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Near East
Near East
from Wikipedia

Topographic map of parts of the Near East

The Near East (Arabic: الشرق الأدنى) is a transcontinental region around the Eastern Mediterranean encompassing the historical Fertile Crescent, the Levant, Anatolia, Egypt, the Balkans, Mesopotamia, and coastal areas of the Arabian Peninsula.[1] The term was invented in the 20th century by modern Western geographers and was originally applied to the Ottoman Empire,[2] but today has varying definitions within different academic circles. The term Near East was used in conjunction with the Middle East and the Far East (China and beyond), together known as the "three Easts"; it was a separate term from the Middle East during earlier times and official British usage. As of 2024, both terms are used interchangeably by politicians and news reporters to refer to the same region.[3] Near East and Middle East are both Eurocentric terms.[4]

According to the National Geographic Society, the terms Near East and Middle East denote the same territories and are "generally accepted as comprising the countries of the Arabian Peninsula, Cyprus, Egypt, Iraq, Iran, Israel, Jordan, Lebanon, Palestinian territories, Syria, and Turkey".[5] Also, Afghanistan is often included.[6][7][3]

In 1997, the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) of the United Nations defined the region similarly, but also included Afghanistan.[7] The part of the region that is in Asia (not including Egypt, the Balkans, and Thrace) is "now commonly referred to as West Asia."[8] Later on in 2012, the FAO defined the Near East as a subregion of the Middle East. The Near East included Iraq, Israel, Jordan, Lebanon, Palestine, Syrian Arab Republic, and Turkey while the Middle East included the Arabian Peninsula, the Caucasus, and Iran.[9]

Eastern question

[edit]
At the height of its power (1683), the Ottoman Empire controlled territory in the Near East and North Africa, as well as Central and Southeastern Europe.

At the beginning of the nineteenth century, the Ottoman Empire included all of the Balkans, north to the southern edge of the Great Hungarian Plain. But by 1914, the empire had lost all of its European territories except Constantinople and Eastern Thrace to the rise of nationalist Balkan states, which saw the independence of the Kingdom of Greece, Kingdom of Serbia, the Danubian Principalities, and the Kingdom of Bulgaria. Up until 1912, the Ottomans retained a band of territory including Albania, Macedonia and the Adrianople Vilayet, which were lost in the two Balkan Wars of 1912–13.

The Ottoman Empire, believed to be about to collapse, was portrayed in the press as the "sick man of Europe". The Balkan states, with the partial exception of Bosnia and Albania, were primarily Christian, as was the majority of Lebanon. Starting in 1894, the Ottomans struck at the Armenians and Assyrians on the explicit grounds that they were non-Muslim peoples and as such were a potential threat to the Muslim empire within which they lived. The Hamidian Massacres, Adana Massacres and Massacres of Badr Khan targeting Assyrians and Armenians aroused the indignation of the entire Christian world. In the United States, the then aging Julia Ward Howe, author of the Battle Hymn of the Republic, leapt into the war of words and joined the Red Cross. Relations of minorities within the Ottoman Empire and the disposition of former Ottoman lands became known as the "Eastern question", as the Ottomans were on the east of Europe.

It now became relevant to define the east of the eastern question. In about the middle of the nineteenth century, Near East came into use to describe that part of the east closest to Europe. The term Far East appeared contemporaneously meaning Japan, China, Korea, Indonesia and Vietnam. Near East applied to what had been mainly known as the Levant, which was in the jurisdiction of the Ottoman Porte, or government. Europeans could not set foot on most of the shores of the southern and central Mediterranean from the Gulf of Sidra to Albania without permits from the Ottoman Empire.

Some regions beyond the Ottoman Porte were included. One was North Africa west of Egypt. It was occupied by piratical kingdoms of the Barbary Coast, de facto-independent since the eighteenth century, formerly part of the empire at its apogee. Iran was included because it could not easily be reached except through the Ottoman Empire or neighboring Russia. In the 1890s the term tended to focus on the conflicts in the Balkan states and Armenia. The demise of "the sick man of Europe" left considerable confusion as to what was to be meant by Near East. It is now generally used only in historical contexts, to describe the countries of West Asia from the Mediterranean to (or including) Iran.[10] There is, in short, no universally-understood fixed inventory of nations, languages, or historical assets defined to be in it.

Background

[edit]
Inhabitants of the Near East, late 19th century

The geographical terms Near East and Far East refer to areas of the globe in or contiguous to the former British Empire and the neighboring colonies of the Dutch, Portuguese, Spanish and French. They fit together as a pair based on the opposites of far and near, suggesting that they were innovated together. They appear together in the journals of the mid-19th century. Both terms were used before then with local British and American meanings: the near or far east of a field, village or shire.

Ideas of the East up to the Crimean War

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There was a linguistic predisposition to use such terms. The Romans had used them in near Gaul / far Gaul, near Spain / far Spain and others. Before them the Greeks had the habit, which appears in Linear B, the oldest known script of Europe, referring to the near province and the far province of the kingdom of Pylos. Usually these terms were given with reference to a geographic feature, such as a mountain range or a river.

Ptolemy's Geography divided Asia on a similar basis. In the north is "Scythia this side of the Himalayas" and "Scythia beyond the Himalayas".[11] To the south is "India on this side of the Ganges" and "India beyond the Ganges".[12] Asia began on the coast of Anatolia ("land of the rising Sun"). Beyond the Ganges and Himalayas (including the Tien Shan) were Serica and Serae (sections of China) and some other identifiable far eastern locations known to the voyagers and geographers but not to the general European public.

By the time of John Seller's Atlas Maritima of 1670, "India Beyond the Ganges" had become "the East Indies" including China, Korea, southeast Asia and the islands of the Pacific in a map that was every bit as distorted as Ptolemy's, despite the lapse of approximately 1,500 years.[13] That "east" in turn was only an English translation of Latin Oriens and Orientalis, "the land of the rising Sun", used since Roman times for "east". The world map of Jodocus Hondius of 1590 labels all of Asia from the Caspian to the Pacific as India Orientalis,[14] shortly to appear in translation as the East Indies.

Ottoman Porte, 1767, gateway to trade with the Levant. Painting by Antoine de Favray.

Elizabeth I of England, primarily interested in trade with the east, collaborated with English merchants to form the first trading companies to the far-flung regions, using their own jargon. Their goals were to obtain trading concessions by treaty. The queen chartered the Company of Merchants of the Levant, shortened to Levant Company, and soon known also as The Turkey Company, in 1581. In 1582, the ship The Great Susan transported the first ambassador, William Harebone, to the Ottoman Porte (government of the Ottoman Empire) at Constantinople.[15] Compared to Anatolia, Levant also means "land of the rising sun", but where Anatolia always only meant the projection of land currently occupied by the Republic of Turkey, Levant meant anywhere in the domain ruled by the Ottoman Porte. The East India Company (Originally charted as the "Governor and Company of Merchants of London Trading into the East-Indies")[16] was chartered in 1600 for trade to the East Indies.

It has pleased western historians to write of a decline of the Ottoman Empire as though a stable and uncontested polity of that name once existed. The borders did expand and contract but they were always dynamic and always in "question" right from the beginning. The Ottoman Empire was created from the lands of the former eastern Roman Empire on the occasion of the latter's violent demise. The last Roman emperor died fighting hand-to-hand in the streets of his capital, Constantinople, overwhelmed by the Ottoman military, in May 1453. The victors inherited his remaining territory in the Balkans.

The Hungarian lands under Turkish rule had become part of the Habsburg monarchy by 1688. in the Great Turkish War. The Serbian Revolution, 1804–1833. created modern Serbia. The Greek War of Independence, 1821–1832, created modern Greece, which recovered most of the lands of ancient Greece, but could not gain Constantinople. The Ottoman Porte was continuously under attack from some quarter in its empire, primarily the Balkans. Also, on a number of occasions in the early 19th century, American and British warships had to attack the Barbary pirates to stop their piracy and recover thousands of enslaved Europeans and Americans.

In 1853 the Russian Empire on behalf of the Slavic Balkan states began to question the very existence of the Ottoman Empire. The result was the Crimean War, 1853–1856, in which the British Empire and the French Empire supported the Ottoman Empire in its struggle against the incursions of the Russian Empire. Eventually, the Ottoman Empire lost control of the Balkan region.

