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A city is a human settlement of a substantial size. The term "city" has different meanings around the world and in some places the settlement can be very small. Even where the term is limited to larger settlements, there is no universally agreed definition of the lower boundary for their size.[1][2] In a narrower sense, a city can be defined as a permanent and densely populated place with administratively defined boundaries whose members work primarily on non-agricultural tasks.[3] Cities generally have extensive systems for housing, transportation, sanitation, utilities, land use, production of goods, and communication. Their density facilitates interaction between people, government organizations, and businesses, sometimes benefiting different parties in the process, such as improving the efficiency of goods and service distribution.
Historically, city dwellers have been a small proportion of humanity overall, but following two centuries of unprecedented and rapid urbanization, more than half of the world population now lives in cities, which has had profound consequences for global sustainability.[4][5] Present-day cities usually form the core of larger metropolitan areas and urban areas—creating numerous commuters traveling toward city centres for employment, entertainment, and education. However, in a world of intensifying globalization, all cities are to varying degrees also connected globally beyond these regions. This increased influence means that cities also have significant influences on global issues, such as sustainable development, climate change, and global health. Because of these major influences on global issues, the international community has prioritized investment in sustainable cities through Sustainable Development Goal 11. Due to the efficiency of transportation and the smaller land consumption, dense cities hold the potential to have a smaller ecological footprint per inhabitant than more sparsely populated areas.[6] Therefore, compact cities are often referred to as a crucial element in fighting climate change.[7] However, this concentration can also have some significant harmful effects, such as forming urban heat islands, concentrating pollution, and stressing water supplies and other resources.
Meaning
[edit]Urban settlements
[edit]Common population definitions for an urban area (city or town) range between 1,500 and 50,000 people, with most U.S. states using a minimum between 1,500 and 5,000 inhabitants.[8][9] Some jurisdictions set no such criteria.[10]
National censuses use a variety of definitions – invoking factors such as population, population density, number of dwellings, economic function, and infrastructure – to classify populations as urban.[11]
City
[edit]
A city can be distinguished from other human settlements by its relatively great size, but also by its functions and its special symbolic status, which may be conferred by a central authority. The term can also refer either to the physical streets and buildings of the city or to the collection of people who dwell there and can be used in a general sense to mean urban rather than rural territory.[13][14]
According to the "functional definition", a city is not distinguished by size alone, but also by the role it plays within a larger political context. Cities serve as administrative, commercial, religious, and cultural hubs for their larger surrounding areas.[15][16] The presence of a literate elite is often associated with cities because of the cultural diversities present in a city.[17][18] A typical city has professional administrators, regulations, and some form of taxation (food and other necessities or means to trade for them) to support the government workers. (This arrangement contrasts with the more typically horizontal relationships in a tribe or village accomplishing common goals through informal agreements between neighbors, or the leadership of a chief.) The governments may be based on heredity, religion, military power, work systems such as canal-building, food distribution, land-ownership, agriculture, commerce, manufacturing, finance, or a combination of these. Societies that live in cities are often called civilizations.
Population size, density
[edit]The degree of urbanization is a modern metric to help define what comprises a city: "a population of at least 50,000 inhabitants in contiguous dense grid cells (>1,500 inhabitants per square kilometer)".[19] This metric was "devised over years by the European Commission, OECD, World Bank and others, and endorsed in March [2021] by the United Nations ... largely for the purpose of international statistical comparison".[20] Typical working definitions for small-city populations start at around 100,000 people.[11]
In specific countries
[edit]In Australia, the definition of what constitutes a city varies between the states.[citation needed]
In the United Kingdom, city status is awarded by the Crown and then remains permanent, with only two exceptions to this rule due to policy changes. A lack of official qualifying criteria results in some particularly small cities, notably St Davids with a population of 1,751 as of 2021[update].
Etymology
[edit]The word city comes from the Latin word citadel i.e. fortress. The related (maybe) civilization come from the Latin root civitas, originally meaning 'citizenship' or 'community member' and eventually coming to correspond with urbs, meaning 'city' in a more physical sense.[13] The Roman civitas was closely linked with the Greek polis—another common root appearing in English words such as metropolis.[21]
In toponymic terminology, names of individual cities and towns are called astionyms (from Ancient Greek ἄστυ 'city or town' and ὄνομα 'name').[22]
Geography
[edit]Urban geography deals both with cities in their larger context and with their internal structure.[23] Cities are estimated to cover about 3% of the land surface of the Earth.[24]
Site
[edit]
Town siting has varied through history according to natural, technological, economic, and military contexts. Access to water has long been a major factor in city placement and growth, and despite exceptions enabled by the advent of rail transport in the nineteenth century, through the present most of the world's urban population lives near the coast or on a river.[25]
Urban areas as a rule cannot produce their own food and therefore must develop some relationship with a hinterland that sustains them.[26] Only in special cases such as mining towns which play a vital role in long-distance trade, are cities disconnected from the countryside which feeds them.[27] Thus, centrality within a productive region influences siting, as economic forces would, in theory, favor the creation of marketplaces in optimal mutually reachable locations.[28]
Center
[edit]The vast majority of cities have a central area containing buildings with special economic, political, and religious significance. Archaeologists refer to this area by the Greek term temenos or if fortified as a citadel.[29] These spaces historically reflect and amplify the city's centrality and importance to its wider sphere of influence.[28] Today cities have a city center or downtown, sometimes coincident with a central business district.
Public space
[edit]
Cities typically have public spaces where anyone can go. These include privately owned spaces open to the public as well as forms of public land such as public domain and the commons. Western philosophy since the time of the Greek agora has considered physical public space as the substrate of the symbolic public sphere.[30][31] Public art adorns (or disfigures) public spaces. Parks and other natural sites within cities provide residents with relief from the hardness and regularity of typical built environments. Urban green spaces are another component of public space that provides the benefit of mitigating the urban heat island effect, especially in cities that are in warmer climates. These spaces prevent carbon imbalances, extreme habitat losses, electricity and water consumption, and human health risks.[32]
Internal structure
[edit]
The urban structure generally follows one or more basic patterns: geomorphic, radial, concentric, rectilinear, and curvilinear. The physical environment generally constrains the form in which a city is built. If located on a mountainside, urban structures may rely on terraces and winding roads. It may be adapted to its means of subsistence (e.g. agriculture or fishing). And it may be set up for optimal defense given the surrounding landscape.[33] Beyond these "geomorphic" features, cities can develop internal patterns, due to natural growth or to city planning.
In a radial structure, main roads converge on a central point. This form could evolve from successive growth over a long time, with concentric traces of town walls and citadels marking older city boundaries. In more recent history, such forms were supplemented by ring roads moving traffic around the outskirts of a town. Dutch cities such as Amsterdam and Haarlem are structured as a central square surrounded by concentric canals marking every expansion. In cities such as Moscow, this pattern is still clearly visible.
A system of rectilinear city streets and land plots, known as the grid plan, has been used for millennia in Asia, Europe, and the Americas. The Indus Valley Civilization built Mohenjo-Daro, Harappa, and other cities on a grid pattern, using ancient principles described by Kautilya, and aligned with the compass points.[34][15][35][36] The ancient Greek city of Priene exemplifies a grid plan with specialized districts used across the Hellenistic Mediterranean.
