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Issedones
Issedones
Issedones
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The Issedones (Ancient Greek: Ἰσσηδόνες) were an ancient people of Central Asia at the end of the trade route leading north-east from Scythia, described in the lost Arimaspeia[1] of Aristeas, by Herodotus in his History (IV.16-25) and by Ptolemy in his Geography. Like the Massagetae to the south, the Issedones are described by Herodotus as similar to, yet distinct from, the Scythians.

Location

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Issedones seen on Ancient Greek world map.

The exact location of their territorial span in Central Asia is unknown. The Issedones are "placed by some in Western Siberia and by others in Chinese Turkestan," according to E. D. Phillips.[2]

Herodotus, who allegedly got his information through both Greek and Scythian sources, describes them as living east of Scythia and north of the Massagetae, while the geographer Ptolemy (VI.16.7) appears to place the trading stations of Issedon Scythica and Issedon Serica in the Tarim Basin.[3] Some speculate that they are the people described in Chinese sources as the Wusun.[4] J.D.P. Bolton places them further north-east, on the south-western slopes of the Altay mountains.[5]

Another location of the land of the Issedones can be inferred from the account of Pausanias. According to what the Greek traveller was told at Delos in the second century CE, the Arimaspi were north of the Issedones, and the Scythians were south of them:

At Prasiai [in Attika] is a temple of Apollo. Hither they say are sent the first-fruits of the Hyperboreans, and the Hyperboreans are said to hand them over to the Arimaspoi, the Arimaspoi to the Issedones, from these the Skythians bring them to Sinope, thence they are carried by Greeks to Prasiai, and the Athenians take them to Delos." - Pausanias 1.31.2

The two cities of Issedon Scythia and Issedon Serica have been identified with five cities in the Tarim Basin: Qiuci, Yanqi, Shule, Gumo, and Jingjue, while Yutian is identified with the latter.

The Issedones may also correspond to the Saka Tasmola culture of Central Asia.[6]

Description

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The Issedones were known to Greeks as early as the late seventh century BCE, for Stephanus Byzantinus[7] reports that the poet Alcman mentioned "Essedones" and Herodotus reported that a legendary Greek of the same time, Aristeas son of Kaustrobios of Prokonnessos (or Cyzicus), had managed to penetrate the country of the Issedones and observe their customs first-hand. Ptolemy relates a similar story about a Syrian merchant.

The Byzantine scholiast John Tzetzes, who sites the Issedones generally "in Scythia", quotes some lines to the effect that the Issedones "exult in long flowing hair" and mentions the one-eyed men to the north.

According to Herodotus, the Issedones practiced ritual cannibalism of their elderly males, followed by a ritual feast at which the deceased patriarch's family ate his flesh, gilded his skull, and placed it in a position of honor much like a cult image.[8] In addition, the Issedones were supposed to have kept their wives in common.[9] This may indicate institutionalized polyandry and a high status for women (Herodotus IV.26: "and their women have equal rights with the men").

Cannibalism controversy

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The archeologists E. M. Murphy and J. P. Mallory of the Queen's University of Belfast have argued (Antiquity, 74 (2000):388-94) that Herodotus was mistaken in his interpretation of what he imagined to be cannibalism. Recently excavated sites in southern Siberia, such as the large cemetery at Aymyrlyg in Tuva containing more than 1,000 burials of the Scythian period, have revealed accumulations of bones often arranged in anatomical order. This indicates burials of semi-decomposed corpses or defleshed skeletons, sometimes associated with leather bags or cloth sacks. Marks on some bones show cut-marks of a nature indicative of defleshing, but most appear to suggest disarticulation of adult skeletons. Murphy and Mallory suggest that, since the Issedones were nomads living with cattle herds, they moved up the mountains in summer, but they wanted their dead to be buried at their winter camp; defleshing and dismemberment of the people who died in summer would have been more hygienic than allowing the corpses to decompose naturally in the summer heat. Burial of the dismembered remains would have taken place in fall after returning to winter camp, but before the ground was frozen completely. Such procedures of defleshing and dismemberment may have been mistaken for evidence of cannibalism by foreign onlookers.

Murphy and Mallory do not exclude the possibility that the flesh removed from the bodies was consumed. Archeologically these activities remain invisible. But they point out that elsewhere, Herodotus names another tribe (Androphagi) as the only group to eat human flesh.