Original diplomatic concept of Near East

[edit]
British troops, Crimea, 1855

Until about 1855, the terms Near East and Far East did not refer to any particular region. The Far East, a phrase containing a noun, East, qualified by an adjective, far, could be at any location in the "far east" of the speaker's home territory. The Ottoman Empire, for example, was the far East as much as the East Indies. The Crimean War brought a change in vocabulary with the introduction of terms more familiar to the late 19th century. The Russian Empire had entered a more aggressive phase, becoming militarily active against the Ottoman Empire and also against China, with territorial aggrandizement explicitly in mind. Rethinking its policy the British government decided that the two polities under attack were necessary for the balance of power. It therefore undertook to oppose the Russians in both places, one result being the Crimean War. During that war the administration of the British Empire began promulgating a new vocabulary, giving specific regional meaning to the Near East, the Ottoman Empire, and the Far East, the East Indies. The two terms were now compound nouns often shown hyphenated.

In 1855, a reprint of a letter earlier sent to The Times appeared in Littell's Living Age.[17] Its author, an "official Chinese interpreter of 10 years' active service" and a member of the Oriental Club, Thomas Taylor Meadows, was replying to the suggestion by another interpreter that the British Empire was wasting its resources on a false threat from Russia against China. Toward the end of the letter he said:

To support the "sick man" in the Near East is an arduous and costly affair; let England, France and America too, beware how they create a "sick giant" in the Far East, for they may rest assured that, if Turkey is [a] European necessity, China is a world necessity.

Much of the colonial administration belonged to this club, which had been formed by the Duke of Wellington. Meadows' terminology must represent usage by that administration. If not the first use of the terms, the letter to the Times was certainly one of the earliest presentations of this vocabulary to the general public. They became immediately popular, supplanting "Levant" and "East Indies", which gradually receded to minor usages and then began to change meaning.

Original archaeological concept of Nearer East

[edit]
Rawlinson

Near East remained popular in diplomatic, trade and journalistic circles, but a variation soon developed among the scholars and the men of the cloth and their associates: the Nearer East, reverting to the classical and then more scholarly distinction of nearer and farther. They undoubtedly saw a need to separate the biblical lands from the terrain of the Ottoman Empire. The Christians saw the country as the land of the Old and New Testaments, where Christianity had developed. The scholars in the field of studies that eventually became biblical archaeology attempted to define it on the basis of archaeology.

For example, The London Review of 1861 (Telford and Barber, unsigned) in reviewing several works by Rawlinson, Layard and others, defined themselves as making: "... an imperfect conspectus of the arrow-headed writings of the nearer east; writings which cover nearly the whole period of the postdiluvian Old Testament history ..."[18] By arrow-headed writings they meant cuneiform texts. In defense of the Bible as history they said: "The primeval nations, that piled their glorious homes on the Euphrates, the Tigris, and the Nile, are among us again with their archives in their hands; ..."[19] They further defined the nations as "... the countries lying between the Caspian, the Persian Gulf, and the Mediterranean ..."[20] The regions in their inventory were Assyria, Chaldea, Mesopotamia, Persia, Armenia, Egypt, Arabia, Syria, Ancient Israel, Ethiopia, Caucasus, Libya, Anatolia and Abyssinia. Explicitly excluded is India. No mention is made of the Balkans.

The British archaeologist D. G. Hogarth published The Nearer East in 1902, in which he stated his view of the Near East:[21]

The Nearer East is a term of current fashion for a region which our grandfathers were content to call simply The East. Its area is generally understood to coincide with those classic lands, historically the most interesting on the surface of the globe, which lie about the eastern basin of the Mediterranean Sea; but few probably could say offhand where should be the limits and why.

Hogarth then proceeds to say where and why in some detail, but no more mention is made of the classics. His analysis is geopolitical. His map delineates the Nearer East with regular lines as though surveyed. They include Iran, the Balkans, but not the Danube lands, Egypt, but not the rest of North Africa.[22] Except for the Balkans, the region matches the later Middle East. It differs from the Ottoman Empire of the times in including Greece and Iran. Hogarth gives no evidence of being familiar with the contemporaneous initial concept of the Middle East.[original research?]

Balkan confusion

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In the last years of the 19th century, the term Near East acquired considerable disrepute in eyes of the English-speaking public as did the Ottoman Empire itself. The cause of the onus was the religiously motivated Hamidian Massacres of Christian Armenians, but it seemed to spill over into the protracted conflicts of the Balkans. For a time, Near East often included the Balkans. Robert Hichens' 1913 book The Near East is subtitled "Dalmatia, Greece and Constantinople".

Sir Henry Norman and his first wife

[edit]

The change is evident in the reports of influential British travelers to the Balkans. In 1894, Sir Henry Norman, 1st Baronet, a journalist, traveled to the Far East, afterwards writing a book called The Peoples and Politics of the Far East, which came out in 1895. By "Far East" he meant Siberia, China, Japan, Korea, Siam and Malaya. As the book was a big success, he was off to the Balkan states with his wife in 1896 to develop detail for a sequel, The People and Politics of the Near East, which Scribners planned to publish in 1897. Mrs. Norman, a writer herself, wrote glowing letters of the home and person of Mme. Zakki, "the wife of a Turkish cabinet minister," who, she said, was a cultivated woman living in a country home full of books. As for the natives of the Balkans, they were "a semi-civilized people".[23]

The planned book was never published, however Norman published the gist of the book, mixed with vituperation against the Ottoman Empire, in an article in June 1896, in Scribner's Magazine. The empire had descended from an enlightened civilization ruling over barbarians for their own good to something considerably less. The difference was the Hamidian Massacres, which were being conducted even as the couple traveled the Balkans. According to Norman now, the empire had been established by "the Moslem horde" from Asia, which was stopped by "intrepid Hungary." Furthermore, "Greece shook off the turbaned destroyer of her people" and so on. The Russians were suddenly liberators of oppressed Balkan states. Having portrayed the Armenians as revolutionaries in the name of freedom with the expectation of being rescued by the intervention of Christian Europe, he states "but her hope was vain." England had "turned her back." Norman concluded his exhortation with "In the Balkans, one learns to hate the Turk." Norman made sure that Gladstone read the article. Prince Nicolas of Montenegro wrote a letter thanking him for his article.[24]

Throughout this article, Norman uses "Near East" to mean the countries where "the eastern question" applied; that is, to all of the Balkans. The countries and regions mentioned are Greece, Bulgaria, Serbia, Bosnia-Herzegovina (which was Muslim and needed, in his view, to be suppressed), Macedonia, Montenegro, Albania, Romania. The rest of the Ottoman domain is demoted to just "the East".

William Miller

[edit]

If Norman was apparently attempting to change British policy, it was perhaps William Miller (1864–1945), journalist and expert on the Near East, who did the most in that direction. In essence, he signed the death warrant, so to speak, of the Age of Empires. The fall of the Ottoman Empire ultimately enmeshed all the others as well. In the Travel and Politics in the Near East, 1898, Miller claimed to have made four trips to the Balkans, 1894, 1896, 1897 and 1898, and to be, in essence, an expert on "the Near East", by which he primarily meant the Balkans.[25] Apart from the fact that he attended Oxford and played Rugby, not many biographical details have been promulgated. He was, in effect (whatever his formal associations if any), a point man of British Near Eastern intelligence.

In Miller's view, the Ottoman officials were unfit to rule:[26]

The plain fact is that it is as hard for an Ottoman official to be honest as it is for a camel to enter through the eye of a needle. It is not so much the fault of the men as the fault of the system, which is thoroughly bad from top to bottom... Turkish administration is synonymous with corruption, inefficiency, and sloth.

These were fighting words to be coming from a country that once insisted Europe needed Turkey and was willing to spill blood over it. For his authority Miller invokes the people, citing the "collective wisdom" of Europe, and introducing a concept to arise many times in the decades to follow under chilling circumstances: "... no final solution of the difficulty has yet been found."[27]

Miller's final pronouncements on the topic could not be ignored by either the British or the Ottoman governments:[28]

It remains then to consider whether the Great Powers can solve the Eastern Question ... Foreigners find it extremely difficult to understand the foreign, and especially the Eastern policy of Great Britain, and we cannot wonder at their difficulty, for it seems a mass of contradictions to Englishmen themselves ... At one moment we are bringing about the independence of Greece by sending the Turkish fleet to the bottom of the bay of Navarino. Twenty-seven years later we are spending immense sums and wasting thousands of lives in order to protect the Turks against Russia.

If the British Empire was now going to side with the Russian Empire, the Ottoman Empire had no choice but to cultivate a relationship with the Austro-Hungarian Empire, which was supported by the German Empire. In a few years these alignments became the Triple Entente and the Triple Alliance (already formed in 1882), which were in part a cause of World War I. By its end in 1918 three empires were gone, a fourth was about to fall to revolution, and two more, the British and French, were forced to yield in revolutions started under the aegis of their own ideologies.