Urban areas
[edit]The urban-type settlement extends far beyond the traditional boundaries of the city proper[37] in a form of development sometimes described critically as urban sprawl.[38] Decentralization and dispersal of city functions (commercial, industrial, residential, cultural, political) has transformed the very meaning of the term and has challenged geographers seeking to classify territories according to an urban-rural binary.[9]
Metropolitan areas include suburbs and exurbs organized around the needs of commuters, and sometimes edge cities characterized by a degree of economic and political independence. (In the US these are grouped into metropolitan statistical areas for purposes of demography and marketing.) Some cities are now part of a continuous urban landscape called urban agglomeration, conurbation, or megalopolis (exemplified by the BosWash corridor of the Northeastern United States.)[39]
History
[edit]

The emergence of cities from proto-urban settlements, such as Çatalhöyük, is a non-linear development that demonstrates the varied experiences of early urbanization.[40] The cities of Jericho, Aleppo, Byblos, Faiyum, Yerevan, Athens, Matera, Damascus, and Argos are among those laying claim to the longest continual inhabitation.[41][42]
Cities, characterized by population density, symbolic function, and urban planning, have existed for thousands of years.[43] In the conventional view, civilization and the city were both followed by the development of agriculture, which enabled the production of surplus food and thus a social division of labor (with concomitant social stratification) and trade.[44][45] Early cities often featured granaries, sometimes within a temple.[46] A minority viewpoint considers that cities may have arisen without agriculture, due to alternative means of subsistence (fishing),[47] to use as communal seasonal shelters,[48] to their value as bases for defensive and offensive military organization,[49][50] or to their inherent economic function.[51][52][53] Cities played a crucial role in the establishment of political power over an area, and ancient leaders such as Alexander the Great founded and created them with zeal.[54]
Ancient times
[edit]
Jericho and Çatalhöyük, dated to the eighth millennium BC, are among the earliest proto-cities known to archaeologists.[48][55] However, the Mesopotamian city of Uruk from the mid-fourth millennium BC (ancient Iraq) is considered by most archaeologists to be the first true city, innovating many characteristics for cities to follow, with its name attributed to the Uruk period.[56][57][58]
In the fourth and third millennium BC, complex civilizations flourished in the river valleys of Mesopotamia, India,[59][60] China,[61] and Egypt. Excavations in these areas have found the ruins of cities geared variously towards trade, politics, or religion. Some had large, dense populations, but others carried out urban activities in the realms of politics or religion without having large associated populations.
Among the early Old World cities, Mohenjo-daro of the Indus Valley civilization in present-day Pakistan, existing from about 2600 BC, was one of the largest, with a population of 50,000 or more and a sophisticated sanitation system.[62] China's planned cities were constructed according to sacred principles to act as celestial microcosms.[63]
The Ancient Egyptian cities known physically by archaeologists are not extensive.[15] They include (known by their Arab names) El Lahun, a workers' town associated with the pyramid of Senusret II, and the religious city Amarna built by Akhenaten and abandoned. These sites appear planned in a highly regimented and stratified fashion, with a minimalistic grid of rooms for the workers and increasingly more elaborate housing available for higher classes.[64]
In Mesopotamia, the civilization of Sumer, followed by Assyria and Babylon, gave rise to numerous cities, governed by kings and fostered multiple languages written in cuneiform.[65] The Phoenician trading empire, flourishing around the turn of the first millennium BC, encompassed numerous cities extending from Tyre, Cydon, and Byblos to Carthage and Cádiz.
In the following centuries, independent city-states of Greece, especially Athens, developed the polis, an association of male landowning citizens who collectively constituted the city.[66] The agora, meaning "gathering place" or "assembly", was the center of the athletic, artistic, spiritual, and political life of the polis.[67] Rome was the first city that surpassed one million inhabitants. Under the authority of its empire, Rome transformed and founded many cities (Colonia), and with them brought its principles of urban architecture, design, and society.[68]
In the ancient Americas, early urban traditions developed in the Andes and Mesoamerica. In the Andes, the first urban centers developed in the Norte Chico civilization, Chavin and Moche cultures, followed by major cities in the Huari, Chimu, and Inca cultures. The Norte Chico civilization included as many as 30 major population centers in what is now the Norte Chico region of north-central coastal Peru. It is the oldest known civilization in the Americas, flourishing between the 30th and 18th centuries BC.[69] Mesoamerica saw the rise of early urbanism in several cultural regions, beginning with the Olmec and spreading to the Preclassic Maya, the Zapotec of Oaxaca, and Teotihuacan in central Mexico. Later cultures such as the Aztec, Andean civilizations, Mayan, Mississippians, and Pueblo peoples drew on these earlier urban traditions. Many of their ancient cities continue to be inhabited, including major metropolitan cities such as Mexico City, in the same location as Tenochtitlan; while ancient continuously inhabited Pueblos are near modern urban areas in New Mexico, such as Acoma Pueblo near the Albuquerque metropolitan area and Taos Pueblo near Taos; while others like Lima are located nearby ancient Peruvian sites such as Pachacamac.
From 1600 BC, Dhar Tichitt, in the south of present-day Mauritania, presented characteristics suggestive of an incipient form of urbanism.[70][71] The second place to show urban characteristics in West Africa was Dia, in present-day Mali, from 800 BC.[70][71] Both Dhar Tichitt and Dia were founded by the same people: the Soninke, who would later also found the Ghana Empire.[71]
Another ancient site, Jenné-Jeno, in what is today Mali, has been dated to the third century BCE. According to Roderick and Susan McIntosh, Jenné-Jeno did not fit into traditional Western conceptions of urbanity as it lacked monumental architecture and a distinctive elite social class, but it should indeed be considered a city based on a functional redefinition of urban development. In particular, Jenné-Jeno featured settlement mounds arranged according to a horizontal, rather than vertical, power hierarchy, and served as a center of specialized production and exhibited functional interdependence with the surrounding hinterland.[72]
More recently, scholars have concluded that the civilization of Djenne-Djenno was likely established by the Mande progenitors of the Bozo people. Their habitation of the site spanned the period from 3rd century BCE to 13th century CE.[73] Archaeological evidence from Jenné-Jeno, specifically the presence of non-West African glass beads dated from the third century BCE to the fourth century CE, indicates that pre-Arabic trade contacts probably existed between Jenné-Jeno and North Africa.[74]
Additionally, other early urban centers in West Africa, dated to around 500 CE, include Awdaghust, Kumbi Saleh, the ancient capital of Ghana, and Maranda, a center located on a trade route between Egypt and Gao.[75]
Middle Ages
[edit]



The dissolution of the Roman Empire in the West was connected with profound changes in urban fabric of western Europe.[76] In places where Roman administration quickly weakened urbanism went through a profound crisis, even if it continued to remain an important symbolic factor.[77] In regions like Italy or Spain cities diminished in size but nevertheless continued to play a key role in both the economy and government.[78] Late antique cities in the East were also undergoing intense transformations, with increased political participation of the crowds and demographic fluctuations.[79] Christian communities and their doctrinal differences increasingly shaped the urban fabric.[80] The locus of power shifted to Constantinople and to the ascendant Islamic civilization with its major cities Baghdad, Cairo, and Córdoba.[81] From the 9th through the end of the 12th century, Constantinople, the capital of the Eastern Roman Empire, was the largest and wealthiest city in Europe, with a population approaching 1 million.[82][83] The Ottoman Empire gradually gained control over many cities in the Mediterranean area, including Constantinople in 1453.
In the Holy Roman Empire, beginning in the 12th century, free imperial cities such as Nuremberg, Strasbourg, Frankfurt, Basel, Zürich, and Nijmegen became a privileged elite among towns having won self-governance from their local lord or having been granted self-governance by the emperor and being placed under his immediate protection. By 1480, these cities, as far as still part of the empire, became part of the Imperial Estates governing the empire with the emperor through the Imperial Diet.[84]
By the 13th and 14th centuries, some cities had become powerful states, taking surrounding areas under their control or establishing extensive maritime empires. In Italy, medieval communes developed into city-states including the Republic of Venice and the Republic of Genoa. In Northern Europe, cities including Lübeck and Bruges formed the Hanseatic League for collective defense and commerce. Their power was later challenged and eclipsed by the Dutch commercial cities of Ghent, Ypres, and Amsterdam.[85] Similar phenomena existed elsewhere, as in the case of Sakai, which enjoyed considerable autonomy in late medieval Japan.
