajik Soviet Socialist Republic in the late 1930s, replacing the Latin alphabet that had been used since the October Revolution and the Persian script that had been used earlier. After 1939, materials published in Persian in the Persian script were banned in the country.[112][139]

Tajiki advertisement for an academy

Examples

[edit]

The following text is from Article 1 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.

Iranian Persian (Nastaʿlīq) همه‌ی افراد بشر آزاد به دنیا می‌آیند و حیثیت و حقوق‌شان با هم برابر است، همه اندیشه و وجدان دارند و باید در برابر یکدیگر با روح برادری رفتار کنند.
Iranian Persian (Naskh) همه‌ی افراد بشر آزاد به دنیا می‌آیند و حیثیت و حقوق‌شان با هم برابر است، همه اندیشه و وجدان دارند و باید در برابر یکدیگر با روح برادری رفتار کنند.
Iranian Persian
transliteration
Hame-ye afrād-e bashar āzād be donyā mi āyand o heysiyat o hoquq-e shān bā ham barābar ast, hame andishe o vejdān dārand o bāyad dar barābare yekdigar bā ruh-e barādari raftār konand.
Iranian Persian IPA [hæmeje æfrɒde bæʃær ɒzɒd be donjɒ miɒjænd o hejsijæt o hoɢuɢe ʃɒn hæm bærɒbær æst hæme ʃɒn ændiʃe o vedʒdɒn dɒrænd o bɒjæd dær bærɒbære jekdiɡær ruhe bærɒdæri ræftɒr konænd]
Tajiki Ҳамаи афроди башар озод ба дунё меоянд ва ҳайсияту ҳуқуқашон бо ҳам баробар аст, ҳамаашон андешаву виҷдон доранд ва бояд дар баробари якдигар бо рӯҳи бародарӣ рафтор кунанд.
Tajiki
transliteration
Hamai afrodi bashar ozod ba dunjo meoyand va haysiyatu huquqashon bo ham barobar ast, hamaashon andeshavu vijdon dorand va boyad dar barobari yakdigar bo rūhi barodarī raftor kunand.
English translation All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights. They are endowed with reason and conscience and should act toward one another in a spirit of brotherhood.

See also

[edit]

