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Rush hour at Ueno Station in Tokyo, 2007. Note that the pusher wears usual business dress and not a high-visibility one.

A passenger pusher is a worker who pushes people onto the mass transportation vehicle at a crowded stop during the rush hours.

Historical use

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Japan

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When passenger pushers were first brought in at Shinjuku Station, they were called "passenger arrangement staff" (旅客整理係, ryokaku seiri gakari), and were largely made up of students working part-time; currently, station staff and/or part-time workers fill these roles during morning rush hours on many lines.[1][2] During the run-up to the 1964 Summer Olympics in Tokyo, a special issue of LIFE magazine described a photograph by Brian Brake as showing "the Tokyo commuter trains where riders are squashed aboard by white-gloved official pushers."[3] In 1975, oshiya packed commuters into rush-hour trains that were filled to an average of 221 percent of designed capacity.[4]

New York City

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Why, from the moment of starting, I have been mauled and hauled about by the crowds, and every conductor yelled at me, 'Step lively, step lively, lady,' and some even caught hold of me and jerked me on the car and then pushed me into the struggling crowd of passengers inside. 'Step lively,' indeed!

anonymous widow describing her New York City streetcar experience, The Spectator, c.1890s[5]

New York City conductors were well known for using the phrase "step lively" to exhort passengers to clear space by the doors of streetcars and subway cars during the early 20th century,[6] dating back to the opening of the subway in 1904.[7] "Step lively" was seen as an overly imperative phrase that "flusters the timid and uncertain and angers those who desire to be courteously treated".[5] The New York Times advocated the use of "press forward" instead of "step lively" in 1908.[8]

Early legal precedent in New York held railway operators liable for injuries resulting from overcrowded platforms; since the operator controlled access to the platforms, they could limit the number of passengers on the platform and prevent crowds from pushing and potentially injuring passengers.[9][10] Another New York decision held the operator would be blameless for the pressing action of the crowd, but noted that since the car had been subject to "forced augmentation" by an employee (the guard), the operator was held liable.[11] In Boston, a court ruled the schedule and convenience of other passengers meant that efforts to minimize station dwell time were justified, although physically packing passengers on trains was not mentioned.[12][13]

A New York Times article from August 8, 1918, mentions subway guards and police trying to direct and push crowds onto trains operating along the new 42nd Street Shuttle service between Times Square and Grand Central.[14] By the 1920s, pushers in the New York City Subway were known worldwide, but were not well-liked due to their reputation as "sardine packers".[15][16]

New York City subway pushers are depicted in the 1941 biographical movie Sergeant York; George Tobias plays the character "Pusher" Ross, a soldier from New York City. In the film, "Pusher" has to explain his nickname to Alvin York – which he got because he pushes passengers onto the crowded subway cars during rush hours. The story takes place during World War I, which establishes that "Pusher" was a subway pusher in New York City prior to 1918. Also, in the Bugs Bunny cartoon Hurdy Gurdy Hare, Bugs dons a conductor's cap and pushes a gorilla while saying, "push in, plenty of room in the center of the car!", pausing to tell the audience "I used to work on the shuttle from Times Square to Grand Central". The cartoon was copyrighted in 1948 and released in 1950.

Current use

[edit]

China

[edit]

At least three cities in China have employed professional train pushers. The Beijing Subway has hired employees to help pack commuters onto train carriages since 2008.[17][18] On the Shanghai Metro, trains running on Line 8 at up to 170% of capacity during peak hours in 2010 have used volunteers to help fill carriages.[19] In 2012, seven years after opening, crowds on Chongqing Metro trains were so thick that pushers were used during peak hours.[20]

Japan

[edit]

In Japan, pushers are known as oshiya (押し屋). The term is derived from the verb osu (押す), meaning "push", and the suffix -ya (屋), indicating "line of work." Oshiya ensure every passenger has boarded and does not get caught in the doors, as described during a CNN interview with Sandra Barron, an American living in Tokyo.[21]

A 1995 New York Times article noted white-gloved oshiya were still being deployed during rush hours, but called them "tushy pushers", or shiri oshi (尻 押し).[2] Since 2000, rush-hour trains had become significantly less crowded, running at an average of 183 percent of capacity.[a] By 2019, severe crowding has been largely eliminated on Japanese train lines outside of Tokyo. Train lines in Tokyo have had significant reductions in overcrowding and now run at an average of 163 percent of capacity.[a][22] This was driven by increased capacity (a system-wide 60% increase in 2000 compared to 1970), and changing passenger demand dynamics caused by stagnant growth since 1990s, declining population and commuter incentives designed to make off-peak hour trains more inviting.[4] This led to a decline in the number of pushers needed and largely confining them to the Tokyo area on some still extremely congested lines.