Arnold Toynbee

[edit]
Australian troops, Gallipoli, 1915. The battle was an Ottoman victory.

By 1916, when millions of Europeans were becoming casualties of imperial war in the trenches of eastern and western Europe over "the eastern question", Arnold J. Toynbee, Hegelesque historian of civilization at large, was becoming metaphysical about the Near East. Geography alone was not a sufficient explanation of the terms, he believed. If the Ottoman Empire had been a sick man, then:[29]

There has been something pathological about the history of this Near Eastern World. It has had an undue share of political misfortunes, and had lain for centuries in a kind of spiritual paralysis between East and West—belonging to neither, partaking paradoxically of both, and wholly unable to rally itself decidedly to one or the other.

Having supposed that it was sick, he kills it off: "The Near East has never been more true to itself than in its lurid dissolution; past and present are fused together in the flare." To Toynbee the Near East was a spiritual being of a "Janus-character", connected to both east and west:

The limits of the Near East are not easy to define. On the north-west, Vienna is the most conspicuous boundary-mark, but one might almost equally well single out Trieste or Lvov or even Prag. Towards the southeast, the boundaries are even more shadowy. It is perhaps best to equate them with the frontiers of the Arabic language, yet the genius of the Near East overrides linguistic barriers, and encroaches on the Arabicspeaking world on the one side as well as on the German-speaking world on the other. Syria is essentially a Near Eastern country, and a physical geographer would undoubtedly carry the Near Eastern frontiers up to the desert belt of the Sahara, Nefud and Kevir.

From the death of the Near East, new nations were able to rise from the ashes, notably the Republic of Turkey. Paradoxically it now aligned itself with the west rather than with the east. Mustafa Kemal, its founder, a former Ottoman high-ranking officer, was insistent on this social revolution, which, among other changes, liberated women from the strait rules still in effect in most Arabic-speaking countries. The demise of the political Near East now left a gap where it had been, into which stepped the Middle East.

Rise of the Middle East

[edit]

Origin of the concept of Middle East

[edit]

The term Middle East as a noun and adjective was common in the 19th century in nearly every context except diplomacy and archaeology. An uncountable number of places appear to have had their middle easts from gardens to regions, including the United States. The innovation of the term Near East to mean the holdings of the Ottoman Empire as early as the Crimean War had left a geographical gap. The East Indies, or "Far East", derived ultimately from Ptolemy's "India Beyond the Ganges." The Ottoman Empire ended at the eastern border of Iraq. "India This Side of the Ganges" and Iran had been omitted. The archaeologists counted Iran as the Near East because Old Persian cuneiform had been found there. This usage did not sit well with the diplomats; India was left in an equivocal state. They needed a regional term.

The use of the term Middle East as a region of international affairs apparently began in British and American diplomatic circles quite independently of each other over concern for the security of the same country: Iran, then known to the west as Persia. In 1900 Thomas Edward Gordon published an article, The Problem of the Middle East, which began:[30]

It may be assumed that the most sensitive part of our external policy in the Middle East is the preservation of the independence and integrity of Persia and Afghanistan. Our active interest in Persia began with the present century, and was due to the belief that the invasion of India by a European Power was a probable event.

The threat that caused Gordon, diplomat and military officer, to publish the article was resumption of work on a railway from Russia to the Persian Gulf. Gordon, a published author, had not used the term previously, but he was to use it from then on.

A second strategic personality from American diplomatic and military circles, Alfred Thayer Mahan, concerned about the naval vulnerability of the trade routes in the Persian Gulf and Indian Ocean, commented in 1902:[31]

The middle East, if I may adopt a term which I have not seen, will some day need its Malta, as well as its Gibraltar; it does not follow that either will be in the Gulf. Naval force has the quality of mobility which carries with it the privilege of temporary absences; but it needs to find on every scene of operation established bases of refit, of supply, and, in case of disaster, of security. The British Navy should have the facility to concentrate in force, if occasion arise, about Aden, India, and the Gulf.

Apparently the sailor did not connect with the soldier, as Mahan believed he was innovating the term Middle East. It was, however, already there to be seen.

Single region concept

[edit]

Until the interwar period following the First World War, the terms Near East and Middle East co-existed, but they were not always seen as distinct in the eyes of Western commentators.[citation needed] Bertram Lenox Simpson, a journalist who served for a period as an officer for the Chinese Maritime Customs Service, combined both terms in his 1910 work The Conflict of Colour: The Threatened Upheaval Throughout the World as "the Near and Middle East." According to Simpson, the combined region consisted of "India, Afghanistan, Persia, Arabistan, Asia Minor, and last, but not least, Egypt", explaining that the aforementioned regions were in actuality "politically one region – in spite of the divisions into which it is academically divided."[32]

In The Conflict of Colour, Simpson argued that what united these regions was their skin color and the fact that they were all under European colonial rule. The work included a "color chart" of the world, dividing it into a spectrum of 'black', 'brown', 'yellow' and 'white' races. Simpson also modified the Eastern Question (a diplomatic issue concerning the waning of the Ottoman Empire in the 19th century) to the "Problem of the Nearer East", which he rephrased around the issue of the future of European colonialism in the Near East, writing that in regards to "the white man":[32]

... in India, in Central Asia, and in all the regions adjacent to the Near East, he still boldly remains a conqueror in possession of vast stretches of valuable territory; a conqueror who has no intention of lightly surrendering his conquests, and who indeed sees in every attempt to modify the old order of things a most hateful and unjustifiable revolt which must at all costs be repressed. This is so absolutely true that no candid person will be inclined to dispute it.

The spirit of the Crusaders may thus be said still to linger in those latitudes which, to give geographical and political cohesion, are here broadly named the Middle and Near East; and, to use a somewhat dangerous but illuminating figure of speech, it may be even be maintained that to-day, as of old, the white man and the Cross remain as blindly opposed to the brown man and Islamism, Hinduism and what these creeds postulate, as the most uncompromising bigot could desire.

According to Simpson, the reason why the "Problem of the Nearer East" remained so misunderstood in the Western world (compared to diplomatic and political issues in the Near East) was due to the fact that "there is no good work dealing with these problems as one whole, and much misunderstanding consequently exists."[32]

One presumed region, one name

[edit]

The term Near and Middle East, held the stage for a few years before World War I. It proved to be less acceptable to a colonial point of view that saw the entire region as one. In 1916 Captain T. C. Fowle, 40th Pathans (troops of British India), wrote of a trip he had taken from Karachi to Syria just before the war. The book does not contain a single instance of Near East. Instead, the entire region is considered the Middle East.[33] The formerly Near Eastern sections of his trip are now "Turkish" and not Ottoman.

Subsequently, with the disgrace of Near East in diplomatic and military circles, Middle East prevailed. However, Near East continues in some circles at the discretion of the defining agency or academic department. They are not generally considered distinct regions as they were at their original definition.

Although racial and colonial definitions of the Middle East are no longer considered ideologically sound, the sentiment of unity persists. For much, but by no means all, of the Middle East, the predominance of Islam lends some unity, as does the accident of geographical continuity. Otherwise there is but little basis except for history and convention to lump together peoples of multiple, often unrelated languages, governments, loyalties and customs.

Current meaning

[edit]
Maunsell's map, a Pre-World War I British Ethnographical Map of the Near East

Diplomatic

[edit]

In the 20th century, subsequent to major warfare and decades of intense political turmoil, the terms such as Near East, Far East, and Middle East continued to be used, but evolved in their meaning and scope. This increased confusion, the resolution of which became the study of experts in the new field of political science. The new wave of diplomats often came from those programmes.

Archaeology on the international scene, though very much of intellectual interest to major universities, was overshadowed by international relations. The archaeologists' domain became the ancient Near East, which could no longer be relied upon to be the actual Near East. The Ottoman Empire was gone, along with all the other empires of the 19th century, replaced in the region with a number of republics with various affinities, regional and global.

The many and varied specialized agencies that were formed to handle specific aspects of complex international relations, evolved with the terms. Definitions from the present came to be not in concert with those of the past. Reconciling these terms and their definitions remains difficult due to ongoing territorial disputes and non-free nuclear powers' territorial ambitions, putting any reconciliation of definitions out of scope of diplomatic corps in the classical sense.