Citations

[edit]
  1. ^ a b c Samadi, Habibeh; Nick Perkins (2012). Martin Ball; David Crystal; Paul Fletcher (eds.). Assessing Grammar: The Languages of Lars. Multilingual Matters. p. 169. ISBN 978-1-84769-637-3.
  2. ^ a b Foltz, Richard (1996). "The Tajiks of Uzbekistan". Central Asian Survey. 15 (2): 213–216. doi:10.1080/02634939608400946. ISSN 0263-4937.
  3. ^ "IRAQ". Encyclopædia Iranica. Archived from the original on 17 November 2014. Retrieved 7 November 2014.
  4. ^ Akiner, Shirin (1986). Islamic Peoples of the Soviet Union. London: Routledge. p. 362. ISBN 0-7103-0188-X.
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  7. ^ "What Languages Are Spoken in Bahrain?". WorldAtlas. Retrieved 24 September 2025.
  8. ^ a b c Persian language at Ethnologue (28th ed., 2025) Closed access icon
  9. ^ a b c Windfuhr, Gernot: The Iranian Languages, Routledge 2009, p. 418.
  10. ^ a b Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran: Chapter II, Article 15: "The official language and script of Iran, the lingua franca of its people, is Persian. Official documents, correspondence, and texts, as well as text-books, must be in this language and script. However, the use of regional and tribal languages in the press and mass media, as well as for teaching of their literature in schools, is allowed in addition to Persian."
  11. ^ Constitution of the Republic of Dagestan: Chapter I, Article 11: "The state languages of the Republic of Dagestan are Russian and the languages of the peoples of Dagestan."
  12. ^ "Persian, Iranian". Ethnologue. Archived from the original on 5 January 2022. Retrieved 25 February 2021.
  13. ^ "639 Identifier Documentation: fas". Sil.org. Archived from the original on 16 February 2022. Retrieved 25 February 2021.
  14. ^ "The Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran". Islamic Parliament of Iran. Archived from the original on 27 October 2016. Retrieved 18 January 2022.
  15. ^ a b Olesen, Asta (1995). Islam and Politics in Afghanistan. Vol. 3. Psychology Press. p. 205. There began a general promotion of the Pashto language at the expense of Farsi – previously dominant in the educational and administrative system (...) – and the term 'Dari' for the Afghan version of Farsi came into common use, being officially adopted in 1958.
  16. ^ Siddikzoda, S. "Tajik Language: Farsi or not Farsi?" in Media Insight Central Asia #27, August 2002.
  17. ^ a b Baker, Mona (2001). Routledge Encyclopedia of Translation Studies. Psychology Press. p. 518. ISBN 978-0-415-25517-2. Archived from the original on 2 October 2022. Retrieved 20 June 2015. All this affected translation activities in Persian, seriously undermining the international character of the language. The problem was compounded in modern times by several factors, among them the realignment of Central Asian Persian, renamed Tajiki by the Soviet Union, with Uzbek and Russian languages, as well as the emergence of a language reform movement in Iran which paid no attention to the consequences of its pronouncements and actions for the language as a whole.
  18. ^ Jonson, Lena (2006). Tajikistan in the new Central Asia. p. 108.
  19. ^ Cordell, Karl (1998). Ethnicity and Democratisation in the New Europe. Routledge. p. 201. ISBN 0415173124. Consequently the number of citizens who regard themselves as Tajiks is difficult to determine. Tajiks within and outside of the republic, Samarkand State University (SamGU) academics and international commentators suggest that there may be between six and seven million Tajiks in Uzbekistan, constituting 30 per cent of the republic's twenty-two million population, rather than the official figure of 4.7 per cent (Foltz 1996:213; Carlisle 1995:88).
  20. ^ a b c d e Lazard 1975: "The language known as New Persian, which usually is called at this period (early Islamic times) by the name of Dari or Farsi-Dari, can be classified linguistically as a continuation of Middle Persian, the official religious and literary language of Sassanian Iran, itself a continuation of Old Persian, the language of the Achaemenids. Unlike the other languages and dialects, ancient and modern, of the Iranian group such as Avestan, Parthian, Soghdian, Kurdish, Balochi, Pashto, etc., Old Persian, Middle Persian, and New Persian represent one and the same language at three states of its history. It had its origin in Fars (the true Persian country from the historical point of view) and is differentiated by dialectical features, still easily recognizable from the dialect prevailing in north-western and eastern Iran."
  21. ^ Ammon, Ulrich; Dittmar, Norbert; Mattheier, Klaus J.; Trudgill, Peter (2006). Sociolinguistics: An International Handbook of the Science of Language and Society. Vol. 3 (2nd ed.). Walter de Gruyter. p. 1912. The Pahlavi language (also known as Middle Persian) was the official language of Iran during the Sassanid dynasty (from 3rd to 7th century A. D.). Pahlavi is the direct continuation of old Persian, and was used as the written official language of the country. However, after the Moslem conquest and the collapse of the Sassanids, Arabic became the dominant language of the country and Pahlavi lost its importance, and was gradually replaced by Dari, a variety of Middle Persian, with considerable loan elements from Arabic and Parthian (Moshref 2001).
  22. ^ Skjærvø, Prods Oktor (2006). "Iran, vi. Iranian languages and scripts". Encyclopædia Iranica. Vol. XIII. pp. 344–377. Archived from the original on 23 April 2020. Retrieved 10 July 2019. (...) Persian, the language originally spoken in the province of Fārs, which is descended from Old Persian, the language of the Achaemenid empire (6th–4th centuries B.C.E.), and Middle Persian, the language of the Sasanian empire (3rd–7th centuries C.E.).
  23. ^ a b c Davis, Richard (2006). "Persian". In Meri, Josef W.; Bacharach, Jere L. (eds.). Medieval Islamic Civilization. Taylor & Francis. pp. 602–603. Similarly, the core vocabulary of Persian continued to be derived from Pahlavi, but Arabic lexical items predominated for more abstract or abstruse subjects and often replaced their Persian equivalents in polite discourse. (...) The grammar of New Persian is similar to that of many contemporary European languages.
  24. ^ a b c de Bruijn, J.T.P. (14 December 2015). "Persian literature". Encyclopædia Britannica. Archived from the original on 10 June 2019. Retrieved 10 July 2019.
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  31. ^ a b Lambton, Ann K. S. (1953). Persian grammar. Cambridge University Press. The Arabic words incorporated into the Persian language have become Persianized.
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  49. ^ Lazard, Gilbert (17 November 2011). "Darī". Encyclopædia Iranica. Vol. VII. pp. 34–35. Archived from the original on 24 November 2020. Retrieved 22 July 2019. It is derived from the word for dar (court, lit., "gate"). Darī was thus the language of the court and of the capital, Ctesiphon. On the other hand, it is equally clear from this passage that darī was also in use in the eastern part of the empire, in Khorasan, where in the course of the Sasanian period Persian gradually supplanted Parthian and no dialect that was not Persian survived. The passage thus suggests that darī was actually a form of Persian, the common language of Persia. (...) Both were called pārsī (Persian), but it is very likely that the language of the north, that is, the Persian used on former Parthian territory and also in the Sasanian capital, was distinguished from its congener by a new name, darī ([language] of the court).
  50. ^ Paul, Ludwig (19 November 2013). "Persian Language: i: Early New Persian". Encyclopædia Iranica. Archived from the original on 17 March 2019. Retrieved 18 March 2019. Northeast. Khorasan, the homeland of the Parthians (called abaršahr "the upper lands" in MP), had been partly Persianized already in late Sasanian times. Following Ebn al-Moqaffaʿ, the variant of Persian spoken there was called Darī and was based upon the one used in the Sasanian capital Seleucia-Ctesiphon (Ar. al-Madāʾen). (...) Under the specific historical conditions that have been sketched above, the Dari (Middle) Persian of the 7th century was developed, within two centuries, to the Dari (New) Persian that is attested in the earliest specimens of NP poetry in the late 9th century.
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  78. ^ according to iranchamber.com Archived 29 June 2018 at the Wayback Machine "the language (ninth to thirteenth centuries), preserved in the literature of the Empire, is known as Classical Persian, due to the eminence and distinction of poets such as Roudaki, Ferdowsi, and Khayyam. During this period, Persian was adopted as the lingua franca of the eastern Islamic nations. Extensive contact with Arabic led to a large influx of Arab vocabulary. In fact, a writer of Classical Persian had at one's disposal the entire Arabic lexicon and could use Arab terms freely either for literary effect or to display erudition. Classical Persian remained essentially unchanged until the nineteenth century, when the dialect of Teheran rose in prominence, having been chosen as the capital of Persia by the Qajar Dynasty in 1787. This Modern Persian dialect became the basis of what is now called Contemporary Standard Persian. Although it still contains a large number of Arab terms, most borrowings have been nativized, with a much lower percentage of Arabic words in colloquial forms of the language."
  79. ^ Yazıcı, Tahsin (2010). "Persian authors of Asia Minor part 1". Encyclopaedia Iranica. Archived from the original on 17 November 2020. Retrieved 6 July 2021. Persian language and culture were actually so popular and dominant in this period that in the late 14th century, Moḥammad (Meḥmed) Bey, the founder and the governing head of the Qaramanids, published an official edict to end this supremacy, saying that: "The Turkish language should be spoken in courts, palaces, and at official institutions from now on!"
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    • Chapter "Imperial Ambitions, Mystical Aspirations: Persian Learning in the Ottoman World" by Inan, Murat Umut. In Green, Nile (ed.), 2019, The Persianate World: The Frontiers of a Eurasian Lingua Franca. University of California Press. pp. 88–89. "As the Ottoman Turks learned Persian, the language and the culture it carried seeped not only into their court and imperial institutions but also into their vernacular language and culture. The appropriation of Persian, both as a second language and as a language to be steeped together with Turkish, was encouraged notably by the sultans, the ruling class, and leading members of the mystical communities."
    • Chapter "Ottoman Historical Writing" by Tezcan, Baki. In Rabasa, José (ed.), 2012, The Oxford History of Historical Writing: Volume 3: 1400–1800 The Oxford History of Historical Writing: Volume 3: 1400–1800. Oxford University Press. pp. 192–211. "Persian served as a 'minority' prestige language of culture at the largely Turcophone Ottoman court."
    • Learning to Read in the Late Ottoman Empire and the Early Turkish Republic, B. Fortna, page 50;"Although in the late Ottoman period Persian was taught in the state schools...."
    • Persian Historiography and Geography, Bertold Spuler, page 68, "On the whole, the circumstance in Turkey took a similar course: in Anatolia, the Persian language had played a significant role as the carrier of civilization.[..]..where it was at time, to some extent, the language of diplomacy...However Persian maintained its position also during the early Ottoman period in the composition of histories and even Sultan Salim I, a bitter enemy of Iran and the Shi'ites, wrote poetry in Persian. Besides some poetical adaptations, the most important historiographical works are: Idris Bidlisi's flowery "Hasht Bihist", or Seven Paradises, begun in 1502 by the request of Sultan Bayazid II and covering the first eight Ottoman rulers.."
    • Picturing History at the Ottoman Court, Emine Fetvacı, page 31, "Persian literature, and belles-lettres in particular, were part of the curriculum: a Persian dictionary, a manual on prose composition; and Sa'dis "Gulistan", one of the classics of Persian poetry, were borrowed. All these title would be appropriate in the religious and cultural education of the newly converted young men.
    • Persian Historiography: History of Persian Literature A, Volume 10, edited by Ehsan Yarshater, Charles Melville, page 437;"...Persian held a privileged place in Ottoman letters. Persian historical literature was first patronized during the reign of Mehmed II and continued unabated until the end of the 16th century.
    • Chapter Imperial Ambitions, Mystical Aspirations: Persian learning in the Ottoman World, Murat Umut Inan, page 92 (note 27), edited by Nile Green, (title: The Persianate World The Frontiers of a Eurasian Lingua Franca); "Though Persian, unlike Arabic, was not included in the typical curriculum of an Ottoman madrasa, the language was offered as an elective course or recommended for study in some madrasas. For those Ottoman madrasa curricula featuring Persian, see Cevat İzgi, Osmanlı Medreselerinde İlim, 2 vols. (Istanbul: İz, 1997),1: 167–69."
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  106. ^ Windfuhr 1979, p. 4: "Tat-Persian spoken in the East Caucasus"
  107. ^ V. Minorsky, "Tat" in M. Th. Houtsma et al., eds., The Encyclopædia of Islam: A Dictionary of the Geography, Ethnography and Biography of the Muhammadan Peoples, 4 vols. and Suppl., Leiden: Late E.J. Brill and London: Luzac, 1913–38.
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  109. ^ C Kerslake, Journal of Islamic Studies (2010) 21 (1): 147–151. excerpt: "It is a comparison of the verbal systems of three varieties of Persian—standard Persian, Tat, and Tajik—in terms of the 'innovations' that the latter two have developed for expressing finer differentiations of tense, aspect, and modality..." [1] Archived 17 September 2013 at the Wayback Machine
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  122. ^ John R. Perry, "Lexical Areas and Semantic Fields of Arabic" in Éva Ágnes Csató, Eva Agnes Csato, Bo Isaksson, Carina Jahani, Linguistic convergence and areal diffusion: case studies from Iranian, Semitic and Turkic, Routledge, 2005. p.97
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from Grokipedia
Persian (Persian: زبان فارسی, romanized: zabān-e fārsi), known as Farsi in , Dari in , and Tajik in , is a Western Iranian language belonging to the Indo-Iranian branch of the . It serves as the of , where it is the native language of approximately 60% of the population, and shares official status with in , while Tajik is the of . With approximately 130 million speakers worldwide, including native and second-language users (as of 2023), Persian functions as a across the , , and due to its historical prestige in empires and administration. The history of Persian spans three main stages: (c. 525–300 BCE), attested in inscriptions like the of ; (c. 300 BCE–800 CE), known as Pahlavi and used in Zoroastrian texts during the ; and (from c. 800 CE onward), which emerged after the Islamic conquest in 642 CE and adopted an -based script. Following the Arab invasion, Persian absorbed significant Arabic vocabulary but revived its identity through classical literature, notably Ferdowsi's (completed c. 1010 CE), which helped preserve pre-Islamic heritage. This evolution transformed Persian from a dialect of the Fars region into a sophisticated literary language that influenced , Turkish, and other regional tongues. Modern Persian is written in the Perso-Arabic script, a modified version of the Arabic alphabet with four additional letters (p, ch, zh, g) to accommodate unique sounds, and reads from right to left. It features three primary varieties— (Farsi), (Afghanistan), and Tajik (which uses in Tajikistan)—that are mutually intelligible despite regional differences in vocabulary and pronunciation. Other dialects include Luri and Bakhtiari in Iran, reflecting the language's adaptability and role in diverse cultural contexts.