Madrid Metro

[edit]

In February 2017, Madrid hired "pushers" in its Metro to cope with increased numbers of passengers. Line 8, which connects the Madrid–Barajas Airport to Madrid's city center, was temporarily closed due to maintenance works, which caused a surge of passengers on other lines. In Spanish, subway pushers are literally called "pushers" (empujadores); they help passengers embark and make sure that carriage doors are properly closed. Some observers immediately made comparisons with the Japanese oshiya.[23][24]

New York City Subway

[edit]

The Metropolitan Transportation Authority hires "platform controllers" to direct crowds to minimize platform dwell times, although their duties do not include physically moving passengers.[25][26] They perform similar duties as the subway guards, who performed similar duties in the subway through the 1940s.[16][26]

Rhine-Main S-Bahn

[edit]

Since 2015, Deutsche Bahn has been using pushers at Frankfurt's main train station (Frankfurt Hauptbahnhof) and at times at the Messe (trade fair) S-Bahn station and other highly frequented stations (e.g. Eschborn Süd). These platform attendants are called Einstiegslotsen (boarding guides; initially, they were called Fahrgastlenker, i.e. "passenger steerers"). As it was considered indelicate to actually "push" people forward physically, as is standard procedure e.g. in Tokyo-Shinjuku station, the Einstiegslotsen try to avoid direct physical contact. They concentrate on boosting passenger entry and barring the access to the closing doors to stop people trying to enter the full train.

Notes

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References

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[edit]
Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia

Passenger pusher

View on Grokipedia
from Grokipedia
A passenger pusher, known as an oshiya (押し屋) in Japanese, is a station attendant at railway platforms who aids commuters in boarding extremely crowded trains during rush hours by carefully pushing individuals and their belongings into the cars, enabling doors to close on schedule and preventing delays. This role is most prominently associated with Japan's urban rail networks, particularly in , where it addresses severe on lines operated by companies like , which transports over 6.8 million passengers daily as of fiscal year 2024. The profession, which originated as a concept in in the early , emerged in Japan during the 1960s amid the postwar economic boom, when rapid urbanization and population growth in cities like caused trains to operate at up to 200% of their designed capacity. Oshiya were initially deployed at high-volume stations such as to manage the influx of workers. The term "oshiya" derives from the Japanese verb osu (to push) combined with the suffix -ya (a worker or specialist in a ), reflecting the specialized nature of the job. In practice, oshiya wear distinctive uniforms—including blue mesh vests, ties, and white gloves—to project professionalism and courtesy while handling passengers gently to avoid injury or discomfort. Their duties extend to assisting with luggage, maintaining order on platforms, and ensuring safety amid the crush of bodies, often at stations like Akasaka-mitsuke where peak-hour densities remain intense. Although the role peaked in the late , infrastructure expansions and shifts in work patterns—accelerated by the —have reduced overall rail crowding, making dedicated oshiya less ubiquitous as of 2025. Nonetheless, they persist on the most congested routes as a symbol of Japan's commitment to punctual and efficient , even following Tokyo Metro's via IPO in October 2024.

Overview

Definition

A passenger pusher, also known as an oshiya in Japanese, is a specialized transit worker responsible for physically aiding passengers in boarding extremely crowded or by gently pushing them into the cars during rush hours, ensuring doors can close securely and trains depart on schedule. This practice helps maintain operational efficiency in scenarios where passenger volumes exceed available space, preventing delays and potential safety hazards from protruding limbs or belongings. The role is most prominent in densely populated urban rail systems, where peak-hour demand creates load factors well above 100% capacity, as seen in major cities like . The Japanese term oshiya directly translates to "pusher" and specifically denotes these uniformed station attendants who focus on compressive boarding assistance. In contrast to standard platform attendants, who primarily manage crowd flow, direct queues, and provide information, passenger pushers emphasize direct physical intervention to maximize carriage occupancy without compromising passenger safety.