The ancient Near East is frozen in time. The living Near East is primarily what the agencies each define as a matter of practice; often guided by their political leadership. In most cases, this single term is inadequate to describe the geographical range in practical applications. This has resulted is multiple definitions used differently by each major region, power, or institution.[34]

Influential agencies represented in the table

[edit]
Logotype of the Bureau of Near Eastern Affairs

The United States is the chief remaining nation to assign official responsibilities to a region called the Near East. Within the government the State Department has been most influential in promulgating the Near Eastern regional system. The countries of the former empires of the 19th century have in general abandoned the term and the subdivision in favor of Middle East, North Africa, and various forms of Asia. In many cases, such as France, no distinct regional substructures have been employed. Each country has its own French diplomatic apparatus, although regional terms, including Proche-Orient and Moyen-Orient, can be used in a descriptive sense.[citation needed]

Some of the most influential agencies in the United States still use Near East as a working concept. For example, the Bureau of Near Eastern Affairs, a division of the United States Department of State, is perhaps the most influential agency to still use the term Near East. Under the Secretary of State, it implements the official diplomacy of the United States, called also statecraft by Secretary Hillary Clinton. The name of the bureau is traditional and historic. There is, however, no distinct Middle East. All official Middle Eastern affairs are referred to this bureau.[35]

Working closely in conjunction with the definition of the Near East provided by the State Department is the Near East South Asia Center for Strategic Studies (NESA), an educational institution of the United States Department of Defense. It teaches courses and holds seminars and workshops for government officials and military officers who will work or are working within its region. As the name indicates, that region is a combination of State Department regions; however, NESA is careful to identify the State Department region.[36] As its Near East is not different from the State Department's it does not appear in the table. Its name, however, is not entirely accurate. For example, its region includes Mauritania, a member of the State Department's Africa (Sub-Sahara).[citation needed]

The Washington Institute for Near East Policy (WINEP) is a non-profit organization for research and advice on Middle Eastern policy. It regards its target countries as the Middle East but adopts the convention of calling them the Near East to be in conformance with the practices of the State Department. Its views are independent.[37] The WINEP bundles the countries of Northwest Africa together under "North Africa". Details can be found in Policy Focus #65.[38]

Table of Near Eastern countries recognized by various agencies

[edit]
Country UN Food and
Agriculture Organization
Encyclopædia
Britannica
National
Geographic
United States
Department of State
Washington Institute
for Near East Policy
Armenia
Afghanistan
Algeria
Bahrain
Cyprus
Egypt
Iran
Iraq
Israel
Jordan
Kuwait
Lebanon
Libya
Mauritania
Morocco
Oman
Palestinian territories
Pakistan
Qatar
Saudi Arabia
Syria
Tunisia
Turkey
United Arab Emirates
Yemen

Legend: included; excluded

Other regional systems

[edit]

The United Nations formulates multiple regional divisions as is convenient for its various operations. But few of them include a Near East, and that poorly defined. UNICEF recognizes the "Middle East and North Africa" region, where the Middle East is bounded by the Red Sea on the west and includes Iran on the east.[39] UNESCO recognizes neither a Near East nor a Middle East, dividing the countries instead among three regions: Arab States, Asia and the Pacific, and Africa. Its division "does not forcibly reflect geography" but "refers to the execution of regional activities."[40] The United Nations Statistics Division defines West Asia to contain the countries included elsewhere in the Middle East.[41] Its total area extends further into Central Asia than that of most agencies.

The Directorate of Intelligence, one of four directorates into which the US Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) is divided, includes the Office of Near Eastern and South Asian Analysis (NESA). Its duties are defined as "support on Middle Eastern and North African countries, as well as on the South Asian nations of India, Pakistan, and Afghanistan."[42] The combined range of countries is in fact the same as the State Department's Near East, but the names do not correspond. The Near East of the NESA is the same as the Middle East defined in the CIA-published on-line resource, The World Factbook. Its list of countries is limited by the Red Sea, comprises the entire eastern coast of the Mediterranean, including Israel, Turkey, the small nations of the Caucasus, Iran and the states of the Arabian Peninsula.[43]

The US Agency for International Development (USAID), an independent agency under the Department of State established in place of the Marshall Plan for the purpose of determining and distributing foreign aid, does not use the term Near East. Its definition of Middle East corresponds to that of the State Department, which officially prefers the term Near East.[44]

The Foreign and Commonwealth Office of United Kingdom recognises a Middle East and North Africa region, but not a Near East. Their original Middle East consumed the Near East as far as the Red Sea, ceded India to the Asia and Oceania region, and went into partnership with North Africa as far as the Atlantic.[45]

The Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Hellenic Republic conducts "bilateral relationships" with the countries of the "Mediterranean – Middle East Region" but has formulated no Near East Region.[46] The Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Turkey also does not use the term Near East. Its regions include the Middle East, the Balkans and others.[47]

Archaeological

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The ancient Near East is a term of the 20th century intended to stabilize the geographical application of Near East to ancient history.[citation needed] The Near East may acquire varying meanings, but the ancient Near East always has the same meaning: the ancient nations, people and languages of the enhanced Fertile Crescent; a sweep of land from the Nile Valley through Anatolia and southward to the limits of Mesopotamia.

Resorting to this verbal device, however, did not protect the ancient Near East from the inroads of the Middle East. For example, a high point in the use of ancient Near East for Biblical scholars was the Ancient Near Eastern Texts relating to the Old Testament by James Bennett Pritchard, a textbook of first edition dated 1950. The last great book written by Leonard Woolley, British archaeologist, excavator of ancient Ur and associate of T. E. Lawrence and Arthur Evans, was The Art of the Middle East, Including Persia, Mesopotamia and Palestine, published in 1961. Woolley had completed it in 1960 two weeks before his death. The geographical ranges in each case are identical.

Parallel with the growth of specialized agencies for conducting or supporting statescraft in the second half of the 20th century has been the collection of resources for scholarship and research typically in university settings. Most universities teaching the liberal arts have library and museum collections. These are not new; however, the erection of these into "centres" of national and international interest in the second half of the 20th century have created larger databases not available to the scholars of the past. Many of these focus on the ancient Near East or Near East in the sense of ancient Near East.

One such institution is the Centre for the Study of Ancient Documents (CSAD) founded by and located centrally at Oxford University, Great Britain. Among its many activities CSAD numbers "a long-term project to create a library of digitised images of Greek inscriptions." These it arranges by region. The Egypt and the Near East region besides Egypt includes Cyprus, Persia and Afghanistan but not Asia Minor (a separate region).[48]

Academic

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A large percentage of experts on the modern Middle East began their training in university departments named for the Near East. Similarly the journals associated with these fields of expertise include the words Near East or Near Eastern. The meaning of Near East in these numerous establishments and publications is Middle East. Expertise on the modern Middle East is almost never mixed or confused with studies of the ancient Near East, although often ancient Near East is abbreviated to Near East without any implication of modern times. For example, Near Eastern languages in the ancient sense includes such languages as Sumerian and Akkadian. In the modern sense, it is likely to mean any or all of the Arabic languages.

See also

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References

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Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
The Near East refers to a geographical and historical region in southwestern , primarily encompassing the area from and the to and the , including modern-day , , , , , , and . The term, coined by 19th-century European scholars to distinguish the closer eastern territories of the from the more distant , contrasts with the broader, more contemporary designation of the , which often extends to the and . This region, bordered by the Mediterranean, , and Caspian Seas to the north and west, the to the southeast, and the to the southwest, served as the cradle of urban civilization, witnessing the emergence of writing, wheeled transport, and monumental architecture in Sumerian city-states around 3500 BCE. It hosted successive empires such as the Akkadian, Assyrian, Babylonian, Hittite, and Persian, fostering innovations in , , and that influenced subsequent Eurasian societies. The Near East also originated the , —whose ethical and theological frameworks continue to shape global culture and geopolitics. In modern contexts, the term persists in academic fields like and , though its usage has declined in favor of "Middle East" amid evolving political terminologies, reflecting Western-centric perspectives that some critiques attribute to Eurocentric rather than indigenous designations.