Overview and Classification

Linguistic affiliation and origins

Persian belongs to the Indo-Iranian branch of the Indo-European language family, forming part of the subgroup, which is distinguished by shared innovations from Proto-Indo-Iranian. Within the , Persian is classified in the Western Iranian group, specifically the Southwestern subdivision, alongside languages like Luri and Bashkardi. This positioning reflects its descent from ancient dialects spoken in southwestern , contrasting with the Northwestern Iranian languages such as Kurdish and the Eastern Iranian ones like . The genetic lineage of Persian traces back through the following : Indo-European > Indo-Iranian > > > Southwestern Iranian > Persian. This classification emerges from , where Proto-Indo-Iranian, the common ancestor of both Indo-Aryan and , split around 2000 BCE as Indo-European speakers migrated into the and . The branch further diversified, with , including the ancestor of Persian, diverging from like and around 1000 BCE, marking a period of tribal migrations and cultural differentiation in the region. A defining phonological innovation in the transition from Proto-Iranian to the , including Persian, is the shift of *s to h in initial and certain intervocalic positions, a change not found in . For instance, Proto-Indo-Iranian *asura- (meaning 'lord') evolved into Proto-Iranian *ahura-, as in , illustrating this weakening that contributed to the distinct sonic profile of Iranian tongues. Other shifts, such as the merger of Proto-Indo-European *e and *o into *a, and the treatment of aspirates, further delineate Iranian from its Indo-Aryan branches, solidifying the family's internal . The earliest attestations of the language appear in the form of , preserved in inscriptions from the , beginning in the 6th century BCE under Darius I. These texts, found at sites like Behistun and , provide the first written evidence of the Southwestern Iranian dialect that would evolve into modern Persian, bridging its ancient roots to later historical stages.

Names, varieties, and codes

The native self-designation for the Persian language is "زبان فارسی" (Zabān-e Fārsi), meaning "Persian language" in Persian. The name "Farsi," the endonym for the Persian language in Iran, derives from Old Persian Pārsa, the name of the ancient region of Persis in southwestern Iran, which evolved through Middle Persian forms like Pārsīg to the modern Fārsī. Following the Arab conquest in the 7th century CE, the initial 'p' sound in Pārs shifted to 'f' in Arabic transcription, resulting in Fārs or Fārsī, a change that persisted in the language's self-designation after the Islamic period. In contrast, the exonym "Persian" entered European languages via Greek Persís (Περσίς), a Hellenized adaptation of Old Persian Pārsa referring to the Achaemenid heartland, which was then Latinized as Persia and anglicized as "Persian" by the medieval period. Historically, the language underwent name shifts tied to political changes; , used in the (224–651 CE), was known as Pārsīg or more broadly Pahlavī after the Parthian region, but following the Muslim conquest, it transitioned to , adopting the name Fārsī as influence reshaped nomenclature and script. This post-conquest evolution marked a distinction from earlier stages, with Fārsī becoming the standard term for the revived language by the 9th century CE. The Persian language encompasses three principal standard varieties, each with official status in its respective region: (known as Farsi in ), Afghan Persian ( in ), and Tajik Persian (Tajik in ). These varieties are mutually intelligible and share a common core, descending from classical , but differ in vocabulary, phonology, and orthography due to regional influences. Key differences include vocabulary variations, with Iranian Persian and Dari incorporating more Arabic loanwords while Tajik features Russian and Turkic terms; phonological distinctions in consonant and vowel realizations; minor grammatical divergences, such as increased suffixation in Tajik under neighboring language influences; and script usage, where Iranian Persian and Dari employ Perso-Arabic alphabets, in contrast to the Cyrillic script for Tajik in Tajikistan. Naming distinctions reflect national identities and official policies; in Iran, "Farsi" is the preferred term to emphasize its Iranian roots, while in Afghanistan, "Dari" (meaning "courtly" or "of the court," referencing its historical use in the Samanid era) was adopted in the 1964 constitution to distinguish it from Iranian Farsi and promote parity with Pashto as a co-official language. In Tajikistan, "Tajik" underscores its Central Asian context, though it is sometimes viewed as a variant of Persian. For linguistic classification, the (ISO) assigns codes under ISO 639: fas serves as the macrolanguage code for Persian overall, encompassing its varieties; pes specifically for Iranian Persian (Farsi); prs for (Afghan Persian); and tgk for Tajik. These codes facilitate standardized identification in computing, , and academic contexts, reflecting the language's unified yet diversified status.

Historical Evolution

Old Persian

Old Persian, the earliest attested stage of the Persian language, was spoken and written during the from approximately 525 to 330 BCE, serving primarily as the administrative and royal language of the empire's . It reflects a Southwest Iranian and evolved from Proto-Iranian, the common ancestor of . This period marks the first written records of an Iranian language in a dedicated script, used for monumental inscriptions that propagated royal ideology and documented administrative matters. The primary sources of are inscriptions carved on rocks, stone slabs, metal vessels, and occasionally clay tablets, totaling about 40 texts, many of which are brief labels or foundation deposits. The most extensive and significant is the of Darius I from around 520 BCE, a trilingual text in Old Persian, Elamite, and Akkadian comprising 414 lines that narrates the king's rise to power and victories. Other key texts include trilingual inscriptions at , such as those by Darius I (e.g., DPa–DPi) and (e.g., XPf), which list the empire's provinces and affirm loyalty to . These inscriptions, often formulaic, provide the sole direct evidence of the language, as no literary or private documents survive. Old Persian was recorded in a unique cuneiform script invented in the sixth century BCE, likely under Darius I, consisting of 36 phonetic signs (including vowel notations and syllabics) and 8 logograms, written from left to right. Phonologically, it featured 23 consonants, including stops (p, t, k; b, d, g), fricatives (f, θ, s, š, x, h), nasals (m, n), liquids (r, l), and semivowels (y, v), alongside 6 vowels: short and long a, i, u. The script's semi-alphabetic nature allowed for some vowel indication, distinguishing it from earlier Mesopotamian systems. Grammatically, was a highly inflected Indo-European with three genders (masculine, feminine, neuter), three numbers (singular, dual, ), and seven cases (nominative, accusative, genitive, dative, ablative, , locative). Nouns and adjectives declined according to these categories, while verbs conjugated for , number, tense, mood, and voice, showing stems for present, , perfect, and imperative. For example, the kar- "to do" or "to make" in the present stem appears as karnaiy "I make" (1st singular) or kunaoti "he makes" (3rd singular), illustrating conjugation. Old Persian exerted direct influence on subsequent Iranian languages, particularly , by providing foundational vocabulary, such as administrative terms and royal titles, while its synthetic structure gradually simplified in later stages.