Purpose and role

Passenger pushers, also known as oshiya in , serve the primary purpose of maximizing passenger capacity on overcrowded trains during peak hours, enabling operations at load factors exceeding 100%—historically up to 180% on many lines and 200% utilization, though reduced to around 150-170% as of —to prevent delays caused by doors failing to close due to excessive crowding. This role is essential in high-density urban transit systems where standard car capacities—typically designed for 143 to 162 passengers—are routinely surpassed. In their operational function, passenger pushers facilitate safe and efficient boarding by physically assisting commuters into train cars, compressing crowds to reduce platform congestion and ensure adherence to tight schedules in networks handling massive volumes, like Greater Tokyo's rail system, which transports approximately 40 million passengers daily. By guiding passengers and securing door closures, they minimize risks of injuries from falls or incidents, thereby enhancing overall system safety and throughput. The employment of passenger pushers addresses economic pressures from rapid urbanization and population density, providing a cost-effective interim solution to boost capacity without the need for immediate large-scale infrastructure expansions, such as adding new lines or . This approach supports sustained economic by maintaining reliable commuter flows in megacities where transit demand far outpaces supply.

Historical development

Origins in New York City

The practice of passenger pushing emerged informally in during the 1910s, driven by acute overcrowding on the Interborough Rapid Transit (IRT) subway lines shortly after their opening in 1904. Rapid swelled the city's population, transforming the system—originally designed for about 400,000 daily riders—into one carrying over 2 million passengers by 1908, prompting station guards to physically assist in loading trains at peak times. By the early 1920s, the role had formalized to some extent at high-traffic stations such as , where dedicated workers, often referred to as "door crushers" or "sardine packers," systematically shoved passengers into cars to alleviate platform congestion. These pushers were widely criticized for their aggressive tactics, which led to numerous reports of injuries, passenger complaints, and sensational accounts highlighting their roughness, including instances where riders reportedly cheered attacks on overly forceful guards. The profession reached its height amid sustained demand through the 1940s, particularly during when wartime mobilization exacerbated crowds, but it gradually waned in the and . Advancements like automated door controls, air-conditioned subway cars, and increasing labor expenses rendered manual pushing obsolete, leading to its full phase-out by the 1970s. As a emblem of early 20th-century urban frenzy, passenger pushers appeared in popular culture, notably in the 1926 silent film Subway Sadie, which satirized subway chaos, and the 1941 biographical film Sergeant York, portraying a protagonist as a pre-World War I pusher to underscore New York City's gritty industrial backdrop.

Introduction in Japan

The practice of employing passenger pushers, known as oshiya in Japanese, emerged in Tokyo's subways during the post-World War II economic boom of the 1950s and 1960s, as rapid urbanization led to severe overcrowding on public transport. Tokyo's population in the prefecture grew from approximately 6.3 million in 1950 to 11.4 million by 1970, fueling massive commuter volumes that strained the expanding subway network. This period coincided with preparations for the 1964 Summer Olympics, which prompted significant infrastructure investments, including the completion of new subway lines like the Hibiya Line to handle increased passenger flows. Drawing brief inspiration from informal pushing practices reported in New York City subways through Japanese media coverage, Tokyo authorities adapted the concept to maintain schedule adherence amid the chaos. The role was first formalized on October 24, 1955, at , one of the world's busiest transport hubs, where staff were initially titled "passenger arrangement staff" (ryokyaku seiri gakari) and consisted largely of retired railway workers and part-time students performing ad-hoc duties to pack commuters into trains. By 1967, these workers were actively pushing passengers onto trains during rush hours at , as documented in contemporary photographs, marking the transition to a more structured intervention on lines such as the Yamanote and Chuo. The approach began experimentally at key stations to address peak-hour bottlenecks, focusing on the 7-9 a.m. influx when trains often exceeded capacity by 180-200%. Over the late and into the , the position evolved from these informal beginnings into a professional, uniformed role, with oshiya becoming the standard term by the mid- as the practice expanded to over 20 major stations during morning peaks. This institutionalization reflected broader efforts to optimize urban mobility in a undergoing explosive growth, ensuring trains departed on time despite extreme densities.