Definition and Geography

Core Regions and Extent

The core regions of the Near East comprise the Anatolian plateau, the , , and adjacent areas historically linked by trade, migration, and conflict. These include modern-day (particularly ), , , , , , and , encompassing ancient centers of civilization such as Hittite , Phoenician and Israelite territories in the , and Sumerian-Akkadian . This definition aligns with the region's role as the cradle of early urban societies, evidenced by archaeological sites dating from approximately 10,000 BCE in the , where the and rivers enabled intensive agriculture supporting populations exceeding 100,000 in cities like by 3000 BCE. Geographically, the Near East extends from the Aegean and Mediterranean coasts in the west, across the and Mesopotamian plains, to the bordering in the east; from the and in the north to the and northern in the south, covering roughly 1.5 million square kilometers of varied terrain including highlands, river valleys, and semi-arid steppes. Boundaries have fluctuated historically, but the core extent excludes the Arabian Peninsula's interior and Egypt's Nile Valley in minimalist interpretations, though maximalist views incorporate them due to cultural interconnections, such as Egyptian influence in the during the New Kingdom (c. 1550–1070 BCE). (ancient Persia) is variably included based on (550–330 BCE) dominance over Mesopotamian territories. In 19th-century Western geopolitical usage, the Near East's extent approximated the Ottoman Empire's Asian domains, spanning from the ' eastern fringe to the Persian frontier, with administrative divisions like the vilayets of , , and delineating key provinces by 1850. This delineation emphasized proximity to , distinguishing it from the "Middle East" ( to ) and "Far East" ( and beyond), reflecting empirical mapping by explorers like Henry Rawlinson, who surveyed Mesopotamian ruins in the 1840s. Modern scholarly applications in Near Eastern studies maintain this focus on Western Asia's western flank, prioritizing verifiable historical continuity over expansive or ideologically driven expansions.

Variations Across Contexts

In scholarly disciplines such as and , the Near East denotes the core area of early urban civilizations from roughly 4000 BCE to 500 BCE, encompassing (modern ), the (, , , ), (southeastern ), and frequently and western , bounded by the Nile Valley, , and Zagros range. This definition prioritizes cultural and material evidence of developments like writing, ziggurats, and imperial states (e.g., Sumerian city-states by 3000 BCE, Assyrian expansions by 900 BCE), excluding peripheral zones like the Arabian interior unless tied to trade or conquest routes. Diplomatic usage diverges significantly, as seen in the U.S. Department of State's Bureau of Near Eastern Affairs, which applies the term to a modern geopolitical expanse covering the , including , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , the , , and the Palestinian territories. Established post-World War II, this framework aligns with U.S. strategic interests in , , and alliances, extending beyond historical cores to North African states like and , which lack direct ties to ancient Near Eastern polities. Geographical interpretations further vary by vantage point, with European traditions (e.g., 19th-century mappings) limiting the Near East to Ottoman Asian provinces proximate to the Mediterranean—, the , and —while American and broader Western usages often merge it with the , incorporating the littoral up to Iran's borders but inconsistently including or . These shifts reflect observer-centric perspectives: "near" originally signified relative proximity to versus the "" (), but post-1945 and oil expanded it eastward, sometimes overlapping with in analyses. In Francophone contexts, "Proche-Orient" narrows to the and islands, emphasizing post-Ottoman mandates over Mesopotamian interiors.

Historical Origins of the Term

Pre-Modern Perceptions of Eastern Regions

In ancient Greek literature, the regions encompassing Anatolia, the Levant, Mesopotamia, and Persia were often depicted as realms of monarchical despotism and exotic splendor, contrasting sharply with the democratic ideals of the Greek polis. Herodotus, writing around 440 BC, detailed the Persian Empire's administrative sophistication and cultural practices—such as ritual purity and royal audiences—but framed its expansion under Cyrus, Darius, and Xerxes as driven by insatiable ambition, culminating in defeat by free Greek city-states during the Persian Wars (499–449 BC). This narrative, echoed in Aeschylus' tragedy The Persians (472 BC), portrayed Eastern rulers as hubristic tyrants reliant on vast subject multitudes, reinforcing a Hellenic self-image of cultural and moral superiority over "barbarian" Orientals predisposed to servitude. Such views stemmed from direct military clashes and ethnographic inquiries, though Herodotus acknowledged Persian valor and wisdom traditions, suggesting a nuanced admiration amid rivalry. Roman perceptions inherited and adapted these Greek tropes, viewing the eastern frontier—particularly Parthia and later Sassanid Persia—as a perennial rival embodying cunning diplomacy and mounted warfare prowess, yet inferior in discipline and civic virtue to Roman legions. Historians like Tacitus and Cassius Dio emphasized Parthian deceit in battles such as Carrhae (53 BC), where Crassus' defeat symbolized Eastern treachery, while Pliny the Elder cataloged the Orient's natural wonders and luxuries as symbols of moral corruption tempting Roman excess. Provincial integration of Syria, Judea, and Egypt after Pompey's conquests (63 BC onward) fostered pragmatic administration, with Roman elites appreciating Hellenistic-Anatolian syncretism but decrying "superstitious" Levantine cults and Mesopotamian astrology as effeminate deviations from Stoic rationality. These accounts, drawn from Greek intermediaries and imperial reports, served propagandistic ends, glorifying Roman imperium against a static, decadent East, despite repeated stalemates like the Treaty of Nisibis (298 AD). Medieval European chroniclers, influenced by patristic texts and Crusader eyewitnesses, perceived the Near Eastern heartlands—now under Byzantine and Islamic rule—as biblical theaters of divine history, yet corrupted by heresy and conquest. Byzantium, as the enduring "Eastern Roman Empire," was admired for preserving classical learning and orthodoxy against Persian and Arab incursions, but derided by Latin writers like Liutprand of Cremona (10th century) for perceived Greek effeminacy, intrigue, and theological deviations, such as iconoclasm. The Islamic caliphates dominating Mesopotamia, Syria, and the Levant evoked mixed awe at their scholarly translations of Aristotle and military discipline—evident in Charlemagne's embassy to Harun al-Rashid (802 AD)—and horror as Saracen hordes defiling holy sites, prompting the Crusades (1095–1291) where figures like Fulcher of Chartres depicted Muslims as idolatrous warriors deserving expulsion to restore Christian dominion. These perceptions, rooted in scriptural typology (e.g., Babylon as tyranny) and limited pilgrim trade contacts, prioritized eschatological redemption over empirical geography, often exaggerating Eastern decadence to justify Latin interventions amid Byzantine-Islamic power balances.

19th-Century Coinage and Initial Usage

The term "Near East" entered English usage in the mid-19th century amid heightened European attention to Ottoman territories during the (1853–1856). Its earliest attested appearance occurred in an 1856 article in Fraser's Magazine, which contrasted it with the "": "The —in contradistinction to the Near East—for the integrity of which we went to war in 1854," referring to British and allied efforts to preserve Ottoman sovereignty against Russian incursions. This formulation underscored a Eurocentric geographical schema dividing into proximate (Near), intermediate (Middle), and distant (Far) zones relative to , with the Near East initially denoting the Ottoman Empire's core Asian domains—, the , , and adjacent areas—alongside its Balkan provinces. Early adoption reflected strategic imperatives tied to the , the diplomatic crises over Ottoman decline and great-power rivalries, rather than scholarly or archaeological pursuits. British policymakers and commentators employed the term to articulate interests in maintaining the "" as a buffer against Russian southward expansion, emphasizing regions vital for trade routes, such as the Suez approaches and . By the 1870s, it appeared in parliamentary debates and Foreign Office dispatches, often interchangeably with "" or " in ," but distinctly as a modern geopolitical label detached from biblical or classical connotations. German Orientalists had paralleled this with Naher Osten in academic works on and history, influencing English translators, though English initial usage prioritized over . The term's precision aided in distinguishing immediate threats—Ottoman reforms, Armenian unrest, Egyptian autonomy—from remoter dynamics, fostering a realist assessment of causal chains in imperial competition. The denoted the series of diplomatic crises arising from the Ottoman Empire's territorial decline starting in the late , centered on the strategic territories of southeastern Europe and , which European diplomats increasingly termed the Near East to distinguish them from the distant regions like and . This nomenclature reflected a Eurocentric geographical framing, emphasizing proximity to amid rivalries over influence in the weakening sultan's domains. Russia's repeated interventions, justified as protection of Orthodox Christians, clashed with British and French efforts to preserve Ottoman sovereignty as a buffer against Russian expansion toward the Mediterranean. The (October 1853–February 1856) represented a pivotal escalation of the , precipitated by Russian occupation of Ottoman principalities in 1853 and disputes over custodianship of Jerusalem's holy sites, escalating into conflict over control of the straits and broader Near Eastern influence. Britain and , allied with the Ottomans and , deployed over 500,000 troops, resulting in approximately 700,000 total casualties, including from disease, to curb Russian advances that threatened trade routes and colonial interests. The war's conduct, marked by early Russian naval victories like Sinope (November 1853) and the prolonged Siege of Sevastopol (1854–1855), highlighted the Near East's centrality in calculations, solidifying the term's diplomatic usage for the Ottoman heartlands. The Treaty of Paris on March 30, 1856, demilitarized the , curtailed Russian influence, and affirmed Ottoman territorial integrity, temporarily resolving flashpoints but underscoring the Near East's volatility as a arena of imperial competition. This outcome reinforced the conceptual linkage between the and the Near East, framing the latter as the proximate zone of European strategic entanglement rather than abstract . Subsequent analyses, such as those in diplomatic histories, attribute the term's early adoption to this era's need for precise geopolitical labeling amid the Ottoman "sick man of Europe" narrative.