In the first millennium AD, the Khmer capital of Angkor in Cambodia grew into the most extensive preindustrial settlement in the world by area,[86][87] covering over 1,000 km2 (390 sq mi) and possibly supporting up to one million people.[86][88]
West Africa already had cities before the Common Era, but the consolidation of Trans-Saharan trade in the Middle Ages multiplied the number of cities in the region, as well as making some of them very populous, notably Gao (72,000 inhabitants in 800 AD), Oyo-Ile (50,000 inhabitants in 1400 AD, and may have reached up to 140,000 inhabitants in the 18th century), Ile-Ifẹ̀ (70,000 to 105,000 inhabitants in the 14th and 15th centuries), Niani (50,000 inhabitants in 1400 AD) and Timbuktu (100,000 inhabitants in 1450 AD).[70][89]
Early modern
[edit]In the West, nation-states became the dominant unit of political organization following the Peace of Westphalia in the seventeenth century.[90][91] Western Europe's larger capitals (London and Paris) benefited from the growth of commerce following the emergence of an Atlantic trade. However, most towns remained small.
During the Spanish colonization of the Americas, the old Roman city concept was extensively used. Cities were founded in the middle of the newly conquered territories and were bound to several laws regarding administration, finances, and urbanism.
Industrial age
[edit]The growth of the modern industry from the late 18th century onward led to massive urbanization and the rise of new great cities, first in Europe and then in other regions, as new opportunities brought huge numbers of migrants from rural communities into urban areas. England led the way as London became the capital of a world empire and cities across the country grew in locations strategic for manufacturing.[92] In the United States from 1860 to 1910, the introduction of railroads reduced transportation costs, and large manufacturing centers began to emerge, fueling migration from rural to city areas.
Some industrialized cities were confronted with health challenges associated with overcrowding, occupational hazards of industry, contaminated water and air, poor sanitation, and communicable diseases such as typhoid and cholera. Factories and slums emerged as regular features of the urban landscape.[93]
Post-industrial age
[edit]In the second half of the 20th century, deindustrialization (or "economic restructuring") in the West led to poverty, homelessness, and urban decay in formerly prosperous cities. America's "Steel Belt" became a "Rust Belt" and cities such as Detroit, Michigan, and Gary, Indiana began to shrink, contrary to the global trend of massive urban expansion.[94] Such cities have shifted with varying success into the service economy and public-private partnerships, with concomitant gentrification, uneven revitalization efforts, and selective cultural development.[95] Under the Great Leap Forward and subsequent five-year plans continuing today, China has undergone concomitant urbanization and industrialization and become the world's leading manufacturer.[96][97]
Amidst these economic changes, high technology and instantaneous telecommunication enable select cities to become centers of the knowledge economy.[98][99][100] A new smart city paradigm, supported by institutions such as the RAND Corporation and IBM, is bringing computerized surveillance, data analysis, and governance to bear on cities and city dwellers.[101] Some companies are building brand-new master-planned cities from scratch on greenfield sites.
Urbanization
[edit]

Urbanization is the process of migration from rural to urban areas, driven by various political, economic, and cultural factors. Until the 18th century, an equilibrium existed between the rural agricultural population and towns featuring markets and small-scale manufacturing.[103][104] With the agricultural and industrial revolutions, urban population began its unprecedented growth, both through migration and demographic expansion. In England, the proportion of the population living in cities jumped from 17% in 1801 to 72% in 1891.[105] In 1900, 15% of the world's population lived in cities.[106] The cultural appeal of cities also plays a role in attracting residents.[107]
Urbanization rapidly spread across Europe and the Americas and since the 1950s has taken hold in Asia and Africa as well. The Population Division of the United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs reported in 2014 that for the first time, more than half of the world population lives in cities.[108][a]
Latin America is the most urban continent, with four-fifths of its population living in cities, including one-fifth of the population said to live in shantytowns (favelas, poblaciones callampas, etc.).[115] Batam, Indonesia, Mogadishu, Somalia, Xiamen, China, and Niamey, Niger, are considered among the world's fastest-growing cities, with annual growth rates of 5–8%.[116] In general, the more developed countries of the "Global North" remain more urbanized than the less developed countries of the "Global South"—but the difference continues to shrink because urbanization is happening faster in the latter group. Asia is home to by far the greatest absolute number of city-dwellers: over two billion and counting.[104] The UN predicts an additional 2.5 billion city dwellers (and 300 million fewer country dwellers) worldwide by 2050, with 90% of urban population expansion occurring in Asia and Africa.[108][117]
Megacities, cities with populations in the multi-millions, have proliferated into the dozens, arising especially in Asia, Africa, and Latin America.[118][119] Economic globalization fuels the growth of these cities, as new torrents of foreign capital arrange for rapid industrialization, as well as the relocation of major businesses from Europe and North America, attracting immigrants from near and far.[120] A deep gulf divides the rich and poor in these cities, which usually contain a super-wealthy elite living in gated communities and large masses of people living in substandard housing with inadequate infrastructure and otherwise poor conditions.[121]
Cities around the world have expanded physically as they grow in population, with increases in their surface extent, with the creation of high-rise buildings for residential and commercial use, and with development underground.[122][123]
Urbanization can create rapid demand for water resources management, as formerly good sources of freshwater become overused and polluted, and the volume of sewage begins to exceed manageable levels.[124]
Government
[edit]
The local government of cities takes different forms including prominently the municipality (especially in England, in the United States, India, and former British colonies; legally, the municipal corporation;[125] municipio in Spain and Portugal, and, along with municipalidad, in most former parts of the Spanish and Portuguese empires) and the commune (in France and Chile; or comune in Italy).
The chief official of the city is very often called the "mayor". Whatever their true degree of political authority, the mayor typically acts as the figurehead or personification of their city.[126]
Legal conflicts and issues arise more frequently in cities than elsewhere due to the bare fact of their greater density.[127] Modern city governments thoroughly regulate everyday life in many dimensions, including public and personal health, transport, burial, resource use and extraction, recreation, and the nature and use of buildings. Technologies, techniques, and laws governing these areas—developed in cities—have become ubiquitous in many areas.[128] Municipal officials may be appointed from a higher level of government or elected locally.[129]
Municipal services
[edit]
Cities typically provide municipal services such as education, through school systems; policing, through police departments; and firefighting, through fire departments; as well as the city's basic infrastructure. These are provided more or less routinely, in a more or less equal fashion.[130][131] Responsibility for administration usually falls on the city government, but some services may be operated by a higher level of government,[132] while others may be privately run.[133] Armies may assume responsibility for policing cities in states of domestic turmoil such as America's King assassination riots of 1968.
Finance
[edit]The traditional basis for municipal finance is local property tax levied on real estate within the city. Local government can also collect revenue for services, or by leasing land that it owns.[134] However, financing municipal services, as well as urban renewal and other development projects, is a perennial problem, which cities address through appeals to higher governments, arrangements with the private sector, and techniques such as privatization (selling services into the private sector), corporatization (formation of quasi-private municipally owned corporations), and financialization (packaging city assets into tradeable financial public contracts and other related rights). This situation has become acute in deindustrialized cities and in cases where businesses and wealthier citizens have moved outside of city limits and therefore beyond the reach of taxation.[135][136][137][138] Cities in search of ready cash increasingly resort to the municipal bond, essentially a loan with interest and a repayment date.[139] City governments have also begun to use tax increment financing, in which a development project is financed by loans based on future tax revenues which it is expected to yield.[138] Under these circumstances, creditors and consequently city governments place a high importance on city credit ratings.[140]
Governance
[edit]
Governance includes government but refers to a wider domain of social control functions implemented by many actors including non-governmental organizations.[141] The impact of globalization and the role of multinational corporations in local governments worldwide have led to a shift in perspective on urban governance, away from the "urban regime theory" in which a coalition of local interests functionally govern, toward a theory of outside economic control, widely associated in academics with the philosophy of neoliberalism.[142] In the neoliberal model of governance, public utilities are privatized, the industry is deregulated, and corporations gain the status of governing actors—as indicated by the power they wield in public-private partnerships and over business improvement districts, and in the expectation of self-regulation through corporate social responsibility. The biggest investors and real estate developers act as the city's de facto urban planners.[143]
The related concept of good governance places more emphasis on the state, with the purpose of assessing urban governments for their suitability for development assistance.[144] The concepts of governance and good governance are especially invoked in emergent megacities, where international organizations consider existing governments inadequate for their large populations.[145]
Urban planning
[edit]Urban planning, the application of forethought to city design, involves optimizing land use, transportation, utilities, and other basic systems in order to achieve certain objectives. Urban planners and scholars have proposed overlapping theories as ideals of how plans should be formed. Planning tools, beyond the original design of the city itself, include public capital investment in infrastructure and land-use controls such as zoning. The continuous process of comprehensive planning involves identifying general objectives as well as collecting data to evaluate progress and inform future decisions.[147][148]
Government is legally the final authority on planning but in practice, the process involves both public and private elements. The legal principle of eminent domain is used by the government to divest citizens of their property in cases where its use is required for a project.[148] Planning often involves tradeoffs—decisions in which some stand to gain and some to lose—and thus is closely connected to the prevailing political situation.[149]
The history of urban planning dates back to some of the earliest known cities, especially in the Indus Valley and Mesoamerican civilizations, which built their cities on grids and apparently zoned different areas for different purposes.[15][150] The effects of planning, ubiquitous in today's world, can be seen most clearly in the layout of planned communities, fully designed prior to construction, often with consideration for interlocking physical, economic, and cultural systems.