Current implementations

Japan

Passenger pushers, known as oshiya, have been a standardized feature of 's urban rail operations since the 1970s, with their role persisting into the 2020s amid ongoing commuter demands in . Employed by major operators such as JR East and , oshiya assist at over 50 busy stations during peak periods, including the morning rush from 7 to 9 a.m. and evening rush from 5 to 7 p.m., where they help maximize train capacity on severely crowded lines. For instance, at —the world's busiest—over 3 million passengers pass through daily, underscoring the scale of operations where oshiya intervention is routine. The system supports trains operating at 180% or more of rated capacity during peaks, a metric that historically reached 199% on some lines before capacity reforms in the reduced averages but still left many sections congested. In fiscal , Tokyo's average rail congestion rate stood at 136%, up from pandemic lows, with peaks hitting 177% on lines like the and 163% on the Hibiya and Saikyo lines—levels necessitating oshiya support for efficient boarding. Approximately 100 to 200 oshiya are deployed daily across Tokyo's network, focusing on high-volume routes such as the loop-shaped and the Sobu Line. Oshiya are easily recognizable in their formal suits, white gloves for hygiene and secure grip, and whistles to coordinate movements and signal departures. Following COVID-19-related reductions in ridership and temporary spacing protocols, full oshiya operations were reinstated by 2023 as commuter volumes rebounded, with private operators like Keio continuing the tradition on their lines. This adaptation reflects Japan's emphasis on and in a system serving millions amid .

Madrid Metro

In 2017, the introduced "empujadores" (pushers) as a temporary measure to manage overcrowding on Line 4, prompted by the closure of Line 8 for maintenance works from January 26 to April 18. Line 8 provides direct access to Adolfo Suárez Madrid-Barajas Airport, and its closure redirected thousands of daily airport-bound passengers to alternative routes, exacerbating congestion at interchange stations like Avenida de América. This initiative coincided with a broader ridership surge across the network, which saw a 7.22% increase to 626.4 million passengers that year—the highest growth since 2000—driven in part by rising and expanded low-cost flight operations at the airport during the . The pushers, typically 4-5 staff per shift during morning rush hours, assisted passengers in boarding trains and closing doors to maximize capacity without physical force, differing from more intensive practices elsewhere. By 2025, the has sporadically reemployed similar roles, termed "jefes de sector" (sector chiefs), to address platform overcrowding amid ongoing infrastructure disruptions. Since September 6, 2025, approximately 120 additional staff have been deployed at key stations during peak hours from 7 to 10 a.m., focusing on directing commuter flows into already full trains to prevent bottlenecks. These efforts target high-volume areas, including interchanges like Nuevos Ministerios on Line 8, which handles significant commuter traffic estimated at tens of thousands daily, as part of broader operations serving over 715 million annual passengers network-wide as of 2024. The roles involve temporary contracts tied to current works, such as partial closures on Line 6, rather than permanent positions, emphasizing guidance over pushing to facilitate safer boarding. This reintroduction stems from persistent challenges, where despite significant expansions in the —adding over 170 kilometers of track overall—the has struggled to fully match demand growth from urban development and tourism recovery. Recent 2025 reports highlight these measures as a "return" to 2017 tactics for platform relief, particularly at airport-linked stations handling surges from Barajas' role as a major European hub.

Operations and training

Staff selection

In , passenger pushers, known as oshiya, are typically recruited by rail operators such as JR East and for part-time positions aimed at adults aged 18 and older, with a focus on candidates demonstrating to manage the demands of crowded platforms. The hiring process involves advertisements from rail companies offering hourly wages around ¥1,200 or more, in line with regional minimum wages as of 2025, background checks, and no formal education requirements, though prior experience is preferred. A of 1-2 weeks is common to evaluate suitability for the role. The workforce is predominantly male, with shifts generally lasting 2-4 hours and sometimes seasonal to address peak periods. In the , staff for passenger assistance roles, introduced in February 2017 to handle , are selected from reinforcement personnel rather than dedicated pushers, with particular emphasis on line 8 to requiring security training and bilingual skills (Spanish and English) to support international travelers. These positions are temporary and integrated into broader station operations, prioritizing techniques to maintain order without physical force. In 2025, similar reinforcement staff were redeployed amid renewed concerns.