Evolution in the 19th and Early 20th Centuries

Archaeological and Scholarly Adoption

The decipherment of cuneiform script in the 1840s by Henry Creswicke Rawlinson and others enabled systematic study of texts, marking a pivotal advancement in archaeological scholarship for the region later termed the Near East. Excavations such as Paul-Émile Botta's at Khorsabad (1843) and Austen Henry Layard's at and (1845–1851) uncovered monumental Assyrian remains, shifting focus from treasure hunting to scientific inquiry and highlighting the need for a unified regional descriptor in academic discourse. By the late , as professional emerged post-1870 with methods emphasizing and context, scholars increasingly applied "Near East" to encompass ancient civilizations from to and the , distinguishing them from classical Mediterranean studies. In the early , the term solidified in archaeological and orientalist scholarship, particularly for pre-Islamic eras, as evidenced by British archaeologist David George Hogarth's 1902 publication The Nearer East, which integrated historical and excavation data from Ottoman territories. American Egyptologist further entrenched its usage by founding the University of Chicago's Oriental Institute in 1919, dedicated to fieldwork and research across the ancient , emphasizing its role as the origin of Western civilization's foundational elements. This adoption reflected a Eurocentric geographic framing—proximate to relative to the "Far East"—while prioritizing empirical evidence from inscriptions and artifacts over biblical narratives alone, though many studies retained ties to scriptural verification. Academic institutionalization accelerated the term's prevalence; for instance, departments like University's Near Eastern Studies emerged to coordinate interdisciplinary efforts in languages, , and of the region spanning circa 4000 BCE to the . By the 1920s, "ancient " became standard in peer-reviewed journals and monographs for synthesizing data from sites like and , fostering comparative analyses of urbanism, law codes, and across diverse polities. This scholarly framework persisted despite geopolitical shifts, valuing the region's material record for reconstructing causal sequences of societal development independent of modern political boundaries.

Diplomatic and Political Applications

In 19th-century European , the term "Near East" denoted the Ottoman Empire's territories proximate to , including the , , and the , framing the geopolitical instability from imperial decline as the "Near ." This usage paralleled the broader , defined as the challenge of managing the power vacuum from the Ottoman Empire's gradual dissolution to prevent dominance by any single power, especially , while addressing ethnic nationalisms and access to key straits. The in 1878 exemplified this application, convened to resolve the Near East Crisis triggered by the Russo-Turkish War of 1877–1878, where European powers revised the on June 3, 1878, to curb Russian territorial gains in and the , granting autonomy to states like , , and while affirming Ottoman suzerainty in parts of the region. British Prime Minister and Foreign Secretary Lord Salisbury championed these adjustments to safeguard British interests, including Mediterranean routes to . British Foreign Office documents from the period employed "Near East" to strategize containment of Russian expansion, as in the 1882 occupation of to secure the , and in maintaining Ottoman integrity through the to balance influences in and . By the early 20th century, the term integrated into institutional diplomacy, with the U.S. Department of State creating a Division of Near Eastern Affairs in 1909 to oversee policy toward the , , and Persia amid rising tensions preceding . This reflected the region's centrality in great-power rivalries, including Anglo-Russian ententes over Persia in 1907.

Balkan and Ottoman Entanglements

The progressive erosion of Ottoman control over the through nationalist uprisings and wars in the exemplified the geopolitical entanglements that reinforced the "Near East" as a term for the Ottoman domains adjacent to Europe. The , beginning with the in 1804 against janissary dominance and culminating in autonomy by 1817, marked an early challenge to Ottoman , drawing Russian intervention and highlighting power rivalries in the region. Similarly, the Greek War of Independence from 1821 to 1830, supported by Britain, France, and Russia, resulted in Greek sovereignty via the Treaty of Constantinople in 1832, fragmenting Ottoman European holdings and framing Balkan Christian populations as a Near Eastern flashpoint for European balance-of-power concerns. These events contributed to the , a diplomatic framework addressing Ottoman decline, wherein "Near East" denoted the intertwined Ottoman-Balkan theater of instability, including threats to the Straits and Orthodox interests. The of 1853–1856, precipitated by Russian demands for protectorate over Ottoman Christians in the and , further embedded Balkan-Ottoman conflicts within Near East discourse, as Britain and allied with the Ottomans to check Russian expansion, preserving the empire's territorial integrity temporarily through the Treaty of Paris. The Russo-Turkish War of 1877–1878 intensified these dynamics, with Ottoman defeats leading to the in 1878, which curtailed Russian gains, established Bulgarian autonomy, and confirmed independence for , , and , while occupied Bosnia-Herzegovina—reconfigurations that sustained the Near East as a locus of European diplomatic maneuvering over Ottoman remnants. British usage of "Near East" in this era explicitly linked Ottoman Christian territories, including Balkan provinces, to Europe's eastern frontier, emphasizing humanitarian and strategic proximity. By the early 20th century, the of 1912–1913 accelerated Ottoman expulsion from Europe, as the (Serbia, Bulgaria, Greece, Montenegro) seized Albania, Macedonia, and , reducing Ottoman Balkan presence to a sliver around and prompting internal reforms under . This culmination of entanglements shifted "Near East" connotations toward the empire's Asian core—Anatolia, Syria, and —while Balkan states oriented westward, diminishing the term's European applicability amid pre-World War I realignments. These developments underscored causal linkages between Ottoman administrative failures, ethnic nationalisms, and great-power interventions, with empirical losses totaling over 80% of Ottoman European territory by 1913.

Emergence and Dominance of Competing Terms

Invention of the "Middle East" Concept

The term "Middle East" entered geopolitical discourse prominently through the work of American naval strategist , who used it in his September 1902 article "The and " in London's . Mahan defined the "Middle East" as the region encompassing the lands adjacent to the northern , including the Tigris-Euphrates valley, the littoral, and extending westward to the eastern and eastward toward , positioning it as an intermediate zone between the "" (Ottoman and adjacent areas) and the "" ( and ). This delineation served strategic analysis, highlighting the area's criticality for naval dominance, control of oil resources, and containment of Russian influence amid Anglo-Russian rivalries in . Although Mahan is often credited with coining the term in its modern sense, earlier English usages appear sporadically; the records the phrase's first documented occurrence in in the American publication Zion's Herald, likely referring to biblical or contexts rather than a formalized geopolitical entity. Claims of origins in the 1850s British , tied to colonial mapping of routes between and Europe, circulate in secondary accounts but remain unsubstantiated by primary archival evidence and did not influence broader adoption. Mahan's intervention marked the concept's invention as a deliberate analytical tool, diverging from the more culturally oriented "Near East" favored in and , and aligning instead with imperial focused on . The conceptual framework reflected a Euro-American perspective, treating the as "middle" relative to Western metropoles rather than indigenous geographies, and facilitated policy discussions on partitioning Ottoman territories post-. By 1915, British military planners under the had incorporated "" into operational terminology for wartime logistics from to , solidifying its utility over ad hoc descriptors like "Asiatic ." This shift underscored causal drivers of terminology: not neutral , but pragmatic needs of empire in securing , , and amid global competition.