On the other hand, Dr. Timothy Taylor[10] points out:

  • 1. Herodotus reports that the so-called "Androphagoi" are the "only" people in the region to practice cannibalism. However, a distinction should be drawn between "aggressive gustatory cannibalism" (i.e., hunting humans for food) and the ritualized, reverential practices reported among the Issedones and Massagetae.
  • 2. Scythian-type peoples were renowned embalmers and presumably would have no need for funerary defleshing to delay decomposition of the corpse.
  • 3. Herodotus specifically describes the removal of the meat and mixing it with other foodstuffs to make a funerary stew.

Dr. Taylor concludes: "Inferring reverential funerary cannibalism in this case is thus the most academically cautious approach".

See also

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Notes

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Sources

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  • Golden, Peter (1992). An Introduction of the Turkic Peoples: Ethnogenesis and State Formation in Medieval and Early Modern Asia and the Middle East. O. Harrassowitz. ISBN 3-447-03274-X.

External sources

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Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia

Issedones

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from Grokipedia
The Issedones were an ancient people of , described by the Greek historian as residing east of the and the bald-headed Argippaei, beyond impassable mountains in the northern steppes. Their precise location and ethnic identity remain debated among scholars, with some proposing they were Iranian nomads related to the tribes, including groups such as the , Tochari, Sacarauli, and Gasiani, possibly speaking and exhibiting Europoid physical characteristics. Others identify them with the or . Herodotus portrayed them as a just and law-abiding society where women held equal authority with men, but they were most notoriously known for their funerary rites, in which the flesh of a deceased male relative was mixed with animal meat, cooked, and consumed by the family during a communal feast, after which the skull was gilded and venerated as a sacred object with annual sacrifices. The Issedones served as a source of ethnographic lore for the ancient world, relaying tales to the about neighboring peoples like the one-eyed Arimaspians and griffins guarding gold deposits in the far north, which included in his Histories to illustrate the limits of known geography. According to one scholarly hypothesis linking them to tribes, they had established presence in the Ili and river valleys by the late 7th century BCE, expanding toward the northern bank of the by the mid-520s BCE during Persian campaigns in the region, before being displaced by the Da Yuezhi around 177–176 BCE, prompting movements southward into the Pamir region, , and eventually by circa 140 BCE, where they contributed to the formation of principalities. Later Roman geographer referenced Issedones settlements in (Chinese Turkestan) and near the Sacara region, east of Sogdiana, indicating their enduring legacy in classical geography despite the challenges of precise localization.

Mentions in Ancient Sources

Herodotus' Account

Herodotus offers the earliest and most comprehensive description of the Issedones in Book IV of his Histories (chapters 16–26), positioning them geographically east of the and north of the , at the terminus of a northeastern extending from Scythian lands into the unknown regions beyond. This ethnographic digression is framed by Herodotus through the lost epic poem Arimaspeia attributed to of Proconnesus, a figure said to have journeyed in spirit to the Issedones and gathered hearsay accounts from them about even more distant eastern peoples, including the one-eyed and the griffins that guarded gold deposits. Herodotus emphasizes that no eyewitness accounts exist beyond the Issedones, making their reports—relayed through Scythian intermediaries—the for knowledge of these hyperborean territories. In ' portrayal, the Issedones resemble the in their nomadic pastoral lifestyle but stand apart as a more just and orderly people, notably transmitting vivid tales of the 's raids on griffin hoards and other marvels to the , who in turn shared them with Greek inquirers. recounts their migration history as part of a chain of displacements: the Issedones were driven from their original territories by the advancing , compelling them to invade and expel the , who subsequently pressured the into fleeing across the toward the ; this sequence unfolded around the late 7th to early BCE, aligning with the broader upheavals preceding the Great's eastern campaigns.

Other Ancient References

In the second century CE, the geographer located the Issedones in . In his (Book 6, chapter 16), mentions trading stations named Issedon Scythica and Issedon Serica in the region of , likely in the of modern . , in his (6.50), lists the Essedones among notable Scythian and Sarmatian tribes east of the . Pausanias, writing in the same century, referenced the Issedones in his while discussing mythical elements from the poem of of Proconnesus, noting that griffins guarded gold beyond the Issedones, whom he placed in the far north alongside the one-eyed , without providing additional details on their customs or society. Earlier Greek awareness of the Issedones dates to the late seventh century BCE, as preserved in the lexicographer , who cited fragments of the poet mentioning the "Essedones"—a Doric variant of the name—alongside Scythian tribes, suggesting their recognition as a distant northern people in Archaic . Chinese historical records from the Han dynasty, such as the Shiji and Hanshu, describe groups like the Wusun as semi-nomadic pastoralists inhabiting areas around the Ili River valley in the western steppes during the second century BCE, leading some scholars to propose these as potential correlates to the Issedones based on geographical and cultural parallels, though no direct equation exists in the texts.

