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In Bangladesh, Pakistan and parts of India, a mouza or mauza (also mouja) is a type of administrative district, corresponding to a specific land area within which there may be one or more settlements. Before the 20th century, the term referred to a revenue collection unit just underneath a pargana or revenue district.

The mauza system in the Indian Subcontinent is similar to the manorial system in Europe. The head of a mauza is styled as Mustajir, Pradhan or Mulraiyat, equivalent to Lord of the Manor in the manorial system.[1]

As populations increased and villages became more common and developed, the concept of the mouza declined in importance. Today it has become mostly synonymous with the gram or village. Most voter lists, for example, now use the names of villages rather than mouzas.[2]

In contemporary Pakistan, a mouza is defined as "a territorial unit with a separate name, definite boundaries, and area precisely measured and divided into plots/khasras/survey numbers."[3] Each mouza has a cadastral map maintained in the land revenue record and, except in Sindh, each one has a Hadabast Number.[3] A mouza may be either a compact or a scattered unit, and there may be one or more settlements (aka abadis, bastis, dhoks, goths, tola, turf, hundi etc.) in the mouza's territory.[3] A mouza may also be unpopulated.[3]

In Sindh, a mouza is known as a deh.[3]

See also

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References

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Mouza

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from Grokipedia
A mouza (also spelled mauza or mouja) is the lowest unit of revenue administration in the systems of , particularly in , parts of such as and , and , representing a defined geographical area for land measurement, taxation, and settlement records that may encompass one or more villages or human habitations. Originating during the Mughal era as a fiscal division within larger parganas for efficient revenue collection, the mouza evolved through British colonial surveys like the thakbast and cadastral mappings, which delineated its boundaries and plots for purposes. In modern contexts, it functions as a cadastral unit for maintaining records-of-rights, handling mutations in , resolving land disputes, and supporting real estate transactions by providing verifiable maps and plot details essential for legal and . Historically, mouzas were distinguished from villages by their focus on rather than centers, with a single mouza potentially spanning multiple villages or vice versa, adapting to regional geographies such as scattered settlements in Bengal's deltas or nucleated clusters in hilly areas. Post-independence reforms, including the abolition of the in the mid-20th century, diminished the mouza's prominence in favor of village-based censuses and voter lists, yet it remains integral to government land registries for taxation, agricultural censuses, and ceiling-surplus land distribution. In Bangladesh, mouzas are identified via List (JL) and Revenue Survey (RS) numbers on official maps, while in , they underpin the Record-of-Rights under the Land Reforms Act of 1955, with boundaries adjustable only under strict conditions like size thresholds or geographical changes. Today, mouza maps and records are digitized in many regions to streamline access, aiding in verification and preventing encroachments, though challenges persist in updating legacy surveys amid rapid ; for example, as of 2025, has initiated new cadastral mapping after over a century. Their enduring role underscores the blend of historical fiscal traditions with contemporary administrative needs in South Asian land governance.

Definition and Overview

Definition

A mouza (also spelled mauza or mouja) is a type of administrative corresponding to a specific land area, typically used for collection and in . It originated as the lowest collection unit during the Mughal period, within the structure of a (a larger ). It encompasses defined geographical boundaries and may include one or more settlements, such as villages or hamlets, or could be unpopulated with few or no homesteads; it serves as the lowest unit below a or revenue circle. In rural contexts, a mouza often aligns with agricultural holdings identified by unique codes like Jurisdiction List (JL) or Revenue Survey (RS) numbers on local maps. Unlike a , which is a larger comprising multiple mouzas, or a gram (a social village unit focused on and settlements), a mouza emphasizes for fiscal and administrative purposes. In some regions, such as in , the equivalent term is "deh."