Middle Persian

, also known as Pahlavi, was the primary language during the (c. 224–651 CE), serving as its official administrative, religious, and literary medium, though the linguistic stage spans approximately from the 3rd century BCE to the CE. This Western Middle Iranian language evolved from precursors and marked a period of linguistic consolidation under Zoroastrian influence, reflecting the empire's centralized bureaucracy and cultural patronage. During this era, it facilitated the codification of laws, royal proclamations, and sacred interpretations, bridging the Achaemenid legacy with emerging analytic structures that foreshadowed later developments. The surviving corpus of Middle Persian texts is diverse, encompassing royal inscriptions, religious manuscripts, and later compilations. Key inscriptions include the trilingual (, Parthian, and Greek) Res Gestae Divi Saporis of at Ka'ba-ye Zardosht (c. 260 CE), which chronicles his military campaigns and territorial extent. Manichaean texts, such as those discovered in Turfan, offer doctrinal and liturgical content from the onward, often in a specialized script. Pahlavi literature, though mostly redacted in the 9th–10th centuries CE from Sasanian oral and written sources, includes the Bundahišn, a comprehensive detailing creation and . These works, preserved on stone, metal, , and , provide the main evidence for the language's usage. Middle Persian employed two principal scripts derived from : , an angular with approximately 36 letters used for durable monumental texts like rock reliefs and coins, and Book Pahlavi, a fluid cursive form with 12–13 core letters that formed ligatures and incorporated ideographic heterograms (Aramaic logograms read as Persian words). This ambiguously represented consonants while omitting most vowels, relying on for interpretation. Phonologically, the language simplified from its antecedents, losing distinctions and reducing the vowel inventory to three short (/i/, /a/, /u/) and three long (/ī/, /ā/, /ū/) vowels through mergers and reductions in unstressed positions. Consonant shifts included spirantization of intervocalic stops (e.g., *b, d, g > β, δ, γ, often further to /w, y, z/) and changes like *s > h in some environments (e.g., *asman- > Middle Persian ahmān 'sky'), alongside occasional voicing such as *p > b in medial positions (e.g., in certain clusters or loans). Grammatically, trended toward analyticity, reducing inflectional complexity while retaining some synthetic elements. Nouns and adjectives typically featured two cases—a direct case for nominative and accusative functions, and an merging genitive, dative, and ablative roles—along with singular and numbers. The was formed with suffixes like -ān (oblique) or -ōm (direct collective), and possession or relations increasingly used prepositions (e.g., az 'from') or ezāfe-like constructions instead of endings. Verbs showed a shift to periphrastic forms, with past tenses built from participles plus copulas, diminishing the fusional morphology of earlier stages. A representative for mard 'man' illustrates this binary system:
CaseSingular DirectSingular ObliquePlural DirectPlural Oblique
Formmardmardīmardānmardān
This example highlights the oblique form mardī for genitive uses, as in mardī xwāstag ' of the man'. In its cultural role, was indispensable for Zoroastrian scholarship and Sasanian governance, functioning as the medium for Zand commentaries that glossed and expanded scriptures with theological exegeses. It also conveyed legal compendia like the Madayān ī Hazār Dādestān, a collection of and judicial decisions that codified Zoroastrian and imperial . These texts not only preserved religious but also supported administrative functions, such as records and royal edicts, underscoring the language's centrality to Sasanian identity until the Arab conquest.

New Persian development

New Persian emerged in the CE following the Arab conquest of in the , marking a revival of the Persian language in an Islamic context after the decline of . This period saw the language transition from the Zoroastrian and Sasanian administrative use to a literary medium under Muslim rule, with the first extant texts appearing in the late 8th to early 9th centuries in regions like and . Early New Persian incorporated elements from while adapting to new sociolinguistic realities, including the influence of as the language of administration and religion. The development of New Persian unfolded in distinct phases. The Early phase (roughly 800–1200 CE) was supported by Samanid and subsequent Turkic dynasties, which patronized as a symbol of cultural identity in eastern and . Key literary milestones include the works of (d. 941 CE), regarded as the father of Persian poetry for his pioneering compositions in New Persian verse. This era culminated in monumental texts like Ferdowsi's (completed c. 1010 CE), an epic that preserved pre-Islamic Iranian myths and history, solidifying New Persian as a vehicle for national narrative. The Classical phase (1200–1900 CE) spanned the Mongol Ilkhanid, Timurid, and Safavid eras, producing enduring poets such as Saadi (d. 1291 CE) and (d. 1390 CE), whose ghazals and ethical treatises elevated Persian to a cosmopolitan literary language across the Islamic world. The Contemporary phase (post-1900 CE) coincided with Iran's Constitutional Revolution (1905–1911) and the , where political upheavals spurred modern prose and journalism. Significant developments shaped New Persian's form and spread. The adoption of the Arabic script in the facilitated its written expression, with modifications to accommodate Persian phonemes, while an influx of Arabic vocabulary—estimated at 20–40% of the lexicon by the Classical period—enriched domains like religion, science, and . The introduction of the in 1638 by Armenian missionaries in marked a technological milestone, enabling wider dissemination of texts despite initial resistance from scribes. Under Pahlavi in the 1920s–1930s, efforts at intensified through the establishment of the Farhangestan (Academy of Persian Language) in 1935, which promoted neologisms to replace Arabic loans and unified and terminology for and administration. These changes built on analytic trends from , accelerating the shift toward a more analytic structure with reduced inflections, reliance on , and periphrastic constructions for tense and case.

Geographic and Social Context

Distribution and speaker demographics

Persian has approximately 70–110 million native speakers globally, based on estimates from the 2020s, with the wide range reflecting variations in how dialects like and Tajik are counted within the . The vast majority reside in three primary countries where Persian varieties serve as official languages. In , around 52 million individuals speak (Farsi) as their , comprising about 57% of the nation's estimated 91.6 million as of 2024. In , approximately 14–16 million native speakers use as their mother tongue, concentrated among ethnic groups in urban and western regions. Tajikistan accounts for roughly 7.2 million native speakers of Tajik, making up 68% of its 10.6 million inhabitants as of 2025. Persian holds official status in these nations, underscoring its role in and . It is the sole of , where it functions as the medium of administration, media, and public life. In Afghanistan, shares official recognition with , serving as a for over 77% of the population despite not all being native speakers. is the state language of , promoted in schools and official documents, though Russian retains influence in interethnic communication. Beyond these core areas, a significant diaspora of 5–6 million Persian speakers exists, primarily in and , driven by emigration following the 1979 and subsequent political upheavals, with ongoing migrations from and . Smaller communities persist in and , where historical ties sustain Persian use among ethnic minorities. Additionally, over 50 million people speak Persian as a , especially in Central and , where its legacy as a language of culture and administration endures from Mughal and Safavid eras. Within Iran, the dialect functions as the prestige variety, influencing media, , and standard across the country. In Afghanistan, regional concentrations include the Herati dialect in the western provinces near the Iranian border, which retains distinct phonological features while remaining mutually intelligible with standard .