Society
[edit]Social structure
[edit]Urban society is typically stratified. Spatially, cities are formally or informally segregated along ethnic, economic, and racial lines. People living relatively close together may live, work, and play in separate areas, and associate with different people, forming ethnic or lifestyle enclaves or, in areas of concentrated poverty, ghettoes. While in the US and elsewhere poverty became associated with the inner city, in France it has become associated with the banlieues, areas of urban development that surround the city proper. Meanwhile, across Europe and North America, the racially white majority is empirically the most segregated group. Suburbs in the West, and, increasingly, gated communities and other forms of "privatopia" around the world, allow local elites to self-segregate into secure and exclusive neighborhoods.[151]
Landless urban workers, contrasted with peasants and known as the proletariat, form a growing stratum of society in the age of urbanization. In Marxist doctrine, the proletariat will inevitably revolt against the bourgeoisie as their ranks swell with disenfranchised and disaffected people lacking all stake[clarification needed] in the status quo.[152] The global urban proletariat of today, however, generally lacks the status of factory workers which in the nineteenth century provided access to the means of production.[153]
Economics
[edit]
Historically, cities rely on rural areas for intensive farming to yield surplus crops, in exchange for which they provide money, political administration, manufactured goods, and culture.[26][27] Urban economics tends to analyze larger agglomerations, stretching beyond city limits, in order to reach a more complete understanding of the local labor market.[154]
As hubs of trade, cities have long been home to retail commerce and consumption through the interface of shopping. In the 20th century, department stores using new techniques of advertising, public relations, decoration, and design, transformed urban shopping areas into fantasy worlds encouraging self-expression and escape through consumerism.[155][156]
In general, the density of cities expedites commerce and facilitates knowledge spillovers, helping people and firms exchange information and generate new ideas.[157][158] A thicker labor market allows for better skill matching between firms and individuals. Population density also enables sharing of common infrastructure and production facilities; however, in very dense cities, increased crowding and waiting times may lead to some negative effects.[159]
Although manufacturing fueled the growth of cities, many now rely on a tertiary or service economy. The services in question range from tourism, hospitality, entertainment, and housekeeping to grey-collar work in law, financial consulting, and administration.[95][160]
According to a scientific model of cities by Professor Geoffrey West, with the doubling of a city's size, salaries per capita will generally increase by 15%.[161]
Culture and communications
[edit]

Cities are typically hubs for education and the arts, supporting universities, museums, temples, and other cultural institutions.[163] They feature impressive displays of architecture ranging from small to enormous and ornate to brutal; skyscrapers, providing thousands of offices or homes within a small footprint, and visible from miles away, have become iconic urban features.[164] Cultural elites tend to live in cities, bound together by shared cultural capital, and themselves play some role in governance.[165] By virtue of their status as centers of culture and literacy, cities can be described as the locus of civilization, human history, and social change.[166][167]
Density makes for effective mass communication and transmission of news, through heralds, printed proclamations, newspapers, and digital media. These communication networks, though still using cities as hubs, penetrate extensively into all populated areas. In the age of rapid communication and transportation, commentators have described urban culture as nearly ubiquitous[168][169][170] or as no longer meaningful.[171]
Today, a city's promotion of its cultural activities dovetails with place branding and city marketing, public diplomacy techniques used to inform development strategy; attract businesses, investors, residents, and tourists; and create shared identity and sense of place within the metropolitan area.[172][173][174][175] Physical inscriptions, plaques, and monuments on display physically transmit a historical context for urban places.[176] Some cities, such as Jerusalem, Mecca, and Rome have indelible religious status and for hundreds of years have attracted pilgrims. Patriotic tourists visit Agra to see the Taj Mahal, or New York City to visit the World Trade Center. Elvis lovers visit Memphis to pay their respects at Graceland.[177] Place brands (which include place satisfaction and place loyalty) have great economic value (comparable to the value of commodity brands) because of their influence on the decision-making process of people thinking about doing business in—"purchasing" (the brand of)—a city.[175]
Bread and circuses among other forms of cultural appeal, attract and entertain the masses.[107][178] Sports also play a major role in city branding and local identity formation.[179] Cities go to considerable lengths in competing to host the Olympic Games, which bring global attention and tourism.[180] Paris, a city known for its cultural history, was the site of the most recent Olympics in the summer of 2024.[181]
Warfare
[edit]
Cities play a crucial strategic role in warfare due to their economic, demographic, symbolic, and political centrality. For the same reasons, they are targets in asymmetric warfare. Many cities throughout history were founded under military auspices, a great many have incorporated fortifications, and military principles continue to influence urban design.[182] Indeed, war may have served as the social rationale and economic basis for the very earliest cities.[49][50]
Powers engaged in geopolitical conflict have established fortified settlements as part of military strategies, as in the case of garrison towns, America's Strategic Hamlet Program during the Vietnam War, and Israeli settlements in Palestine.[183] While occupying the Philippines, the US Army ordered local people to concentrate in cities and towns, in order to isolate committed insurgents and battle freely against them in the countryside.[184][185]
During World War II, national governments on occasion declared certain cities open, effectively surrendering them to an advancing enemy in order to avoid damage and bloodshed. Urban warfare proved decisive, however, in the Battle of Stalingrad, where Soviet forces repulsed German occupiers, with extreme casualties and destruction. In an era of low-intensity conflict and rapid urbanization, cities have become sites of long-term conflict waged both by foreign occupiers and by local governments against insurgency.[153][186] Such warfare, known as counterinsurgency, involves techniques of surveillance and psychological warfare as well as close combat,[187] and functionally extends modern urban crime prevention, which already uses concepts such as defensible space.[188]
Although capture is the more common objective, warfare has in some cases spelled complete destruction for a city. Mesopotamian tablets and ruins attest to such destruction,[189] as does the Latin motto Carthago delenda est.[190][191] Since the atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki and throughout the Cold War, nuclear strategists continued to contemplate the use of "counter-value" targeting: crippling an enemy by annihilating its valuable cities, rather than aiming primarily at its military forces.[192][193]
Climate change
[edit]

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Infrastructure
[edit]
Urban infrastructure involves various physical networks and spaces necessary for transportation, water use, energy, recreation, and public functions.[206] Infrastructure carries a high initial cost in fixed capital but lower marginal costs and thus positive economies of scale.[207] Because of the higher barriers to entry, these networks have been classified as natural monopolies, meaning that economic logic favors control of each network by a single organization, public or private.[124][208]
Infrastructure in general plays a vital role in a city's capacity for economic activity and expansion, underpinning the very survival of the city's inhabitants, as well as technological, commercial, industrial, and social activities.[206][207] Structurally, many infrastructure systems take the form of networks with redundant links and multiple pathways, so that the system as a whole continues to operate even if parts of it fail.[208] The particulars of a city's infrastructure systems have historical path dependence because new development must build from what exists already.[207]
Megaprojects such as the construction of airports, power plants, and railways require large upfront investments and thus tend to require funding from the national government or the private sector.[209][208] Privatization may also extend to all levels of infrastructure construction and maintenance.[210]
Urban infrastructure ideally serves all residents equally but in practice may prove uneven—with, in some cities, clear first-class and second-class alternatives.[211][212][124]