Key Characteristics

A mouza is fundamentally a revenue-based land unit comprising various physical and administrative elements within its defined boundaries. It includes land plots known as khasras, which are the basic parcels for ownership and cultivation records, alongside settlements referred to as abadis or bastis that house residential areas. Additionally, a mouza encompasses such as roads and pathways, natural features like water bodies (including rivers, ponds, and canals), and forested regions, all integrated into a cohesive territorial framework for . For identification and cadastral purposes, each mouza is assigned unique codes to facilitate record-keeping and surveys. In , excluding , mouzas are designated with a Hadbast Number in the land records, serving as a key identifier for the estate and its associated . In , mouzas receive a Jurisdiction List (JL) number or Revised Survey (RS) number, which denotes their sequential position under a thana or and links to detailed plot mappings. These identifiers ensure precise tracking within broader systems, such as linking to khatian records that detail ownership. The scale of a mouza varies regionally but typically spans 500 to 2,000 acres, as evidenced by averages around 1,458 acres across 601 mouzas in a surveyed , allowing it to encompass multiple villages or, in some cases, none if primarily agricultural or forested. Settlement patterns within a mouza can be nucleated in fertile alluvial plains, promoting clustered villages for efficient resource access, or more scattered in hilly terrains to adapt to uneven . Each mouza maintains dedicated boundaries that may include or exclude villages based on historical delineations. Primarily oriented toward revenue administration, a mouza serves as the foundational unit for tax assessment, recording land ownership through khatians, and conducting agricultural surveys to evaluate productivity and usage. Every mouza is supported by a dedicated cadastral map, often geo-referenced and digitized, depicting plot divisions, boundaries, and features to enable accurate valuation and mutation updates. In the broader administrative hierarchy, mouzas are aggregated into parganas for higher-level fiscal oversight.

Historical Development

Origins in Mughal Administration

The mouza system emerged during the Mughal era in the 16th to 18th centuries as the lowest-level administrative and revenue unit within a , primarily serving as a mechanism for collecting land taxes under the zamindari framework across provinces such as and . This structure built upon earlier Sultanate practices but was formalized under Akbar's reforms, where mouzas functioned as discrete fiscal entities to streamline agrarian taxation from cultivators. In terms of administrative roles, each mouza was overseen by local heads such as the mustajir (revenue lessee or farmer), pradhan (village chief), or mulraiyat (principal cultivator), who acted as equivalents to lords of the manor by assessing land productivity, enforcing cultivation, and remitting revenues to higher pargana officials like the shiqdar or amin. These leaders were responsible for direct interaction with ryots (peasant cultivators), ensuring timely tax payments often in cash or kind, while maintaining basic records of holdings to prevent evasion or disputes. Geographically, mouzas were delineated based on natural features like rivers, forests, or village boundaries, encompassing parcels of cultivated land that formed cohesive fiscal divisions, particularly in fertile regions of where they aligned with agrarian clusters for efficient oversight. This demarcation allowed for localized management while integrating into broader provincial hierarchies, extending to areas like where similar units supported imperial revenue demands. A pivotal aspect of the mouza's integration was its role in the zabt system of revenue assessment, introduced by and refined by , wherein mouzas served as the base units for measuring in bighas or jaribs to determine yields and fix taxes at one-third to one-half of produce. This measurement-based approach, detailed in sources like the , emphasized systematic surveys to enhance state income while accommodating local variations in and .