Geography and Habitat

Proposed Locations

Herodotus described the Issedones as a people dwelling north of the and east of the , beyond the River, in a extending toward the Bald Arimaspians—one-eyed men who clashed with griffins guarding nuggets from trees with wool-like foliage—and along northern routes rich in . This positioning situates their habitat in the vast steppes and foothills north of the Syr Darya River and east of the Caspian and Aral Seas, opposite the and adjacent to the eastern Scythian plains. Modern scholarly identifications for the Issedones' homeland draw on these ancient coordinates, proposing locations in , the southwestern Altay Mountains, and the —particularly oases around and Yanqi (Aghni) in what was Chinese —as well as areas southeast of the . More precisely, their core territory is often linked to the valleys of the Ili and rivers in southeastern , near , where the Issedones had established presence by the late 7th century BCE, with territories later bordered by and to the east and northwest. These proposals align with the Issedones' reported proximity to gold-bearing regions and nomadic routes facilitating exchange across . Archaeological evidence supports correlations with the Tasmola culture (8th–5th centuries BCE) in central , where over 30 large burials with dromos entrances and complex internal structures—such as stone enclosures and sacrifices—reflect the elite nomadic lifestyles of steppe peoples. These mound burials, often exceeding 40 meters in diameter and featuring ritual cults, mirror the semi-nomadic inferred from ancient accounts, with sites along rivers like the Ishim indicating adaptation to the region's arid s and hilly terrains. The Tasmola distribution in the Saryarka further ties to Achaemenid-era references presuming Issedones presence in this area. The environmental context of these proposed sites—expansive grasslands interspersed with mountain ranges—facilitated the Issedones' semi-nomadic economy based on herding and seasonal migrations, while rugged hill belts near the provided defensive advantages and access to trade corridors.

Neighboring Peoples

The Issedones were positioned to the east of the , with ancient accounts indicating that Scythian migrations into the Pontic during the 8th–7th centuries BCE involved pressures from eastern groups, including the Issedones, leading to a chain of displacements where the Issedones contributed to pushing populations westward. This proximity fostered interactions marked by both conflict and cultural exchange, as the Issedones shared nomadic lifestyles with the but were distinguished by their reputed and . To the south, the Issedones bordered the , another nomadic warrior people inhabiting the steppes east of the . portrayed the as resembling the in dress, weaponry, and mounted combat traditions, yet he described the Issedones as more orderly and civilized in their social practices compared to these southern neighbors. In the north and east, the Issedones maintained contacts with the mythical , depicted as a one-eyed race, and further legendary groups such as gold-digging peoples whose treasures were guarded by griffins, according to transmitted through Scythian intermediaries. These tales, originating from Issedonean reports, highlighted the perceived exoticism of eastern frontiers and possible exchanges of precious metals. Scholarly analyses suggest potential overlaps between the Issedones and Saka (eastern Scythian) tribes, particularly the Asii, who occupied regions like the Ili and Chu River valleys and participated in broader Central Asian networks trading gold, horses, and furs. Later, these territories were associated with the Wusun, who displaced Saka groups and continued similar steppe commerce routes linking the Eurasian interior.

Society and Culture

Social Structure

The Issedones were a nomadic pastoralist , akin to their neighbors, centered on , engaging in warfare, and participating in regional trade networks across the Eurasian s, with no indications of fixed urban centers or sedentary agriculture in ancient accounts. Their emphasized justice and equitable governance, distinguishing them among steppe peoples as observers of fair customs in communal affairs. Gender roles reflected a notable degree of equality, as women held authority on par with men, implying involvement in collective decision-making processes that diverged from the stricter patriarchal hierarchies observed among the .

Funeral Practices

The Issedones practiced a distinctive funerary for deceased male elders, in which the family and kin slaughtered from their flocks and mixed the animal flesh with the body of the deceased before consuming it in a communal feast. Following the feast, they stripped the skull bare, cleansed it, gilded it, and preserved it as a sacred relic to which they offered annual solemn sacrifices. This custom served as a form of ancestor veneration, mirroring Greek festivals in honor of the dead by ensuring the patriarch's continued presence in family life through the gilded skull-cup used in yearly commemorations. While the Issedones' practice included the unique element of communal consumption of the mixed flesh, it shared the motif of transforming skulls into drinking vessels with the , who similarly prepared enemy skulls by cleaning and covering them with leather—or for the wealthy—to serve as cups.