Shift in Anglo-American Strategic Interests

The term "" emerged in Anglo-American strategic discourse through U.S. naval strategist Alfred Thayer Mahan's 1902 article in London's , where he coined it to describe the region and adjacent territories as a pivotal "middle" zone between the European-proximate Ottoman "" and the Asian "." Mahan emphasized its indispensability for British , particularly in defending the post- (1869) route to against Russian encroachment, arguing that control of these waters determined global imperial dominance—a view shaped by Britain's need to secure over 70% of its oil imports from the area by the . This reframing prioritized causal maritime and resource vulnerabilities over geographic proximity to , aligning with early 20th-century shifts as amplified the Gulf's role in trade volumes exceeding 10 million tons annually through the canal by 1913. British military adoption accelerated during , with the establishment of the "Middle East Force" in 1916 under General to coordinate operations from to , encompassing the and that captured by March 1917. This usage extended to the 1916 Sykes-Picot Agreement, which delineated Anglo-French spheres across Ottoman Asia, incorporating flanks previously marginalized in "Near East" Balkan-centric . Postwar, the Royal Air Force's 1921 creation of the , headquartered in and overseeing mandates in and , institutionalized the term for aerial policing of oil pipelines and tribal unrest, reflecting Britain's pivot to hydrocarbon defense after the 1908 Masjed Soleyman oil strike in Persia yielded 8 million barrels by 1918. U.S. strategic alignment followed with expanding oil diplomacy, as American firms joined British concessions via the 1928 Red Line Agreement, granting access to Iraqi fields producing over 5 million barrels annually by 1930 and foreshadowing Saudi Arabia's 1938 discoveries exceeding 100,000 barrels daily. By World War II, joint Anglo-American efforts under the Middle East Supply Centre (1942) and subsequent commands integrated U.S. lend-lease logistics focused on Gulf refineries supplying 80% of Allied aviation fuel, eclipsing "Near East" in favor of a broader frame for postwar containment. The 1944 Anglo-American Petroleum Agreement formalized this convergence, committing the U.S. to Middle Eastern reserves amid domestic production peaking at 4.3 billion barrels in 1945 but insufficient for global hegemony. This terminological dominance persisted into the Cold War, as evidenced by the 1957 Eisenhower Doctrine's explicit "Middle East" scope for countering Soviet influence, driven by verifiable dependencies on the region's 50% share of world oil by 1950 rather than lingering Ottoman-era European orientations.

Factors in the Decline of "Near East"

The term "Near East" began to wane in broader geopolitical and diplomatic usage following the early 20th-century emergence of "" as a competing designation, which better aligned with shifting Anglo-American strategic priorities extending beyond immediate Ottoman territories to include Persia and the approaches. American naval strategist introduced "Middle East" in his 1902 article "The and International Relations," framing it as a pivotal zone for naval power projection between the Mediterranean and , distinct from the narrower European-centric "Near East" focused on the and . This conceptualization gained traction amid Britain's wartime reorganization, as evidenced by the 1916 establishment of a under to oversee operations from to , reflecting a southward pivot away from the disintegrating Ottoman core. The by 1923 further eroded the relational logic of "Near East," which had derived from 19th-century European perceptions of proximity to and the ; with the empire's partition via the (1920) and (1923), the region's fragmented into mandates and successor states, diminishing the term's utility for describing a cohesive "nearby" threat or interest sphere. U.S. ascendancy post-World War II accelerated this shift, as American policymakers and media standardized "" to encompass oil-rich areas like and —critical to containing Soviet influence during the —rather than the Europroximate Ottoman remnants. For instance, U.S. from 1945 onward increasingly employed "" for stability operations in cooperation with Britain, signaling a preference for terminology that emphasized resource centrality over mere adjacency. Institutional inertia in prolonged "Near East" in some scholarly and archaeological contexts, but its obsolescence in mainstream discourse stemmed from the dominance of U.S.-led international frameworks, including the and , which adopted "" for post-1945 partitioning and aid programs like the extensions. By the , major U.S. news outlets and government reports, such as those from the , routinely substituted "" to denote the Arab states, , and Persia as a unified theater of anti-communist , rendering "Near East" archaic outside specialized studies. This transition was not abrupt but cumulative, driven by pragmatic alignment with evolving power dynamics rather than explicit rejection, though the terms occasionally overlapped until the 1960s.

Contemporary Usages and Definitions

Diplomatic and Geopolitical Frameworks

The Department of State's Bureau of Near Eastern Affairs (NEA) represents the primary contemporary diplomatic framework retaining the term "Near East" in official nomenclature, overseeing U.S. toward the (MENA) region. Established with roots in post-World War II organizational structures, the bureau coordinates , advocacy, and programs across 18 countries—, , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , and —plus the territories. Its mandate emphasizes advancing U.S. interests, including countering , fostering economic partnerships, and promoting regional stability amid conflicts such as those in , , and involving . Geopolitically, the NEA framework operates within a broader U.S. strategy prioritizing alliances with key partners like , , and to counterbalance Iranian influence and address transnational threats like and . Annual public diplomacy reports from 2023 and 2024 highlight NEA's role in funding programs—totaling millions in targeted spending—to enhance U.S. through cultural exchanges, media outreach, and support in the region. This institutional persistence of "Near East" contrasts with the term's rarity in multilateral forums like the or diplomacy, where "Middle East" or country-specific designations predominate, reflecting a Euro-American historical lens embedded in U.S. bureaucratic tradition rather than a strictly geographical redefinition. In non-U.S. contexts, "Near East" appears sporadically in geopolitical analyses and frameworks, such as those from the Washington Institute for Near East Policy, which examines policy toward MENA states but often employs "" interchangeably. French diplomatic terminology, translating "Proche-Orient" as Near East, maintains limited usage in bilateral relations with Levantine and North African states, though overshadowed by regional specifics in EU frameworks. Overall, the term's diplomatic application remains anchored in legacy U.S. structures, serving as a functional descriptor for a geopolitical defined by shared challenges, energy dependencies, and great-power rivalries involving the U.S., , , and regional actors.

Archaeological and Ancient Historical Contexts

In archaeological and ancient historical scholarship, the term "Near East" designates the region of Southwest Asia where the earliest complex societies emerged, encompassing Mesopotamia (between the Tigris and Euphrates rivers), the Levant (modern Syria, Lebanon, Israel, Palestine, and Jordan), Anatolia (modern Turkey), and Iran, with extensions to the Arabian Peninsula and Indus Valley during periods of cultural contact. This geographical framework, often specified as the "Ancient Near East," covers a chronological span from the Neolithic period (approximately 12,000–10,000 BCE), marked by the onset of sedentary agriculture and early settlements, to the Hellenistic era following Alexander the Great's conquest in 330 BCE. Scholars employ the term to analyze material culture—such as pottery, architecture, burials, and tools—alongside textual evidence like cuneiform tablets, reconstructing aspects of urbanism, trade, religion, and social organization across these interconnected polities. The field's methodologies integrate excavation with natural sciences, including , chemical residue analysis, and stratigraphic sequencing, to interpret artifacts within their socio-economic contexts. Key sites, such as those in (e.g., , representing proto-urban development around 4000 BCE) and the (e.g., Megiddo, with strata from the onward), illustrate the region's role as the cradle of writing, , and monumental architecture. Interdisciplinary collaboration with philologists deciphers administrative, literary, and legal texts, revealing causal dynamics like irrigation-dependent economies fostering centralized authority. Publications like the Near Eastern Archaeology journal, issued quarterly by the American Society of Overseas Research since 1938, exemplify ongoing empirical focus on these periods, prioritizing peer-reviewed analyses of discoveries from to the Mediterranean. Unlike geopolitical usages favoring "" for modern states, "" persists in academia for its precision in bounding pre-Hellenistic civilizations without evoking 20th-century Orientalist or colonial overlays, as evidenced by dedicated series like Brill's Culture and History of the (initiated 1982), which synthesizes data on , , and across the . This continuity reflects the term's utility in delineating cultural continuity from Sumerian city-states (ca. 3500 BCE) through Assyrian and Persian empires, supported by verifiable stratigraphic and epigraphic evidence rather than anachronistic projections. While some institutions have proposed alternatives like "Western Asia" to mitigate perceived , core disciplinary frameworks retain "Near East" for its alignment with historical interconnections proximate to the classical Mediterranean world.