Evolution under British Colonial Rule

The Permanent Settlement of 1793, enacted by the British East India Company under Governor-General Lord Cornwallis, formalized the mouza as a stable administrative and revenue unit within the zamindari system in Bengal, Bihar, and Orissa. This legislation fixed land revenue demands in perpetuity, assigning zamindars proprietary rights over estates comprising multiple mouzas and obligating them to collect fixed taxes from these units without periodic revisions. By treating mouzas as indivisible fiscal entities tied to historical assessments, the settlement shifted from the earlier decennial arrangements—rooted in Mughal practices—toward a rigid structure that prioritized revenue certainty for the colonial administration, though it often empowered zamindars to exploit ryots through arbitrary enhancements. In the mid-19th century, the British introduced systematic cadastral surveys to refine mouza administration, particularly in , where Thakbast surveys from 1845 to 1877 demarcated precise village boundaries using scientific instruments like the and measurements. These efforts, followed by detailed revenue or cadastral surveys, produced mauzawari maps (shajra) and field registers () that assigned unique plot numbers to individual holdings within each mouza, recording details on , patterns, proprietors, and cultivated area to facilitate accurate assessment and . This mapping transformed mouzas from fluid Mughal-era villages into legally defined territorial units with fixed boundaries, enabling the colonial state to assert greater control over land resources while reducing ambiguities in tax collection. Administrative adaptations extended the mouza's centrality to other regions under the system, notably in and parts of southern , where direct settlements with individual cultivators bypassed intermediaries and integrated mouzas into comprehensive land records. In , British officials compiled wazib-ul-arz documents as part of the record-of-rights, detailing customary rights, liabilities, and ownership within each mouza to document tenurial arrangements and support revenue demands. This approach enhanced record-keeping by evolving decennial settlements into more permanent frameworks, though it curtailed local flexibility in adjusting mouza configurations amid changing agricultural conditions. By the late , these initiatives had mapped over 200,000 mouzas across alone, as reflected in census enumerations, underscoring the scale of colonial institutionalization.

Post-Independence Adaptations

The partition of India in 1947 led to the division of numerous mouzas along the newly drawn borders between India and Pakistan, particularly in Punjab and Bengal, with land records and cadastral maps transferred or duplicated between the successor states to facilitate revenue administration and property claims. In East Pakistan (later Bangladesh), the mouza system was retained as the basic revenue unit following the abolition of the zamindari system through the East Bengal State Acquisition and Tenancy Act of 1950, which eliminated intermediary landlords but preserved mouzas for direct state collection of land revenue from raiyats. In during the 1960s and 1970s, mouzas served as key cadastral units for implementing land ceiling legislation, such as the Land Reforms Act of 1955 (amended in subsequent years), where field inquiries and ceiling determinations were conducted at the mouza level to identify and redistribute excess holdings beyond family limits, typically 25-30 acres depending on land class. Similarly, in , the 1959 land reforms under Martial Regulation No. 64 imposed ceilings of 500 acres for irrigated land and 1,000 acres for unirrigated land, utilizing existing revenue records tied to mouza boundaries to enforce limits and resume excess estates for redistribution to tenants. Post-independence decentralization efforts diminished the operational prominence of mouzas, shifting their primary function from active revenue collection to archival and record-keeping roles; in , the expansion of village-level panchayats under the 73rd Constitutional Amendment in 1992 further emphasized local governance over mouza-based administration. In after 1971 independence, mouzas were integrated into the emerging (sub-district) system as the lowest tier of rural administration, supporting development planning while parishads at the mouza level handled local councils. By the 1980s, exact counts of mouzas in varied with surveys; however, national censuses increasingly prioritized village names over mouza identifiers starting from 1962, reflecting a practical shift toward social and demographic units for and voter lists.

Regional Variations

Usage in Bangladesh

In , the mouza functions as the primary unit for administration and record-keeping under the Ministry of . As of the 2010s, the country encompasses approximately 61,000 mouzas (excluding ), each linked to Revised Survey (RS) maps produced during cadastral surveys from the 1920s to the 1960s, which delineate parcels and support ongoing assessment. These maps, combined with the Record of Rights (khatian), enable systematic tracking of holdings and facilitate interventions in and development planning. Recent efforts, including the Bhumi Sheba portal as of 2025, continue to enhance access to these records. Geographical features influence the configuration of mouzas across regions. In deltaic areas like Bakerganj in the Barisal division, mouzas typically include dispersed homesteads adapted to frequent flooding and alluvial soils, promoting fragmented settlement patterns. In the Sylhet division, mouzas often correspond to compact, nucleated villages clustered along riverbanks, shaped by the area's undulating terrain and historical tea cultivation. Within the Chittagong Hill Tracts, mouzas are overseen by traditional headmen and subdivided into paras (sub-villages) managed by karbaris, blending indigenous leadership with national administrative frameworks to address the region's ethnic diversity and hilly landscape. Legally, the mouza underpins the preparation of khatians, which document individual land rights, and drives procedures to update ownership following transfers, inheritance, or subdivisions. The State Acquisition and Tenancy Act of 1950 abolished the zamindari system, transferring mouza-level responsibilities to union parishads—the grassroots bodies—while preserving the units for taxation and revenue collection to ensure fiscal continuity. The 2011 Population and Housing Census highlighted the mouza's supra-village scope by enumerating 86,372 villages nested within these units, emphasizing their role in aggregating demographic data for national planning and resource allocation.