Standardization and official status

The standardization of Persian has been shaped by national institutions and policies in , Afghanistan, and Tajikistan, where it serves as an under different names—Farsi, , and Tajik, respectively. In , the Farhangestān-e Zabān (Academy of Language) was established in 1935 under Pahlavi to purify and modernize Persian by replacing foreign loanwords, particularly those from and European languages, with indigenous equivalents; during its initial phase from 1935 to 1940, it proposed over 1,600 such terms, though implementation was limited by and political changes. The academy was reestablished in 1987 as the Farhangestān-e Zabān va Adab-e Fārsī (Academy of Persian Language and Literature), continuing purist efforts to reduce influences while promoting neologisms rooted in pre-Islamic Persian heritage. This standard is based on the Tehrani dialect, which forms the prestige variety for , media, and administration across . In , Dari Persian has been standardized primarily on the dialect since the mid-20th century, serving as a in government and education. The 2004 Constitution explicitly designates and as the languages, requiring their equal use in official documents, , and to foster national unity amid ethnic diversity. This codification builds on earlier efforts from the , when was formally recognized as a distinct variety, emphasizing its role in unifying non-Pashtun populations while accommodating regional dialects. Tajik Persian underwent codification during the Soviet era in the 1920s and 1930s as a separate literary language for the Tajik Soviet Socialist Republic, with vocabulary enriched by Russian loans for technical and ideological terms; this process distanced it from classical Persian standards while adopting the Cyrillic script in 1940 for administrative consistency across the USSR. Following independence in 1991, Tajikistan retained Cyrillic as the official script despite cultural revival efforts to reconnect with Persian literary heritage, including promotion of classical texts and limited Latin script experiments, though political ties with Russia have sustained the status quo. Media institutions play a key role in reinforcing these standards through nationwide broadcasting in the prestige varieties. In , the (IRIB) uses standardized Tehrani Persian across its radio and television networks, which reach nearly the entire population and promote uniform and in , , and programs. The service, operational since 1940, broadcasts in a neutral standard form accessible across , , and , influencing informal language use and providing a counterpoint to by emphasizing clarity and international Persian norms. Literary prizes, such as Iran's annual Book of the Year Awards established in 1983, further codify standards by recognizing works in formal Persian that advance linguistic purity and cultural themes, with categories dedicated to language and literature to encourage high-quality production. Despite these efforts, challenges persist due to dialectal divergence across borders, where political separation since the has led to lexical and phonological differences—such as Russian influences in Tajik, borrowings in , and Western terms in Iranian Farsi—potentially hindering full in spoken forms. Additionally, characterizes Persian usage, with a formal written variety (rooted in classical standards) employed in official contexts contrasting sharply with informal spoken registers that feature simplifications in , morphology, and , creating a continuum of styles from casual conversation to elevated .

Phonological System

Vowels and prosody

The vowel system of standard Iranian Persian features six monophthongs, distinguished primarily by a contrast in length: three short vowels /a/, /e/, /o/ and three long vowels /i/, /u/, /ɑː/. The short vowels occur in unstressed or open syllables and exhibit variable duration, while the long vowels maintain consistent length across positions. For instance, the word mædær 'mother' contains the short /a/ in a closed syllable, contrasting with kār 'work' featuring the long /ɑː/. Diphthongs such as /ai/ and /au/ appear in classical Persian but are rare in modern usage, often monophthongizing to long vowels like /e/ or /ɑː/. An example is āb 'water', historically derived from /au̯b/ but realized as /ɑːb/ in contemporary speech. Allophonic variations affect the short vowels; notably, /e/ may surface as [e~i] before consonants, as in del 'heart' pronounced closer to [dil] in rapid speech. These shifts contribute to subtle qualitative differences without altering phonemic contrasts. Persian prosody is characterized by word-final stress as the default pattern, particularly for nouns, adjectives, and adverbs, where emphasis falls on the last syllable. For example, in xāne 'house', stress applies to the final syllable [xɑˈne]. Verbs may shift stress to prefixes in certain conjugations, such as mi-xarid-am 'I would buy', but the final syllable remains prominent in the root. This stress aligns with pitch accents, often L+H*, enhancing rhythmic predictability. Intonation patterns distinguish utterance types: statements typically end with a low boundary tone (L%), creating a falling contour, as in declarative sentences like man ketāb mikhāram 'I want the book'. In contrast, yes/no questions employ a rising high boundary tone (H%), resulting in an upward trajectory, exemplified by ketāb mikhāri? 'Do you want the book?'. Wh-questions often follow the declarative pattern with L% but feature raised pitch on the wh-phrase. Dialectal variations influence vowel realization; Iranian Persian maintains clearer distinctions among the short vowels compared to Dari, where mergers like /e/ to are more prevalent in casual speech. These differences stem from historical vowel shifts during New Persian development, such as the lowering of short high vowels.

Consonants and phonotactics

Modern Standard Persian possesses a consonant inventory of 23 phonemes, articulated across various places and manners of articulation. These include six voiceless-voiced stop pairs at bilabial (/p, b/), alveolar (/t, d/), and velar (/k, g/) positions, along with a uvular stop /q/; fricatives at labiodental (/f, v/), alveolar (/s, z/), postalveolar (/ʃ, ʒ/), velar (/x, ɣ/), and glottal (/h/) positions; postalveolar affricates (/tʃ, dʒ/); bilabial and alveolar nasals (/m, n/); alveolar liquids (/l, r/); and glides (/j, w/). The uvular /q/ functions as an in certain contexts, particularly in loanwords from , though pharyngeal consonants like /ħ/ and /ʕ/, present in earlier stages of the language, are absent in contemporary standard usage. The following table presents the consonant phonemes organized by place and :
BilabialLabiodentalAlveolarPostalveolarPalatalVelarUvularGlottal
Stopsp, bt, dk, gq
Affricatestʃ, dʒ
Fricativesf, vs, zʃ, ʒx, ɣh
Nasalsmn
Liquidsl, r
Glidesjw*
*Note: /w/ is labio-velar. Allophonic variations occur among certain , influenced by phonetic environment and regional dialects. For instance, the uvular stop /q/ is realized as [ɢ] (voiced uvular stop) or (voiceless uvular stop), with the voiced variant more common in i speech before back vowels. The velar /x/ exhibits dialectal variation, ranging from in standard Persian to more uvular [χ] in some eastern varieties. Voiceless stops /p, t, k/ are aspirated ([pʰ, tʰ, kʰ]) in onset position. Persian phonotactics adhere to a predominantly open syllable structure of CV(C), where C represents a , V a , and the optional coda is limited to a single consonant, though CVCC occurs marginally in emphatic or loanword contexts. Initial consonant clusters are prohibited; words beginning with a insert a glottal stop [ʔ] as an epenthetic onset (e.g., /æs/ 'fire' realized as [ʔæs]). No complex onsets are permitted, ensuring all s have an obligatory consonant onset. Assimilation processes are common, particularly in nasal consonants. The alveolar nasal /n/ assimilates in place of articulation to following labial consonants, becoming (e.g., colloquial /ʃænbe/ 'Saturday' pronounced [ʃæmbe]). In words like /pændʒ/ 'five', the sequence /ndʒ/ triggers nasalization of the preceding vowel ([pãʒ]), without full nasal deletion. Such regressive assimilation simplifies consonant clusters across morpheme boundaries. Vowel-consonant interactions occasionally involve epenthesis to resolve illicit sequences, as briefly noted in prosodic patterns. Gemination, or lengthening of consonants, is rare in native Persian lexicon and non-phonemic, occurring primarily in loanwords (e.g., /kæf/ 'cuff' with prolonged [fː] in casual speech) or as a result of morphological doubling in compounds. It does not contrast meaning and is avoided in core vocabulary to maintain the language's simple syllable template.