Academic and Disciplinary Variations

In and , the term "Near East" remains a standard designation for the cradle of early civilizations encompassing , the , , and from approximately 10,000 BCE to the , reflecting its origins in 19th-century excavations of biblical and classical sites. This usage persists due to its precision in delineating the geographic scope of , texts, and urban developments predating Greco-Roman influences, as evidenced by dedicated programs such as those at the , where studies of Sumerian, Akkadian history, and are framed under "Culture of ." Similarly, institutions like maintain "Ancient Near Eastern Studies" for archaeological inquiries into settlements, art, and material remains from the region's prehistoric to Achaemenid eras. In and , "Near East" is employed in departments analyzing ancient Semitic, Indo-European, and isolate languages such as Akkadian, Hittite, and Sumerian, often within broader Near Eastern Languages and Civilizations frameworks that bridge to medieval and modern tongues like and Persian. For instance, Yale's program integrates ancient Near Eastern with Islamic-era studies, underscoring the term's utility for chronological continuity in textual analysis without the modern geopolitical connotations of "." However, this disciplinary retention coexists with shifts; Harvard's NELC department applies "Near East" selectively to pre-Islamic contexts while extending to and in , highlighting variations tied to subfield specialization rather than uniform adoption. Modern history and area studies exhibit greater divergence, with "Near East" declining in favor of "Middle East" to accommodate post-Ottoman nation-states and 20th-century dynamics, as seen in recent departmental renamings—e.g., the University of Pennsylvania's shift from Near Eastern to Middle Eastern Languages and Civilizations in 2024, justified by the latter's broader alignment with contemporary cultures from Morocco to Iran. The University of Chicago followed suit in August 2024, citing the need to reflect diverse modern civilizations beyond ancient foci, though ancient Near East archaeology remains a core component. Cornell's Near Eastern Studies, however, retains the term as an "older" synonym for Middle East, extending from medieval Spain to the Levant, illustrating persistence in interdisciplinary programs wary of overemphasizing post-colonial reframings. These variations stem from practical adaptations to evolving research scopes, with ancient-oriented fields prioritizing terminological stability against broader trends influenced by geopolitical sensitivities in academia.

Controversies and Alternative Perspectives

Charges of Eurocentrism and Colonial Bias

Critics of the "Near East" designation argue that it exemplifies by constructing a spatial hierarchy centered on , wherein the region is labeled "near" in relation to a European vantage point, implying a continuum of eastern territories extending to the "" and "." This framing, originating in 19th-century European scholarship—such as the German term Naher Osten popularized by scholars like Heinrich Kiepert in the —prioritizes the observer's continental perspective over indigenous geographical or cultural self-conceptions, reducing diverse civilizations to appendages of Western cartography and strategy. Postcolonial theorists contend that such nomenclature facilitated colonial administrative divisions, as European powers like Britain and mapped and partitioned Ottoman territories post-1918 under frameworks like the Sykes-Picot Agreement of 1916, embedding a gaze that exoticized and subordinated local agency to imperial interests. In historical and archaeological contexts, charges extend to interpretive biases, where studies of ancient Near Eastern societies—encompassing , , and the from circa 3000 BCE onward—have been accused of overlaying Eurocentric lenses, such as privileging Biblical chronologies over records or viewing Egyptian and Sumerian achievements through Greek philosophical prisms, thereby diminishing the region's independent developmental trajectories. For instance, 19th-century Orientalists like framed Semitic cultures as static and inferior to Indo-European dynamism, a view critiqued as reflective of racial hierarchies that justified colonial tutelage; empirical reassessments, including of sites like (circa 9600–8000 BCE), challenge such narratives by evidencing pre-agricultural complexity independent of Mediterranean influences. These critiques, prevalent in academic fields influenced by Edward Said's (1978), often highlight how institutional biases—such as funding tied to Western museums holding artifacts like the British Museum's Assyrian bas-reliefs from (excavated 1845–1851)—perpetuate a narrative of discovery over restitution or local . Colonial bias allegations further posit that the term served geopolitical ends, as in British Foreign Office usage during the 1915–1916 coordination, where "Near East" delineated zones for mandate allocation under the 1920 , prioritizing resource extraction (e.g., Mesopotamian oil fields yielding 5 million barrels annually by 1927) over ethnic or sectarian autonomies. Detractors, including proponents of "" as a neutral alternative, argue this legacy endures in modern diplomacy, where Euro-American interventions—such as the 2003 disrupting pre-existing tribal balances documented in British surveys—echo the term's originary distortions. However, these charges parallel similar indictments against "," coined by U.S. Naval officer in 1902 for strategic pivots toward the , suggesting a broader pattern of terminological driven less by than by shifting hegemonies. Empirical data from regional self-representations, such as al-Sharq al-Adna (echoing Ottoman Yakın Doğu) or Persian Khâvar-e Miâne, indicate local adaptations rather than wholesale rejection, underscoring that while perspectival, the term's utility in denoting contiguous polities from the to persists without inherent falsity.

Geopolitical and Cultural Implications

The term "Near East" in geopolitical contexts historically framed the region as proximate to , influencing 19th-century power balances during the , where European states vied for influence over declining Ottoman territories to counter Russian advances toward the Mediterranean. This perspective drove interventions such as the (1853–1856), where Britain and allied with the Ottomans to preserve strategic access to key waterways. The U.S. State Department's Division of Near Eastern Affairs, originating in 1909, employed the terminology to oversee diplomatic relations encompassing alongside Ottoman successor states, highlighting the area's role in transcontinental stability. The shift to "," coined by U.S. naval strategist in 1902 to describe zones vital to British imperial routes via the , redirected focus toward economic imperatives like oil transit, evident in interwar mandates and post-World War II policies against Soviet influence. This evolution implied a broader, less Europe-centric scope, incorporating Persian and Arabian spheres, but arguably obscured historical proximities, fostering policies prioritizing transactional alliances over enduring strategic buffers. Retaining "Near East" could recalibrate modern assessments by emphasizing geographic adjacency and shared vulnerabilities, such as migration pressures and terrorism threats originating near European borders, as seen in the 2015–2016 involving over 1 million arrivals from and . Culturally, "Near East" denotes the cradle of Western civilization's foundational elements—monotheism, legal codes, and urbanism—originating in Mesopotamian, Levantine, and Egyptian polities, fostering a of genetic relatedness rather than alienation. This framing, distinct from the politically neutral but geographically vague "," counters tendencies in biased academic narratives to exaggerate cultural incommensurability, as evidenced by selective emphases on Islamic exceptionalism over Abrahamic continuities. Empirical continuity in heritage sites, like the 4,000-year-old ziggurats of or Jerusalem's , underscores implications for identity formation, where reviving the term might encourage preservation efforts aligned with civilizational inheritance rather than fragmented nationalisms. Such a shift holds potential to mitigate identity-based conflicts by highlighting pre-modern syntheses, though postcolonial critiques dismiss both labels as Eurocentric impositions without addressing their descriptive utility in causal historical analysis.

Arguments for Retaining or Reviving the Term

The term "Near East" persists in specialized academic disciplines such as , , and , where it precisely delineates the geographical and cultural sphere of early civilizations from approximately 10,000 BCE to the rise of in the 7th century CE, including territories corresponding to modern , , , , , , , and . This retention facilitates rigorous analysis of foundational developments like the invention of writing in around 3200 BCE, the circa 1750 BCE, and the emergence of alphabetic scripts in the by 1200 BCE, without the anachronistic overlay of contemporary national boundaries or geopolitical conflicts inherent in "." Scholars in these fields argue that substituting "" with alternatives risks diluting the term's utility in cross-referencing artifacts, texts, and chronologies from sites like , , and , which empirical excavations have linked causally to the diffusion of technologies and ideas westward toward the Aegean and eastward to the Indus Valley. In diplomatic and governmental contexts, the term retains official currency, as evidenced by the Department of State's Bureau of Near Eastern Affairs, established in 1952 and responsible for policy toward 18 countries including , , , , , , , and as of 2023. This bureaucratic persistence underscores the term's practical value in framing strategic interests proximate to Europe and the Mediterranean, such as maritime security in the and counterterrorism in the , where historical precedents like the Ottoman Empire's control over these areas from 1516 to 1918 inform causal assessments of regional stability. Proponents of retention highlight that "Near East" avoids the definitional ambiguity of "Middle East," which varies in scope—sometimes encompassing and , other times excluding —leading to inconsistencies in policy documents and intelligence assessments. Advocates for reviving broader usage of "Near East" contend it restores geographical realism relative to Eurasian historical dynamics, positioning the region as the immediate eastern frontier of Greco-Roman and European civilizations, thereby elucidating patterns of migration, trade, and conflict from the collapse around 1200 BCE to the in the 11th–13th centuries CE. Geopolitical analyst has argued that "Middle East" functions as a "false label" obscuring this proximity, proposing "Near East" as more accurate for understanding enduring causal links, such as the Levantine corridor's role in transmitting and imperial administrations from Persia to . This revival counters the politicization of "," a term popularized by U.S. naval strategist in 1902 amid Anglo-American imperial priorities toward , by emphasizing empirical topography—the region's adjacency to and the —over resource-driven narratives centered on since the . Such reasoning prioritizes the term's alignment with verifiable historical interactions, including over 2,000 years of documented exchanges via the Silk Road's western termini and Phoenician maritime networks, without deference to postcolonial critiques that dismiss Eurocentric framing despite Europe's outsized archival and archaeological contributions to regional knowledge.

References

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