Usage in India

In India, the mouza system is predominantly utilized in the eastern states of , , , and for land administration and revenue purposes. In , there are over 42,000 mouzas, serving as the foundational unit for identifying land plots through the Dag number system, which assigns unique identifiers to individual parcels within each mouza. This prevalence extends to , where mouzas are integral to the Bhulekh portal for accessing land records by or account numbers, and to and , where they support similar cadastral frameworks under state land departments. Administratively, mouzas in fall under state land revenue departments, with exemplifying their integration into broader structures where multiple mouzas aggregate to form blocks and revenue circles for efficient . A notable 2025 initiative by the government addresses urbanization pressures by undertaking the first comprehensive cadastral resurvey and mapping since the 1920s, aiming to create updated mouza maps for 68,453 units (including water-based islands across 42,302 mouzas), with provisions for delineating new mouzas in rapidly expanding urban areas. This effort responds to demographic shifts and land use changes over the past century, ensuring alignment with contemporary development needs. Legally, mouzas are central to land documentation in India, particularly in the Record of Rights (known as porcha in West Bengal), which details ownership, plot boundaries, and cultivable area within each mouza, facilitating processes like mutation (transfer of title) and inheritance claims. In regions influenced by post-independence land reforms, the system supports ryotwari-like direct revenue collection from cultivators in select areas, contrasting with West Bengal's historical zamindari legacy where intermediaries once managed mouza-level collections. Ongoing digitization initiatives from 2023 to 2025 in West Bengal have focused on updating mouza maps through the Digital India Land Records Modernization Programme, integrating geospatial data to resolve discrepancies from outdated 1920s surveys amid urban expansion.

Usage in Pakistan

In , the mouza serves as the fundamental rural administrative unit and revenue estate, functioning under the provincial boards of to manage , taxation, and agricultural oversight. Each mouza encompasses a defined area that may include one or more villages or settlements, supported by detailed cadastral maps known as or shajra nasab, which delineate field boundaries, ownership, and cultivation details. According to the , there are 49,463 mouzas nationwide as identified in the 2020 Mouza Census, forming the backbone of rural land administration across provinces. Provincial variations reflect adaptations in terminology and structure while maintaining the core revenue function. In Punjab and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, mouzas are organized under tehsils, with patwaris—village-level revenue officers—responsible for maintaining records such as jamabandi (ownership registers) and conducting annual inspections. Punjab accounts for approximately 29,613 mouzas as of 2025, highlighting their scale in the province's agrarian economy. In Sindh, the equivalent unit is termed a deh, which operates similarly but lacks the Hadbast numbering system used elsewhere for unique identification in revenue records. Balochistan employs mouza-like units in a less formalized manner, often integrated into broader tribal or district-level revenue systems, with fewer such estates due to the province's arid and sparsely populated terrain comprising only about 2% of national mouza coverage. Mouzas play a central role in key administrative processes, including demographic and socio-economic mapping through periodic . The 2008 Mouza , conducted by the Agricultural Census Organization, gathered data on approximately 52,000 mouzas to assess facilities like , crops, and , aiding policy formulation for . The 2020 Mouza updated this framework to track changes in , , and amenities. Recent efforts, including the 2024 Agricultural , integrate mouza-level data for enhanced rural planning. In land , mouzas facilitate and division; for instance, Punjab's 2025 initiative for joint khawat (ownership ledger) partitioning streamlines the allocation of inherited shares among co-owners, reducing disputes through digitized processes at the mouza level. Additionally, mouzas are essential for land acquisition in development projects, where notifications under the Land Acquisition Act 1894 specify affected estates, as seen in initiatives like the project involving Mouza Ghanool.