Techniques and procedures

Passenger pushers, known as oshiya in , employ gentle compression techniques using their bodies to assist passengers into overcrowded cars, often pressing from the back or shoulders to avoid using arms, which could lead to for both parties. They wear distinctive white gloves to maintain grip and during physical contact, ensuring a professional and safe interaction. In Japanese protocols, pushers typically alert passengers before initiating the push, such as by announcing their intention to assist boarding, and apply body weight for brief compressions lasting until the doors can close securely. Procedures involve close coordination with train operators and station staff, using visual signals or direct communication to time pushes with door operations and departure schedules, maximizing efficiency during peak hours when trains operate at up to 150-180% capacity—meaning 5 to 6 standing passengers per square meter of floor space. Safety protocols emphasize preventing injuries by ensuring no limbs or belongings are caught in doors and adhering to congestion limits to avoid excessive strain on passengers. In Japan, these limits are enforced to keep occupancy below 150% on major lines, as per rail operator targets since 2020. Variations in practice reflect cultural and operational differences. In , oshiya emphasize politeness, often incorporating bows or apologetic phrases to maintain social harmony amid the physical contact. In the , where staff in similar roles are not officially termed empujadores but asistentes de , the focus is on pre-boarding queue management, with staff reinforcing order on platforms to streamline entry and reduce chaos before any physical assistance is applied.

Challenges and evolution

Safety and criticisms

The practice of passenger pushing has been associated with several safety risks, including the potential for bruises from physical contact, due to extreme crowding, and falls or fainting from the pressure of packed trains. In , a model for crowded platforms identified key factors such as platform length, train gaps, and passenger flow as contributors to accident frequency, underscoring the hazards during rush hours. Historical complaints in 1920s highlighted overcrowding as a major issue, with systems plagued by service breakdowns that exacerbated passenger discomfort and safety concerns. Despite these risks, incidents remain rare in modern implementations, particularly in , where rigorous training and infrastructure like have reduced personal injury accidents on metropolitan platforms by 93.1%. For example, fainting cases linked to occurred sporadically in the , but overall injury rates stayed low thanks to procedural safeguards. In early 20th-century New York, roughness complaints against subway guards who managed crowds led to passenger grievances, though formal pushers were phased out by the . Criticisms of passenger pushing often center on its dehumanizing nature, portraying passengers as mere in debates balancing against human dignity, especially prominent in 2020s discussions on urban transit . Gender-related concerns are acute, as facilitates , with a 2024 government survey finding that one in 10 young Japanese—mostly women—experienced such incidents on . Women have reported feeling uncomfortable with physical pushing in mixed crowds, contributing to the adoption of women-only cars as a partial . Additionally, environmental critiques argue that the practice masks underlying overcapacity issues rather than promoting sustainable solutions like expanded rail to reduce reliance on extreme crowding.

Decline and alternatives

In the United States, passenger pushers originated in subways during the early but never became an official or widespread practice, fading by the 1920s as technological improvements like automatic door controls and turnstiles alleviated peak-hour pressures; by 2025, no official use persists in any U.S. transit system. Reports of passenger pushers in other global systems remain unconfirmed and likely erroneous. In , severe subway overcrowding is managed through security guards, queue controls, and capacity expansions rather than dedicated pushers, with no evidence of the role in major networks like or . Similarly, the in experiences crowding but relies on increased train frequency and platform management, with no verified instances of pushers. To reduce reliance on pushers, transit authorities have pursued capacity expansions and technological alternatives. In during the 2010s, investments in longer platforms and new subway lines, such as extensions to the network, increased passenger throughput and eased boarding congestion. , installed at over 250 Tokyo-area stations by 2010, automate safe boarding and diminish the need for manual intervention. As of early 2025, following 's privatization in October 2024, oshiya continue to assist at high-density stations such as Akasaka-mitsuke, where rush-hour crowding persists. Emerging technologies include AI-powered crowd monitoring systems, which analyze real-time video feeds to predict and mitigate density issues in rail stations, as demonstrated in frameworks for urban metro analytics. In , pilots promoting staggered work shifts and bike-sharing incentives, such as the BiciMAD program, aim to flatten peak demand and shift commuters away from crowded trains. Looking ahead, Japan's transit sector is transitioning toward greater to further minimize physical crowd management. Rail operators like JR East plan to deploy driverless bullet trains by the mid-2030s, enabling more efficient scheduling and reduced staffing needs that could extend to urban subways, ultimately aiming to alleviate overcrowding through optimized operations.

References

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