Grammatical Structure

Morphology and word classes

Persian morphology is analytic with fusional and agglutinative elements, with a relatively simple inflectional system compared to many , featuring limited grammatical categories and heavy reliance on suffixes for . Inflectional processes mark number on nouns and person, number, tense, and mood on verbs, while derivation employs prefixes and suffixes to create new lexical items across word classes. Nouns in Persian lack and case marking, relying instead on , prepositions, and particles like the direct object marker -rā for syntactic roles. Plurality is indicated by suffixes, with -hā (or -ā after consonants) serving as the general marker for both animate and inanimate nouns in modern usage, as in ketāb "" becoming ketābhā "books." For animate or human nouns, especially in formal or literary contexts, -ān (or -yān after vowels) is preferred to denote , exemplified by mard "man" forming mardān "men." Adjectives are invariable, showing no for , number, or case, and typically follow the they modify, connected via the ezafe construction—a linking element often realized as -e-. For instance, ketāb-e bozorg means "big book," where bozorg "big" remains unchanged. Degrees of are formed suffixally, with -tar for the comparative (bozorgtar "bigger") and -tarin for the superlative (bozorgtarin "biggest"). Verbs exhibit a root-and-pattern system with distinct present and past stems, forming the basis for tenses and moods through affixation. The language distinguishes two primary tenses: present indicative, built with the imperfective prefix mi- plus the present stem and personal endings, as in mi-ravam "I go" from raftan "to go," and past, using the past stem plus personal suffixes, as in raftam "I went." A is marked by the prefix be- on the present stem for hypothetical or desired actions, such as be-ravam "that I go." The adds the prefix mi- to either stem, yielding forms like mi-raft-am "I was going." Personal pronouns are a closed class including man "I," to "you (singular informal)," u "he/she/it," "we," šomā "you (plural/formal)," and išān "they" or polite third person. Possession is expressed through the ezafe -e- linking the pronoun to the possessed , as in ketāb-e man "my book," rather than dedicated possessive pronouns. Derivational morphology expands the lexicon using prefixes and suffixes attached to roots, often shifting word classes. Common prefixes include bi- meaning "without," as in bi-āb "waterless," and na- for , such as na-dāne "ignorant." Suffixes like -i derive abstract s from adjectives or verbs, exemplified by dur "far" becoming duri "distance" or remoteness. Other suffixes include -gar for agent s (āhan-gar "" from "iron") and diminutive -ak (gol "flower" to gol-ak "small flower").

Syntax and sentence formation

Persian syntax is characterized by a basic subject-object- (SOV) in declarative sentences, which aligns with its typological as a head-final in many phrasal constructions. For instance, the sentence "Man ketāb xāndam" translates to "I book read," where the subject "man" (I) precedes the object "ketāb" (book), followed by the "xāndam" (read-1SG). This order can exhibit flexibility in spoken discourse, influenced by information structure, but SOV remains the arrangement for unmarked clauses. A key feature of Persian phrase structure is the ezafe construction, a linking typically realized as the short -e (or -ye after vowels), which connects a head to its modifiers such as s, possessives, or prepositional phrases. This construction forms attributive phrases without case marking, as in "ketāb-e bozorg" meaning "the big ," where -e binds the adjective "bozorg" (big) to the head "ketāb" (). The ezafe is obligatory for most dependencies within the and plays a crucial role in delimiting syntactic boundaries. Verbal agreement in Persian is restricted to person and number features, matching the subject while lacking gender distinctions, which reflects the language's analytic tendencies. For example, the verb form varies as "xānam" (read-1SG) for first- singular subjects but remains invariant for gender across all . This agreement system supports pro-drop, allowing null subjects in contexts where and number are recoverable from the verbal . Negation in Persian primarily involves the prefix na- attached directly to the stem, applying to finite forms and certain to express sentential . In the example "na-xānam" (NEG-read-1SG), meaning "I don't read," the prefix inverts the polarity without altering . Multiple negations can co-occur in emphatic constructions, though standard negation relies on this prefix alone for verbal predicates. Subordination in Persian employs complementizers like ke ('that') to introduce relative clauses, which modify nouns postnominally and often lack resumptive pronouns in subject positions. For instance, "ketābi ke xāndam" means "the book that I read," where ke links the head "ketābi" (book-INDEF) to the embedded clause. Yes-no questions are typically formed through rising intonation or the optional particle āyā in formal registers, without subject-verb inversion, while wh-questions allow in-situ positioning of interrogatives, as in "To čī xāndi?" (You what read-2SG?) for "What did you read?". At the discourse level, Persian frequently employs a topic-comment structure, where the topic—a constituent providing background information—is fronted and set off by intonation or particles, followed by the comment expressing new assertions. This organization facilitates pragmatic focus, as seen in constructions like "In ketāb, man xāndam" (This book, I read), emphasizing the comment relative to the topicalized element. Such patterns enhance cohesion in extended narratives without relying on strict linear subordination.

Lexical Composition

Core vocabulary and derivation

The core vocabulary of Persian consists primarily of native Iranian roots inherited from Old and Middle Persian, which form the foundational lexicon of the language. These roots often trace back to Proto-Indo-Iranian and Proto-Indo-European origins, demonstrating continuity across millennia. For instance, the word for "water," āb, derives directly from Old Persian āp- and Middle Persian āb, maintaining its phonetic and semantic integrity into modern usage. Similarly, "hand," dast, evolves from Old Persian dasta- through Middle Persian dast, and shares an Indo-European cognate with English "hand" from the Proto-Indo-European root ǵʰés-. Such native roots underpin everyday terms related to basic concepts like body parts, nature, and actions, preserving the language's Iranian heritage despite external influences. Compounding represents a highly productive mechanism for expanding the native lexicon in Persian, allowing the combination of existing roots to create new meanings without inflectional markers between elements. Noun-noun compounds, such as āb-xāne ("water-house," meaning bathhouse), juxtapose two nouns to denote a location or entity associated with the first element. Verb-noun compounds, like dast-kāri ("hand-work," denoting handiwork or craft), integrate a noun with a verbal element to express an activity or result, often with the noun preceding the light verb in head-final structures. These formations are semantically transparent in many cases, such as āb-mive ("water-fruit," juice), and can appear as spaced or fused words, contributing to about 70% of neologisms approved by the Persian Language Academy. Derivational suffixes further enrich the core vocabulary by modifying native roots to form new nouns, verbs, or adjectives, often indicating , agency, or action. The suffix -gāh, meaning "place," attaches to roots to denote a site or , as in ketāb-gāh ("book-place," ). For verbs, the suffix -āndan derives participles or action nouns from roots, though less productive in contemporary Persian. Agentive derivations like -andeh (from -andag), as in nevīsandeh ("writer" from nevīstan "to write"), highlight ongoing productivity from ancient participial roots. Reduplication serves as a native for emphasis or intensification, particularly in spoken and poetic registers, by repeating roots or phrases to convey totality or intensity. For example, ruz o šab ("day and night") uses partial to emphasize continuous effort or occurrence, functioning as a co-compound . Adjectival intensification, such as sefid-e sefid ("pure white"), links the repeated form with the ezafe construction to amplify qualities, often in predicative contexts. This process aligns with Morphological Doubling Theory, where copies phonological and semantic features for expressive purposes without altering core morphology. In modern Persian usage, native Iranian elements, including these roots and derivations, form a significant portion of the core for basic communication while coexisting with borrowed terms. This proportion underscores the language's resilience, as and suffixation continue to generate expressions from indigenous bases, such as technical neologisms in contemporary domains.