Boundaries and Cadastral Mapping

Mouza boundaries are established using prominent natural features, such as rivers and hills, or artificial markers like roads, hedges, and boundary pillars, which provide stable reference points for demarcation and legal recognition of parcels. These features are identified and fixed during initial surveys to prevent disputes and ensure consistent administrative division at the village level across , , and . The survey processes for defining and mapping mouza boundaries begin with the preliminary Thakbast survey, which roughly demarcates estate and village limits through field inspections and basic sketching, followed by comprehensive cadastral surveys that detail individual (plot) boundaries. These detailed surveys employ for establishing control points, for linear measurements, and plane tabling for topographic plotting, often integrating data from the network. In , similar settlement surveys use traverse methods and boundary marks at tri-junctions to outline revenue estates. Cadastral maps resulting from these processes are produced at scales such as 1:3960 (16 inches to 1 mile) in , approximately 1:4000 in rural , and around 1:2500 in , capturing the precise geometry of plots relative to surrounding features. Map contents include numbered land plots with dimensions, records linking to proprietors and cultivators, classifications, crop types, and notations for structures or bodies, providing a comprehensive visual record for . In , each mouza features a dedicated shajra nasb, a supplementary genealogical tracing through ancestral lineages to facilitate and processes. These maps are updated infrequently through targeted resurveys when necessary, with many legacy maps dating back to the colonial era; modern efforts focus on and selective resurveys to address changes due to , fragmentation, or development, using ground verification combined with modern tools like GPS for boundary reaffirmation. Since the 2010s, digitization initiatives employing Geographic Information Systems (GIS) have accelerated map updates across the regions, converting analog records into vector formats for improved precision and integration with satellite imagery, as seen in Bangladesh's mouza vectorization projects, Pakistan's Punjab Land Record Authority efforts, and India's National Land Records Modernization Programme resurveys. As of 2025, Bangladesh has initiated digital surveys in 305 mouzas in the Dhaka region and signed an MoU with South Korea for advanced cadastral digitization, while Pakistan continues GIS-based re-settlements in select areas. This ongoing process enhances the reliability of cadastral data for revenue assessment by enabling real-time verification of plot boundaries and ownership.

Governance and Leadership Roles

In traditional mouza administration, particularly in regions influenced by historical South Asian revenue systems, the head of a mouza was often known as the mustajir, , or mulraiyat, responsible for overseeing local land matters under Mughal-era structures. In Bangladesh's , headmen serve as the primary traditional leaders for each mouza, acting as intermediaries between communities and higher authorities, while karbaris function as heads of sub-villages or mahals within the mouza, handling grassroots coordination. Modern governance of mouzas involves appointed revenue officials who maintain operational continuity. In and parts of , patwaris act as record-keepers at the village or mouza level, tasked with updating land registers, conducting field inspections, and documenting crop and ownership changes. In , talathis perform similar functions in states like , including mutation entries for land transfers, while amins serve as surveyors to verify boundaries and measurements during disputes or updates. In and , these roles are overseen by circle officers or tehsildars, who supervise multiple mouzas and ensure compliance with revenue laws. Key responsibilities of mouza leadership include over , collection of taxes or , and maintenance of cadastral records to reflect accurate and cultivation details. In , numberdars represent the mouza in proceedings, assisting patwaris in and local . Post-independence reforms have shifted much of this authority toward elected institutions. In , leadership has devolved to gram panchayats, where elected sarpanches and members now handle many administrative duties, diminishing the influence of hereditary figures like traditional . In , however, continue to exercise customary authority in tribal areas such as the , integrating traditional practices with formal systems.