Utilities
[edit]Public utilities (literally, useful things with general availability) include basic and essential infrastructure networks, chiefly concerned with the supply of water, electricity, and telecommunications capability to the populace.[213]
Sanitation, necessary for good health in crowded conditions, requires water supply and waste management as well as individual hygiene. Urban water systems include principally a water supply network and a network (sewerage system) for sewage and stormwater. Historically, either local governments or private companies have administered urban water supply, with a tendency toward government water supply in the 20th century and a tendency toward private operation at the turn of the twenty-first.[124][b] The market for private water services is dominated by two French companies, Veolia Water (formerly Vivendi) and Engie (formerly Suez), said to hold 70% of all water contracts worldwide.[124][215]
Modern urban life relies heavily on the energy transmitted through electricity for the operation of electric machines (from household appliances to industrial machines to now-ubiquitous electronic systems used in communications, business, and government) and for traffic lights, street lights, and indoor lighting. Cities rely to a lesser extent on hydrocarbon fuels such as gasoline and natural gas for transportation, heating, and cooking. Telecommunications infrastructure such as telephone lines and coaxial cables also traverse cities, forming dense networks for mass and point-to-point communications.[216]
Transportation
[edit]

Because cities rely on specialization and an economic system based on wage labor, their inhabitants must have the ability to regularly travel between home, work, commerce, and entertainment.[217] City dwellers travel by foot or by wheel on roads and walkways, or use special rapid transit systems based on underground, overground, and elevated rail. Cities also rely on long-distance transportation (truck, rail, and airplane) for economic connections with other cities and rural areas.[218]
City streets historically were the domain of horses and their riders and pedestrians, who only sometimes had sidewalks and special walking areas reserved for them.[219] In the West, bicycles or (velocipedes), efficient human-powered machines for short- and medium-distance travel,[220] enjoyed a period of popularity at the beginning of the twentieth century before the rise of automobiles.[221] Soon after, they gained a more lasting foothold in Asian and African cities under European influence.[222] In Western cities, industrializing, electrifying, and expanding public transit systems, especially streetcars, enabled urban expansion as new residential neighborhoods sprang up along transit lines and workers rode to and from work downtown.[218][223]
Since the mid-20th century, cities have relied heavily on motor vehicle transportation, with major implications for their layout, environment, and aesthetics.[224] (This transformation occurred most dramatically in the US—where corporate and governmental policies favored automobile transport systems—and to a lesser extent in Europe.)[218][223] The rise of personal cars accompanied the expansion of urban economic areas into much larger metropolises, subsequently creating ubiquitous traffic issues with the accompanying construction of new highways, wider streets, and alternative walkways for pedestrians.[225][226][227][173] However, severe traffic jams still occur regularly in cities around the world, as private car ownership and urbanization continue to increase, overwhelming existing urban street networks.[134]
The urban bus system, the world's most common form of public transport, uses a network of scheduled routes to move people through the city, alongside cars, on the roads.[228] The economic function itself also became more decentralized as concentration became impractical and employers relocated to more car-friendly locations (including edge cities).[218] Some cities have introduced bus rapid transit systems which include exclusive bus lanes and other methods for prioritizing bus traffic over private cars.[134][229] Many big American cities still operate conventional public transit by rail, as exemplified by the ever-popular New York City Subway system. Rapid transit is widely used in Europe and has increased in Latin America and Asia.[134]
Walking and cycling ("non-motorized transport") enjoy increasing favor (more pedestrian zones and bike lanes) in American and Asian urban transportation planning, under the influence of such trends as the Healthy Cities movement, the drive for sustainable development, and the idea of a carfree city.[134][230][231] Techniques such as road space rationing and road use charges have been introduced to limit urban car traffic.[134]
Housing
[edit]
The housing of residents presents one of the major challenges every city must face. Adequate housing entails not only physical shelters but also the physical systems necessary to sustain life and economic activity.[232]
Homeownership represents status and a modicum of economic security, compared to renting which may consume much of the income of low-wage urban workers. Homelessness, or lack of housing, is a challenge currently faced by millions of people in countries rich and poor.[233] Because cities generally have higher population densities than rural areas, city dwellers are more likely to reside in apartments and less likely to live in a single-family home.
Ecology
[edit]

Urban ecosystems, influenced as they are by the density of human buildings and activities, differ considerably from those of their rural surroundings. Anthropogenic buildings and waste, as well as cultivation in gardens, create physical and chemical environments which have no equivalents in the wilderness, in some cases enabling exceptional biodiversity. They provide homes not only for immigrant humans but also for immigrant plants, bringing about interactions between species that never previously encountered each other. They introduce frequent disturbances (construction, walking) to plant and animal habitats, creating opportunities for recolonization and thus favoring young ecosystems with r-selected species dominant. On the whole, urban ecosystems are less complex and productive than others, due to the diminished absolute amount of biological interactions.[234][235][236][237]
Typical urban fauna includes insects (especially ants), rodents (mice, rats), and birds, as well as cats and dogs (domesticated and feral). Large predators are scarce.[236] However, in North America, large predators such as coyotes and other large animals like white-tailed deer persist.[238]
Cities generate considerable ecological footprints, locally and at longer distances, due to concentrated populations and technological activities. From one perspective, cities are not ecologically sustainable due to their resource needs. From another, proper management may be able to ameliorate a city's ill effects.[239][240] Air pollution arises from various forms of combustion,[241] including fireplaces, wood or coal-burning stoves, other heating systems,[242] and internal combustion engines. Industrialized cities, and today third-world megacities, are notorious for veils of smog (industrial haze) that envelop them, posing a chronic threat to the health of their millions of inhabitants.[243] Urban soil contains higher concentrations of heavy metals (especially lead, copper, and nickel) and has lower pH than soil in the comparable wilderness.[236]
Modern cities are known for creating their own microclimates, due to concrete, asphalt, and other artificial surfaces, which heat up in sunlight and channel rainwater into underground ducts. The temperature in New York City exceeds nearby rural temperatures by an average of 2–3 °C and at times 5–10 °C differences have been recorded. This effect varies nonlinearly with population changes (independently of the city's physical size).[236][244] Aerial particulates increase rainfall by 5–10%. Thus, urban areas experience unique climates, with earlier flowering and later leaf dropping than in nearby countries.[236]
Poor and working-class people face disproportionate exposure to environmental risks (known as environmental racism when intersecting also with racial segregation). For example, within the urban microclimate, less-vegetated poor neighborhoods bear more of the heat (but have fewer means of coping with it).[245]
One of the main methods of improving the urban ecology is including in the cities more urban green spaces: parks, gardens, lawns, and trees. These areas improve the health and well-being of the human, animal, and plant populations of the cities.[246] Well-maintained urban trees can provide many social, ecological, and physical benefits to the residents of the city.[247]