Borrowings and semantic influences

The Persian has been significantly enriched by borrowings from , which constitute approximately 40-50% of the modern vocabulary, particularly in domains such as , , and administration. These loanwords often entered during the Islamic and subsequent cultural exchanges, with examples including ketāb (''), derived from Arabic kitāb, which in Persian has shifted to primarily denote a physical volume rather than the broader Arabic sense of 'writing' or 'scripture'. Other common religious terms like namāz (''), a native Iranian word for "reverence" adapted to mean the Islamic salāh (from Arabic ṣalāh), and scientific ones such as ʿelm ('knowledge' or '') from Arabic ʿilm, illustrate how Arabic contributions filled lexical gaps in abstract and technical spheres. Several hundred Turkic and Mongol influences introduced administrative and , reflecting historical interactions during the Seljuk and Mongol periods. Many denote roles or everyday objects. For instance, qāšāni ('' or '') derives from Turkish kaşha, adapted to Persian administrative contexts, while terms like yaylaq ('summer ') highlight influences from nomadic Turkic groups. Mongol loans are fewer but include words like ('army' or 'camp'), which entered via Turkic intermediaries and persist in official usage. In the , European languages, especially French and English, have contributed loanwords related to , , and culture, often adopted during the 19th and 20th centuries amid efforts. French terms dominate early modern borrowings, such as telefon ('') from French téléphone, and bīyoložī ('') from biologie, which coexist with native equivalents in technical registers. English influences appear in contemporary domains, like kompyūter ('computer') and internēt (''), reflecting global technological integration. Persian has also incorporated calques, or loan translations, to coin terms for new concepts while preserving native morphology, often drawing from European models. A prominent example is parande-ye havā-pimā (''), literally 'flying air-walker', calquing English '' or French avion to evoke mechanical flight using indigenous roots for 'air' (havā) and 'walk' (pimā). Similarly, rāh-āhan ('') translates French chemin de fer as 'iron way', blending Persian words for 'path' (rāh) and 'iron' (āhan) to describe modern infrastructure. These constructions prioritize semantic transparency over direct borrowing. Contact with Arabic and other languages has induced semantic shifts in both borrowed and native Persian words, altering meanings through extension, narrowing, or specialization. For example, the native word šahr ('city'), originally denoting an urban settlement, expanded under Arabic influence to encompass 'country' or 'state' in compounds like šahr-e Irān ('Iran country'), reflecting broader geopolitical concepts introduced via Islamic administration. Arabic loans like qalam ('pen'), from its original sense of 'reed' or 'cane', narrowed in Persian to specifically mean a writing instrument, diverging from broader Arabic usages in measurement or plants. Such shifts often result from cultural adaptation, with expansion common in abstract domains and narrowing in technical ones. In response to heavy Arabic influence, 20th-century purism movements in Iran sought to replace foreign loans with native or revived terms, promoting linguistic . The Farhangestān (Academy of Persian Language), established in 1935 under , systematically coined indigenous equivalents, such as dānešgāh ('') from native roots for '' and 'place', supplanting Arabic dānešgāh variants or direct loans like yūnīversīte. These efforts, peaking in the mid-20th century, replaced thousands of Arabic words in official and educational contexts, though many loans persist due to entrenched usage. As of the , the Culture Academy continues these efforts, coining terms for emerging fields like using .

Writing and Orthography

Perso-Arabic alphabet

The Perso-Arabic alphabet, also known as the Persian script, is a right-to-left adapted from the Arabic alphabet for the Persian language, primarily used in and . It comprises 32 letters, incorporating the original 28 letters of the Arabic alphabet plus four additional characters to represent sounds absent in : پ (pê or pe, for /p/), چ (če, for /tʃ/), ژ (že, for /ʒ/), and گ (gâf or ge, for /ɡ/). These modifications allow the script to adequately transcribe Persian phonemes, though some phonological distinctions, such as certain vowel qualities, require contextual inference. The script's adoption occurred in the 8th century CE, following the Arab conquest of Persia in the , when transitioned from the Pahlavi script to the more versatile Arabic-based system, facilitating the integration of Islamic literary traditions while preserving Persian linguistic identity. Early adaptations appeared in texts from the Samanid dynasty around 800 CE, marking the emergence of New Persian literature. Diacritics for short vowels—fatha (َ for /a/), kasra (ِ for /e/), and damma (ُ for /o/)—are part of the system but are optional and rarely used in everyday writing, as the script primarily records consonants and long vowels, with short vowels inferred from context. This abjad-style , where vowels are often omitted, can lead to ambiguities resolved through familiarity with Persian morphology. Key orthographic conventions include the ezafe, a grammatical linker pronounced as -e (or -ye after vowels) that connects nouns, adjectives, or possessives but remains unwritten in standard Persian text, relying on for clarity. Long vowels are explicitly marked: /iː/ with ی (yâ), /uː/ with و (vâv), and /ɒː/ (long â) with ا (alef), particularly in final position as in باب (bâb, ""). The cursive nature connects letters in four positional forms—initial, medial, final, and isolated—enhancing fluidity but requiring practice to read. Variations exist between Iranian and Afghan Persian usage. In Iran, printed materials and official documents typically employ a simplified naskh style for its legibility and print-friendliness, while —a more fluid, slanted cursive derived from naskh and ta'liq in the —dominates literary, poetic, and calligraphic works for its aesthetic elegance. In , where the language is known as , is the predominant style across both prose and , reflecting shared cultural influences with Persian traditions. These stylistic differences do not alter the core letter inventory but affect visual presentation and readability in digital and handwritten forms.

Alternative scripts and romanization

In the Tajik variety of Persian, spoken primarily in Tajikistan, the Cyrillic script serves as the official writing system, consisting of 35 letters, which include the 33 letters of the Russian Cyrillic alphabet plus six additional characters: Ғ for /ɣ/ (ghayn), Ҳ for /h/ (hē), Ҷ for /dʒ/ (jim), Қ for /q/ (qāf), Ӯ for /uː/ (ū), and Ў for /ɵ/ (rounded front vowel, often approximated as short ö), enabling representation of sounds absent in Russian. As of November 2025, Cyrillic remains mandatory for official use, though debates continue about potentially transitioning to a Latin or Perso-Arabic script to better align with other Persian varieties. The script was adopted in 1939–1940 during the Soviet era as part of a broader policy to standardize alphabets across the USSR, replacing an earlier Latin-based system introduced in the 1920s; for example, the word for "book" (ketāb in Iranian Persian) is rendered as китоб (kitob). Efforts to introduce a Latin alphabet for Persian in Iran date back to the early , with Pahlavi exploring reforms in the 1920s inspired by Atatürk's changes in , including a 1928 proposal for a modified of about 40 letters to replace the Perso-Arabic system. This initiative was ultimately abandoned due to resistance from religious and cultural authorities, lack of consensus on design, and Shah's focus on other modernization priorities, leaving the Perso-Arabic script intact. In contemporary contexts, an informal Latin-based script known as Pinglish or Finglish has emerged, particularly among Persian speakers in the and online communities, where words are transliterated using English (e.g., "salam" for سلام, meaning "hello"). This practice facilitates casual communication in environments without Perso-Arabic keyboard support but lacks standardization. Formal systems for Persian, used in academic, bibliographic, and governmental contexts, include the (ALA-LC) scheme, which employs diacritics to distinguish long vowels and consonants (e.g., فا ر س ی becomes Fārsī, with ā for the long a and ī for the long i). Similarly, the BGN/PCGN 1958 system (updated 2019), adopted by the U.S. Board on Geographic Names and the Permanent Committee on Geographical Names, prioritizes for place names, using simplified diacritics and aligning with Persian pronunciation differences from (e.g., پارس as Pārs, with p for the Persian-specific pe). Romanization of Persian faces challenges due to the Perso-Arabic script's omission of short vowels, requiring from that can lead to ambiguities (e.g., distinguishing /be/ from /ba/ without diacritics). Dialectal variations, such as those between and Tajik, further complicate consistency, as phonetic differences like the realization of /q/ or vowel qualities may require variant representations across systems. Today, the Cyrillic script remains mandatory for official use in , where it is taught in schools and employed in all formal publications for Tajik Persian. In contrast, Latin-based , including informal Pinglish, prevails in Persian diaspora communities for digital chats and , bridging generational and accessibility gaps.