Modern Role and Significance

In Land Revenue and Records

In contemporary land administration systems across , the mouza serves as a foundational unit for revenue collection and property documentation, enabling the assessment of lagan (land tax) based on plot areas delineated in cadastral maps and estimated crop yields from (plot) records. This structure, rooted in colonial-era surveys, facilitates essential transactions such as — the official transfer of names upon sale or —and the preparation of partition deeds to divide holdings among co-owners. Central to these functions are specialized record systems that catalog ownership and fiscal details at the mouza level. In and parts of , the khatian (also known as porcha or Record of Rights) enumerates landowners associated with specific plots within a mouza, serving as the primary document for verifying titles and computing liabilities. In , the jamabandi compiles comprehensive annual statements of revenue per mouza, detailing tenant and owner holdings, field boundaries, and payable rents or taxes, which are updated periodically to reflect changes in cultivation and ownership. These records ensure transparency in fiscal obligations and support dispute resolution by providing a verifiable chain of title. Recent initiatives have modernized these processes, transitioning paper-based maps and ledgers to accessible digital formats to enhance and reduce . In , the Bhulekh portal integrates mouza-level records for online verification of details and mutations, with ongoing efforts under the Land Records Modernization Programme to geo-reference cadastral maps nationwide. In specifically, 2025 updates include phased of urban mouza maps and subdivision of land parcels using GIS technology, enabling real-time access to revised Records of Rights; as of 2025, 99% of cadastral maps have been digitized under the Banglarbhumi portal, with full targeted by 2027. Pakistan's e- system, part of broader land record computerization, digitizes khasra boundaries and ownership data per mouza, facilitating automated revenue assessments and online (ownership extracts); the initiative has further advanced GIS-based parcel mapping for mouzas as of 2025. By preserving fixed boundaries through these detailed mappings and records, mouzas mitigate disputes over fragmentation, providing immutable of plot integrity that is crucial for securing loans against and streamlining acquisitions for development projects.

In Census and Demographic Surveys

In , the 2022 Population and Housing utilized mouzas as fundamental units for demographic enumeration and sampling, aligning with the country's administrative structure where each mouza represents a with detailed lists and maps. This approach facilitated the coverage of rural areas, treating mouzas as primary sampling units to capture data across thousands of such villages, enabling comprehensive demographic profiling. Similarly, in India's 2011 , mauzas served as key identifiers for rural blocks, particularly in eastern states like and , where they denote the smallest revenue-based rural administrative units used for mapping and distribution analysis. In , the 2008 Mouza Census, conducted by the Agricultural , systematically enumerated key features at the mouza level, including the number of settlements (such as bastis, , and dhaks), livestock holdings, and infrastructure facilities like veterinary services and markets. This collected data through structured questionnaires covering 51 items per mouza, providing a detailed snapshot of rural demographics and resources that supported broader statistical applications. Mouzas have also been integral to agricultural censuses across , where they form the basis for sampling frames to gather crop production data, land use patterns, and farm-level statistics, as seen in Pakistan's integrated agricultural surveys. Mouzas play a critical role in tracking demographic shifts such as rural-to-urban migration and trends in , allowing surveys to monitor movements between rural units and emerging urban agglomerations. They enable the identification of unpopulated or depopulated mouzas, which often result from out-migration, providing insights into changing settlement patterns and needs. Since the , demographic surveys in the region have increasingly shifted toward village-level for finer granularity, yet mouzas remain essential for boundary verification and integrating data with land records to ensure accurate spatial referencing. In the 2017 , approximately 170,000 enumeration block codes were employed for GIS overlays, enhancing the precision of mapping, voter list compilation, and targeted development in rural areas. The 2023 digital further utilized mouzas and dehs at the village level for , recording a total of 241.5 million.

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