A study published in Scientific Reports in 2019 found that people who spent at least two hours per week in nature were 23 percent more likely to be satisfied with their life and were 59 percent more likely to be in good health than those who had zero exposure. The study used data from almost 20,000 people in the UK. Benefits increased for up to 300 minutes of exposure. The benefits are applied to men and women of all ages, as well as across different ethnicities, socioeconomic statuses, and even those with long-term illnesses and disabilities. People who did not get at least two hours – even if they surpassed an hour per week – did not get the benefits. The study is the latest addition to a compelling body of evidence for the health benefits of nature. Many doctors already give nature prescriptions to their patients. The study did not count time spent in a person's own yard or garden as time in nature, but the majority of nature visits in the study took place within two miles of home. "Even visiting local urban green spaces seems to be a good thing," Dr. White said in a press release. "Two hours a week is hopefully a realistic target for many people, especially given that it can be spread over an entire week to get the benefit."[248]
World city system
[edit]As the world becomes more closely linked through economics, politics, technology, and culture (a process called globalization), cities have come to play a leading role in transnational affairs, exceeding the limitations of international relations conducted by national governments.[249][250][251] This phenomenon, resurgent today, can be traced back to the Silk Road, Phoenicia, and the Greek city-states, through the Hanseatic League and other alliances of cities.[252][253][254] Today the information economy based on high-speed internet infrastructure enables instantaneous telecommunication around the world, effectively eliminating the distance between cities for the purposes of the international markets and other high-level elements of the world economy, as well as personal communications and mass media.[255]
Global city
[edit]
A global city, also known as a world city, is a prominent centre of trade, banking, finance, innovation, and markets.[256][257] Saskia Sassen used the term "global city" in her 1991 work, The Global City: New York, London, Tokyo to refer to a city's power, status, and cosmopolitanism, rather than to its size.[258] Following this view of cities, it is possible to rank the world's cities hierarchically.[259] Global cities form the capstone of the global hierarchy, exerting command and control through their economic and political influence. Global cities may have reached their status due to early transition to post-industrialism[260] or through inertia which has enabled them to maintain their dominance from the industrial era.[261] This type of ranking exemplifies an emerging discourse in which cities, considered variations on the same ideal type, must compete with each other globally to achieve prosperity.[180][173]
Critics of the notion point to the different realms of power and interchange. The term "global city" is heavily influenced by economic factors and, thus, may not account for places that are otherwise significant. Paul James, for example argues that the term is "reductive and skewed" in its focus on financial systems.[262]
Multinational corporations and banks make their headquarters in global cities and conduct much of their business within this context.[263] American firms dominate the international markets for law and engineering and maintain branches in the biggest foreign global cities.[264]
Large cities have a great divide between populations of both ends of the financial spectrum.[265] Regulations on immigration promote the exploitation of low- and high-skilled immigrant workers from poor areas.[266][267][268] During employment, migrant workers may be subject to unfair working conditions, including working overtime, low wages, and lack of safety in workplaces.[269]
Transnational activity
[edit]Cities increasingly participate in world political activities independently of their enclosing nation-states. Early examples of this phenomenon are the sister city relationship and the promotion of multi-level governance within the European Union as a technique for European integration.[250][270][271] Cities including Hamburg, Prague, Amsterdam, The Hague, and City of London maintain their own embassies to the European Union at Brussels.[272][273][274]
New urban dwellers are increasingly transmigrants, keeping one foot each (through telecommunications if not travel) in their old and their new homes.[275]
Global governance
[edit]Cities participate in global governance by various means including membership in global networks which transmit norms and regulations. At the general, global level, United Cities and Local Governments (UCLG) is a significant umbrella organization for cities; regionally and nationally, Eurocities, Asian Network of Major Cities 21, the Federation of Canadian Municipalities the National League of Cities, and the United States Conference of Mayors play similar roles.[276][277] UCLG took responsibility for creating Agenda 21 for culture, a program for cultural policies promoting sustainable development, and has organized various conferences and reports for its furtherance.[278]
Networks have become especially prevalent in the arena of environmentalism and specifically climate change following the adoption of Agenda 21. Environmental city networks include the C40 Cities Climate Leadership Group, the United Nations Global Compact Cities Programme, the Carbon Neutral Cities Alliance (CNCA), the Covenant of Mayors and the Compact of Mayors,[279] ICLEI – Local Governments for Sustainability, and the Transition Towns network.[276][277]
Cities hold world political status as meeting places for advocacy groups, non-governmental organizations, lobbyists, educational institutions, intelligence agencies, military contractors, information technology firms, and other groups with a stake in world policymaking. They are consequently also sites for symbolic protest.[253][c]
South Africa has one of the highest rates of protests in the world. Pretoria, a city in South Africa, had a rally where five thousand people took part in order to advocate for increasing wages to afford living costs.[280]
United Nations System
[edit]

The United Nations System has been involved in a series of events and declarations dealing with the development of cities during this period of rapid urbanization.
- The Habitat I conference in 1976 adopted the "Vancouver Declaration on Human Settlements" which identifies urban management as a fundamental aspect of development and establishes various principles for maintaining urban habitats.[281]
- Citing the Vancouver Declaration, the UN General Assembly in December 1977 authorized the United Nations Commission Human Settlements and the HABITAT Centre for Human Settlements, intended to coordinate UN activities related to housing and settlements.[282]
- The 1992 Earth Summit in Rio de Janeiro resulted in a set of international agreements including Agenda 21 which establishes principles and plans for sustainable development.[283]
- The Habitat II conference in 1996 called for cities to play a leading role in this program, which subsequently advanced the Millennium Development Goals and Sustainable Development Goals.[284]
- In January 2002 the UN Commission on Human Settlements became an umbrella agency called the United Nations Human Settlements Programme or UN-Habitat, a member of the United Nations Development Group.[282]
- The Habitat III conference of 2016 focused on implementing these goals under the banner of a "New Urban Agenda". The four mechanisms envisioned for effecting the New Urban Agenda are (1) national policies promoting integrated sustainable development, (2) stronger urban governance, (3) long-term integrated urban and territorial planning, and (4) effective financing frameworks.[285][286] Just before this conference, the European Union concurrently approved an "Urban Agenda for the European Union" known as the Pact of Amsterdam.[285]
UN-Habitat coordinates the U.N. urban agenda, working with the UN Environmental Programme, the UN Development Programme, the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, the World Health Organization, and the World Bank.[282]
The World Bank, a U.N. specialized agency, has been a primary force in promoting the Habitat conferences, and since the first Habitat conference has used their declarations as a framework for issuing loans for urban infrastructure.[284] The bank's structural adjustment programs contributed to urbanization in the Third World by creating incentives to move to cities.[287][288] The World Bank and UN-Habitat in 1999 jointly established the Cities Alliance (based at the World Bank headquarters in Washington, D.C.) to guide policymaking, knowledge sharing, and grant distribution around the issue of urban poverty.[289] (UN-Habitat plays an advisory role in evaluating the quality of a locality's governance.)[144] The Bank's policies have tended to focus on bolstering real estate markets through credit and technical assistance.[290]
The United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) has increasingly focused on cities as key sites for influencing cultural governance. It has developed various city networks including the International Coalition of Cities against Racism and the Creative Cities Network. UNESCO's capacity to select World Heritage Sites gives the organization significant influence over cultural capital, tourism, and historic preservation funding.[278]
Representation in culture
[edit]
Cities figure prominently in traditional Western culture, appearing in the Bible in both evil and holy forms, symbolized by Babylon and Jerusalem.[291] Cain and Nimrod are the first city builders in the Book of Genesis. In Sumerian mythology Gilgamesh built the walls of Uruk.