Scholarly Debates

Cannibalism Interpretation

Scholars have debated ' account of the Issedones' funeral practices, particularly the description in Histories 4.26 where the flesh of the deceased is reportedly mixed with mutton, cooked, and consumed by relatives during a feast, while the skull is gilded for use as a sacrificial vessel. Some interpret this as evidence of reverential , a form of consumption intended to honor the dead and incorporate their essence. This view posits the practice as a structured, non-savage rite among steppe nomads, potentially reflecting accurate transmission from sources like of Proconnesus. Counterarguments, notably by and Mallory (2000), propose that misunderstood a defleshing preparatory to secondary , where soft tissues were removed to clean bones for reburial, rather than for consumption. They draw support from Scythian-period sites like Aymyrlyg in , Republic of , where over 1,000 s from the 7th–3rd centuries BCE exhibit cut marks on 29 individuals' bones indicative of disarticulation and defleshing, but lacking signs of cooking, breakage for marrow extraction, or perimortem violence consistent with nutritional . Osteoarchaeological analysis at such sites shows processing focused on —exposure or manual removal of flesh—to facilitate transport and reburial in nomadic contexts, without evidence of ingestion. The absence of direct archaeological proof for cannibalism among proposed Issedones territories reinforces , as cut marks and fragmentation on bones from Siberian and Central Asian kurgans more plausibly align with ritual defleshing than anthropophagy. This interpretive divide highlights the challenges of reconciling textual with material evidence, where no verified cases of funerary cannibalism appear in Scythian-influenced assemblages despite extensive excavations. In broader context, ' portrayal fits Greek ethnographic traditions of exaggerating "barbarian" otherness, similar to accounts of Scythian headhunting or Indian ascetic self-consumption, serving to delineate cultural boundaries rather than report unfiltered facts. Such motifs, recurring in classical , often transform practical rituals into sensational anthropophagic tropes to underscore Greek civility.

Ethnic Identification

Scholars have proposed connections between the ancient Issedones and the Wusun people documented in Chinese historical records from the 2nd century BCE onward, citing shared nomadic lifestyles, pastoral economies, and geographic proximity in the Central Asian steppes around the Ili River valley in modern Kazakhstan and Dzungaria. This identification draws on linguistic similarities in names—such as variants of "Issedones" (e.g., Ἀσσεδόνες) potentially linking to "Wu-sun," meaning "grandsons of the crow"—and mythological motifs involving crows in Wusun origin stories, which parallel elements in Greek accounts of the Issedones. Supporting evidence includes archaeological parallels in funerary practices and livestock-based societies, as noted by historians like Bolton and Tomaschek, who emphasize the Issedones' location beyond Scythian territories near the Caspian, aligning with Wusun habitats described in Sima Qian's Shiji. The Issedones are also associated with Saka tribes and broader Indo-Iranian speaking groups, based on overlaps in material culture, such as horse burials and nomadic warfare artifacts from the Altay region, as evidenced in Pazyryk tombs and Achaemenid inscriptions. Ancient sources like Herodotus, Strabo, and Ptolemy portray the Issedones as part of Saka confederacies, particularly the Asii subgroup, who inhabited the Ili and Chu River valleys before migrating southward around 177–176 BCE under pressure from the Yuezhi, eventually influencing Bactria and the Tarim Basin. Scholar Yu Taishan argues for this ethnic linkage through textual analysis of the Hanshu (ch. 96) and Shiji (ch. 123), highlighting the Issedones' role in Saka expansions to areas like Ferghana and Gandhara by 129 BCE, supported by Kharosthi inscriptions and coinage at Taxila. These identifications face significant challenges due to the absence of indigenous written records from the Issedones themselves, relying instead on external Greek and Chinese accounts that may conflate nomadic groups. Modern theories occasionally suggest ties to precursors of Turkic or , positing cultural continuities in the eastern steppes based on shared nomadic traits and proximity to Altai regions, but these lack definitive genetic, linguistic, or archaeological evidence, with scholars like Golden noting only neighboring relations in eastern without direct descent.
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