Usage and Examples

Illustrative texts and phrases

A common greeting in Persian is salām (سلام), meaning "hello" or "peace," pronounced approximately as /sæˈlɑːm/. Persian greetings are often reciprocal, with the same phrase returned. Common greetings and their typical responses include:
  • سلام (salām) – Hello (most common, informal/formal)
    Response: سلام (salām) or و علیکم السلام (va ʿalaykum as-salām) in more formal/religious contexts.
  • چطوری؟ (Chetorī?) – How are you? (informal)
    Response: خوبم، ممنون (Khoobam, mamnoon) – I'm good, thanks; or عالی (ʿĀlī) – Great; often followed by مرسی (Mersi) – Thanks.
  • صبح بخیر (Sobh bekheyr) – Good morning
    Response: صبح بخیر or صبح شما هم بخیر (Sobh-e shomā ham bekheyr) – Good morning to you too.
  • عصر بخیر (ʿAsr bekheyr) – Good afternoon/evening
    Response: عصر بخیر or عصر شما هم بخیر.
  • شب بخیر (Shab bekheyr) – Good night
    Response: شب بخیر.
  • خداحافظ (Khodāhāfez) – Goodbye
    Response: خداحافظ or فعلاً (Feʿlan) – See you later.
Common self-introduction phrases for beginners include:
  • اسم من [Name] است (Esm-e man [Name] ast) – My name is [Name]
  • من [Name] هستم (Man [Name] hastam) – I am [Name]
  • من از [Country/City] هستم (Man az [Country/City] hastam) – I am from [Country/City]
  • خوشبختم (Khoshbakhtam) – Pleased to meet you (informal)
  • از ملاقات شما خوشوقتم (Az molāqāt-e shomā khoshvaghtam) – Nice to meet you (formal)
These phrases highlight the distinction between informal (using to for "you") and formal/polite address (using shomā for "you"). An example sentence introducing oneself is Man Irāni hastam (من ایرانی هستم), which translates to "I am Iranian." The transliteration is man Irāni hastam, with pronunciation /mæn iɾɒːˈniː hɑstæm/, and a morpheme gloss of 1SG Iranian COP.PRS.1SG, illustrating the use of the present copula hastam affixed to the adjective Irāni for the first-person singular. A well-known Persian proverb emphasizing unity is qatre daryāst, agar bā daryāst varna qatre qatre, daryā daryāst (قطره دریاست، اگر با دریاست ورنه قطره قطره، دریا دریاست), transliterated as qatre daryāst, agar bā daryāst varna qatre qatre, daryā daryāst, meaning "A drop is [the] ocean only if it is with the ocean; otherwise, drop by drop, ocean [is] ocean." This highlights the idea that individual efforts gain strength through collective unity, akin to drops forming a sea. An illustrative excerpt from the renowned poet (d. 1390) comes from the opening of his first in the Divān: الا یا ایها الساقی ادر کاسا و ناولها
که عشق آسان نمود اول ولی افتاد مشکل‌ها
Transliteration: Alā yā ayyuhā al-sāqī adir al-kāsa wa nāwilhā / ki ʿeshq āsān numūd aval valī oftād masāʾel-hā. English translation: "O cupbearer, pass the cup around and give it here, / For love seemed easy at first, but then troubles fell." This couplet exemplifies classical Persian poetic structure, with rhyme and meter, and themes of love's deceptions, using Perso-Arabic vocabulary like sāqī (cupbearer). To highlight dialectal variations, consider the phrase salām, četori? (سلام، چطوری؟), meaning "Hello, how are you?" In standard (Farsi), it is pronounced approximately /sæˈlæm tʃetoˈɾi/, with a merged vowel in salām as /æ/ and četori as /tʃetoˈɾi/. In (Afghan Persian), the pronunciation shifts to /sæˈlɑːm tʃɑtoˈɾi/, retaining a longer /ɑː/ in salām influenced by classical forms and a more open /ɑ/ in četori, reflecting Dari's closer preservation of vowels. A frequent error among learners of Persian is the omission of the ezafe (-e or -ye), the linking that connects to modifiers in noun phrases, leading to ungrammatical constructions. For instance, beginners might say xāne bozorg instead of the correct xāne-ye bozorg (خانه‌ی بزرگ) for "big house," failing to link the head xāne (house) to the bozorg (big) with the ezafe, which is often unwritten but phonetically realized as /e/ or /je/. This confusion arises from mistaking ezafe constructions for simple adjectival phrases without the linker.

Cultural and literary significance

The Persian language holds profound cultural and literary significance, serving as the medium for one of the world's richest literary traditions. Central to this canon is the (Book of Kings), an epic poem composed by in the early , which chronicles the mythical and historical past of through over 50,000 couplets, preserving pre-Islamic Persian identity, values, and folklore amid Arab conquests. This work not only revived the Persian language after centuries of disruption but also fostered a sense of national unity and cultural continuity, influencing subsequent Persianate literature across regions. Complementing the epic tradition is , exemplified by the 13th-century works of Jalaluddin Rumi, whose and Divan-e Shams explore themes of mysticism, love, and spirituality, drawing on to transcend cultural boundaries and achieve global resonance. Rumi's verses, often recited in Persian, have inspired translations into numerous languages and continue to shape contemporary spiritual discourse worldwide. Persian's literary influence extended beyond Iran, profoundly shaping languages and literatures in neighboring empires. In Ottoman Turkish, Persian contributed extensively to vocabulary, poetic forms like the ghazal, and administrative prose from the 11th century onward, creating a shared Persianate cultural sphere that blended Turkic, Arabic, and Persian elements in elite literature and diplomacy. Similarly, during the Mughal Empire in India (16th–19th centuries), Persian functioned as the official lingua franca for administration, courts, and education, influencing the development of Urdu through lexical borrowings and poetic styles, as seen in the works of poets like who fused Persian with local idioms. This role underscored Persian's status as a vehicle for cross-cultural exchange, facilitating governance over diverse populations in . The United Nations' proclamation of March 21 as International Nowruz Day in 2010 further highlights Persian's diplomatic legacy, recognizing the ancient Persian spring festival—rooted in Zoroastrian traditions and celebrated with Persian poetry and rituals—as a symbol of peace and solidarity among over 300 million people across multiple countries. In modern contexts, Persian remains vibrant in media and arts, amplifying its cultural reach. Iranian New Wave cinema, emerging in the 1960s, utilizes Persian dialogue to explore social realities, identity, and humanism, with films by directors like drawing on poetic traditions to critique modernity while gaining international acclaim at festivals. Persian music, blending classical forms like dastgah with contemporary pop-folk fusions by artists such as and , preserves linguistic heritage through lyrics that address exile, love, and resistance, circulating globally via streaming platforms. Digitally, Persian thrives on , where it dominates user-generated content in , enabling communities to share , memes, and activism in the language. UNESCO recognitions affirm Persian's intangible heritage, such as the inscription of the Persian Garden in 2011 as a embodying poetic ideals of paradise from texts like those of and Saadi, symbolizing harmony between nature and human creativity across four millennia. 's Divan, a 14th-century collection of ghazals revered for its philosophical depth and linguistic elegance, is celebrated as a cornerstone of , influencing global and annual readings in that reinforce communal bonds. Sociolinguistically, Persian promotes bilingualism in , where it coexists with ethnic languages like Azerbaijani and Kurdish, enhancing and cultural integration without diminishing minority identities. In post-Soviet , particularly , revival efforts since the 1990s have promoted Persian (as Tajik) through education reforms and media, reclaiming it from to foster national identity and ties with .

References

  1. https://wiki.apertium.org/wiki/Iranian_languages
  2. https://en.wiktionary.org/wiki/%D9%86%D9%85%D8%A7%D8%B2#Etymology
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