Cities can be perceived in terms of extremes or opposites: at once liberating and oppressive, wealthy and poor, organized and chaotic.[292] The name anti-urbanism refers to various types of ideological opposition to cities, whether because of their culture or their political relationship with the country. Such opposition may result from identification of cities with oppression and the ruling elite.[293] This and other political ideologies strongly influence narratives and themes in discourse about cities.[14] In turn, cities symbolize their home societies.[294]
Writers, painters, and filmmakers have produced innumerable works of art concerning the urban experience. Classical and medieval literature includes a genre of descriptiones which treat of city features and history. Modern authors such as Charles Dickens and James Joyce are famous for evocative descriptions of their home cities.[295] Fritz Lang conceived the idea for his influential 1927 film Metropolis while visiting Times Square and marveling at the nighttime neon lighting.[296] Other early cinematic representations of cities in the twentieth century generally depicted them as technologically efficient spaces with smoothly functioning systems of automobile transport. By the 1960s, however, traffic congestion began to appear in such films as The Fast Lady (1962) and Playtime (1967).[224]
Literature, film, and other forms of popular culture have supplied visions of future cities both utopian and dystopian. The prospect of expanding, communicating, and increasingly interdependent world cities has given rise to images such as Nylonkong (New York, London, Hong Kong)[297] and visions of a single world-encompassing ecumenopolis.[298]
Gallery
[edit]-
Map of Piraeus, designed according to the Hippodameian grid plan
-
Warsaw Old Town after the Warsaw uprising with 85% of the city destroyed
-
Central Park in New York City
See also
[edit]Notes
[edit]- ^ Intellectuals such as H. G. Wells, Patrick Geddes and Kingsley Davis foretold the coming of a mostly urban world throughout the twentieth century.[109][110] The United Nations has long anticipated a half-urban world, earlier predicting the year 2000 as the turning point[111][112] and in 2007 writing that it would occur in 2008.[113] Other researchers had also estimated that the halfway point was reached in 2007.[114] Although the trend is undeniable, the precision of this statistic is dubious, due to reliance on national censuses and to the ambiguities of defining an area as urban.[109][9]
- ^ Water resources in rapidly urbanizing areas are not merely privatized as they are in western countries; since the systems do not exist to begin with, private contracts also entail water industrialization and enclosure.[124] Also, there is a countervailing trend: 100 cities have re-municipalized their water supply since the 1990s.[214]
- ^ One important global political city, described at one time as a world capital, is Washington, D.C. and its metropolitan area, including Tysons and Reston in the Dulles Technology Corridor and the various federal agencies found along the Baltimore–Washington Parkway). Beyond the prominent institutions of U.S. government on the national mall, this area contains 177 embassies, The Pentagon, the Central Intelligence Agency headquarters, the World Bank headquarters, myriad think tanks and lobbying groups, and corporate headquarters for Booz Allen Hamilton, General Dynamics, Capital One, Verisign, Mortgage Electronic Registration Systems, and Gannett Company.[253]
References
[edit]- ^ Goodall, B. (1987). The Penguin Dictionary of Human Geography. London: Penguin.
- ^ Kuper, A.; Kuper, J., eds. (1996). The Social Science Encyclopedia (2nd ed.). London: Routledge.
- ^ Caves, R. W. (2004). Encyclopedia of the City. Routledge. p. 99.
- ^ Ritchie, Hannah; Roser, Max (13 June 2018). "Urbanization". Our World in Data. Archived from the original on 29 October 2020. Retrieved 14 February 2021.
- ^ James, Paul; with Magee, Liam; Scerri, Andy; Steger, Manfred B. (2015). Urban Sustainability in Theory and Practice: Circles of Sustainability. London: Routledge. ISBN 978-1-315-76574-7. Archived from the original on 1 March 2020. Retrieved 20 December 2017.
- ^ "Cities: a 'cause of and solution to' climate change". UN News. 18 September 2019. Archived from the original on 4 March 2021. Retrieved 20 March 2021.
- ^ "Sustainable cities must be compact and high-density". The Guardian. 30 June 2011. Archived from the original on 9 March 2021. Retrieved 20 March 2021.
- ^ "Table 6 Archived 11 August 2017 at the Wayback Machine" in United Nations Demographic Yearbook (2015 Archived 8 July 2018 at the Wayback Machine), the 1988 version of which is quoted in Carter (1995), pp. 10–12.
- ^ a b c Hugo, Graeme; Champion, Anthony; Lattes, Alfredo. "Toward a New Conceptualization of Settlements for Demography Archived 29 July 2020 at the Wayback Machine", Population and Development Review 29(2), June 2003.
- ^ "How NC Municipalities Work – North Carolina League of Municipalities". nclm.org. Archived from the original on 16 May 2010.
- ^ a b "Population by region – Urban population by city size – OECD Data". theOECD. Archived from the original on 3 June 2019. Retrieved 3 June 2019.
- ^ Moholy-Nagy (1968), p. 45.
- ^ a b "city, n.", Oxford English Dictionary, June 2014.
- ^ a b Lynch, Kevin A., "What Is the Form of a City, and How Is It Made?"; in Marzluff et al. (2008), p. 678. "The city may be looked on as a story, a pattern of relations between human groups, a production and distribution space, a field of physical force, a set of linked decisions, or an arena of conflict. Values are embedded in these metaphors: historic continuity, stable equilibrium, productive efficiency, capable decision and management, maximum interaction, or the progress of political struggle. Certain actors become the decisive elements of transformation in each view: political leaders, families and ethnic groups, major investors, the technicians of transport, the decision elite, the revolutionary classes."
- ^ a b c d Smith, "Earliest Cities Archived 29 June 2010 at the Wayback Machine", in Gmelch & Zenner (2002).
- ^ Marshall (1989), pp. 14–15.
- ^ Prokopovych, M. (13 May 2015). Literary and artistic metropolises. EGO. Retrieved 5 March 2023, from http://ieg-ego.eu/en/threads/crossroads/courts-and-cities/markian-prokopovych-rosemary-h-sweet-literary-and-artistic-metropolises
- ^ Kaplan et al. (2004), pp. 23–24.
- ^ Dijkstra, Lewis; Hamilton, Ellen; Lall, Somik; Wahba, Sameh (10 March 2020). "How do we define cities, towns, and rural areas?". Archived from the original on 6 October 2021. Retrieved 2 October 2021.
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- ^ Room 1996, p. 13.
- ^ Carter (1995), pp. 5–7. "[...] the two main themes of study introduced at the outset: the town as a distributed feature and the town as a feature with internal structure, or in other words, the town in area and the town as area."
- ^ Bataille, L., "From passive to energy generating assets", Energy in Buildings & Industry, October 2021 Archived 12 February 2022 at the Wayback Machine, p. 34. Retrieved 12 February 2022
- ^ Marshall (1989), pp. 11–14.
- ^ a b Kaplan et al. (2004), pp. 155–156.
- ^ a b Marshall (1989), p. 15. "The mutual interdependence of town and country has one consequence so obvious that it is easily overlooked: at the global scale, cities are generally confined to areas capable of supporting a permanent agricultural population. Moreover, within any area possessing a broadly uniform level of agricultural productivity, there is a rough but definite association between the density of the rural population and the average spacing of cities above any chosen minimum size."
- ^ a b Latham et al. 2009, p. 18: "From the simplest forms of exchange, when peasant farmers literally brought their produce from the fields into the densest point of interaction—giving us market towns—the significance of central places to surrounding territories began to be asserted. As cities grew in complexity, the major civic institutions, from seats of government to religious buildings, would also come to dominate these points of convergence. Large central squares or open spaces reflected the importance of collective gatherings in city life, such as Tiananmen Square in Beijing, the Zócalo in Mexico City, the Piazza Navonae in Rome and Trafalgar Square in London."
- ^ Kaplan et al. (2004), pp. 34–35. "In the center of the city, an elite compound or temenos was situated. Study of the very earliest cities show this compound to be largely composed of a temple and supporting structures. The temple rose some 40 feet above the ground and would have presented a formidable profile to those far away. The temple contained the priestly class, scribes, and record keepers, as well as granaries, schools, crafts—almost all non-agricultural aspects of society."
- ^ Latham et al. 2009, pp. 177–179.
- ^ Mitchell, Don (1995). "The End of Public Space?People's Park, Definitions of the Public, and Democracy" (PDF). Annals of the Association of American Geographers. 85 (1): 108–133. doi:10.1111/j.1467-8306.1995.tb01797.xa (inactive 6 July 2025).
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- ^ Moholy-Nagy (1968), 21–33.
- ^ Pant, Mohan; Fumo, Shjui (2005). "The Grid and Modular Measures in The Town Planning of Mohenjodaro and Kathmandu Valley. A Study on Modular Measures in Block and Plot Divisions in the Planning of Mohenjodaro and Sirkap (Pakistan), and Thimi (Kathmandu Valley)". Journal of Asian Architecture and Building Engineering. 59 (4): 51–59. doi:10.3130/jaabe.4.51.
- ^ Danino, Matthew (2008). "New Insights into Harappan Town-Planning, Proportions and Units, with Special Reference to Dholavira" (PDF). Man and Environment. 33 (1): 66–79. Archived from the original (PDF) on 25 May 2017.
- ^ Jane McIntosh, The Ancient Indus Valley: New Perspectives; ABC-CLIO, 2008; ISBN 978-1-57607-907-2 pp. 231 Archived 29 July 2020 at the Wayback Machine, 346 Archived 29 July 2020 at the Wayback Machine.
- ^ Carter (1995), p. 15. "In the underbound city the administratively defined area is smaller than the physical extent of settlement. In the overbound city the administrative area is greater than the physical extent. The 'truebound' city is one where the administrative bound is nearly coincidental with the physical extent."
- ^ Paul James; Meg Holden; Mary Lewin; Lyndsay Neilson; Christine Oakley; Art Truter; David Wilmoth (2013). "Managing Metropolises by Negotiating Mega-Urban Growth". In Harald Mieg; Klaus Töpfer (eds.). Institutional and Social Innovation for Sustainable Urban Development. Routledge. Archived from the original on 16 August 2021. Retrieved 20 December 2017.
- ^ Fang, Chuanglin; Yu, Danlin (2017). "Urban agglomeration: An evolving concept of an emerging phenomenon". Landscape and Urban Planning. 162: 126–136. Bibcode:2017LUrbP.162..126F. doi:10.1016/j.landurbplan.2017.02.014.
- ^ Mazzucato, Camilla (9 May 2019). "Socio-Material Archaeological Networks at Çatalhöyük a Community Detection Approach". Frontiers in Digital Humanities. 6 8. doi:10.3389/fdigh.2019.00008. ISSN 2297-2668.
- ^ "10 oldest cities in the world". EducationWorld. 22 February 2019. Retrieved 26 October 2023.
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- ^ Nick Compton, "What is the oldest city in the world?", The Guardian, 16 February 2015.
- ^ (Bairoch 1988, pp. 3–4)
- ^ (Pacione 2001, p. 16)
- ^ Kaplan et al. (2004), p. 26. "Early cities also reflected these preconditions in that they served as places where agricultural surpluses were stored and distributed. Cities functioned economically as centers of extraction and redistribution from countryside to granaries to the urban population. One of the main functions of this central authority was to extract, store, and redistribute the grain. It is no accident that granaries—storage areas for grain—were often found within the temples of early cities."
- ^ Pournelle, Jennifer R. (31 December 2007). "KLM to Corona: A Bird's Eye View of Cultural Ecology and Early Mesopotamian Urbanization". In Elizabeth C. Stone (ed.). Settlement and Society: Essays Dedicated to Robert McCormick Adams. Cotsen Institute of Archaeology, UCLA, and Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago. pp. 29–62. doi:10.2307/j.ctvdjrqjp.8. ISBN 978-1-938770-97-5.
- ^ a b Perlman, Fredy, Against His-Story, Against Leviathan, Detroit: Black & Red, 1983; p. 16.
- ^ a b Mumford (1961), pp. 39–46. "As the physical means increased, this one-sided power mythology, sterile, indeed hostile to life, pushed its way into every corner of the urban scene and found, in the new institution of organized war, its completest expression. [...] Thus both the physical form and the institutional life of the city, from the very beginning to the urban implosion, were shaped in no small measure by the irrational and magical purposes of war. From this source sprang the elaborate system of fortifications, with walls, ramparts, towers, canals, ditches, that continued to characterize the chief historic cities, apart from certain special cases—as during the Pax Romana—down to the eighteenth century. [...] War brought concentration of social leadership and political power in the hands of a weapons-bearing minority, abetted by a priesthood exercising sacred powers and possessing secret but valuable scientific and magical knowledge."
- ^ a b Ashworth (1991), pp. 12–13.
- ^ (Jacobs 1969, p. 23)
- ^ Taylor, Peter J. (2012). "Extraordinary Cities: Early 'City-ness' and the Origins of Agriculture and States". International Journal of Urban and Regional Research. 36 (3): 415–447. doi:10.1111/j.1468-2427.2011.01101.x. hdl:10.1111/j.1468-2427.2011.01101.x. ISSN 0309-1317.; see also GaWC Research Bulletins 359 Archived 11 November 2017 at the Wayback Machine and 360 Archived 13 November 2017 at the Wayback Machine.
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- ^ McQuillan (1937/1987), §1.03. "The ancients fostered the spread of urban culture; their efforts were constant to bring their people within the complete influence of municipal life. The desire to create cities was the most striking characteristic of the people of antiquity, and ancient rulers and statesmen vied with one another in satisfying that desire."
- ^ Southall (1998), p. 23.
- ^ Department of Ancient Near Eastern Art (October 2003). "Uruk: The First City". The Metropolitan Museum of Art. Archived from the original on 1 April 2020. Retrieved 5 March 2022.
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- ^ Southall (1998), pp. 38–43.
- ^ Moholy-Nagy (1968), pp. 158–161.
- ^ Adams, Robert McCormick (1981). Heartland of cities: surveys of ancient settlement and land use on the central floodplain of the Euphrates (PDF). Chicago and London: University of Chicago press. p. 2. ISBN 978-0-226-00544-7. Archived (PDF) from the original on 13 November 2018.
Southern Mesopotamia was a land of cities. It became one precociously, before the end of the fourth millennium B.C. Urban traditions remained strong and virtually continuous through the vicissitudes of conquest, internal upheaval accompanied by widespread economic breakdown, and massive linguistic and population replacement. The symbolic and material content of civilization obviously changed, but its cultural ambience remained tied to cities.
- ^ Pocock, J.G.A. (1998). The Citizenship Debates. Chapter 2 – The Ideal of Citizenship since Classical Times (originally published in Queen's Quarterly 99, no. 1). Minneapolis, MN: The University of Minnesota. p. 31. ISBN 978-0-8166-2880-3. Archived from the original on 9 June 2016. Retrieved 11 November 2015.
- ^ Ring, Trudy; Salkin, Robert; Boda, Sharon (1996). International Dictionary of Historic Places: Southern Europe. Routledge. p. 66. ISBN 978-1-884964-02-2.
- ^ Kaplan et al. (2004), pp. 41–42. "Rome created an elaborate urban system. Roman colonies were organized as a means of securing Roman territory. The first thing that Romans did when they conquered new territories was to establish cities."
- ^ Shady Solís, Ruth Martha (1997). La ciudad sagrada de Caral-Supe en los albores de la civilización en el Perú (in Spanish). Lima: UNMSM, Fondo Editorial. Archived from the original on 7 February 2009. Retrieved 3 March 2007.
- ^ a b c Monroe, J. Cameron (2018). ""Elephants for Want of Towns": Archaeological Perspectives on West African Cities and Their Hinterlands". Journal of Archaeological Research. 26 (4): 387–446. doi:10.1007/s10814-017-9114-2.
- ^ a b c MacDonald, Kevin (2015). "The Tichitt tradition in the West African Sahel". In Barker, Graeme; Barker, Candice (eds.). The Cambridge World History. Cambridge, United Kingdom: Cambridge University Press. pp. 409–513.
- ^ McIntosh, Roderic J., McIntosh, Susan Keech. "Early Urban Configurations on the Middle Niger: Clustered Cities and Landscapes of Power," Chapter 5.
- ^ Vydrin, Valentin (2018). "Mande Languages". Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Linguistics. Oxford University Press. doi:10.1093/acrefore/9780199384655.013.397. ISBN 978-0-19-938465-5.
- ^ History of African Cities South of the Sahara Archived 2008-01-24 at the Wayback Machine By Catherine Coquery-Vidrovitch. 2005. ISBN 1-55876-303-1
- ^ Wickham, Chris (2006). Framing the early Middle Ages: Europe and the Mediterranean 400-800 (First published in paperback ed.). Oxford New York, NY: Oxford University Press. pp. 591–692. ISBN 978-0-19-921296-5.
- ^ Fafinski, Mateusz (2021). Roman infrastructure in early medieval Britain: the adaptations of the past in text and stone. Early medieval North Atlantic. Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press. pp. 83–142. ISBN 978-90-485-5197-2.
- ^ Osland, Daniel (2 September 2023). "The Role of Cities in the Early Medieval Economy". Al-Masāq. 35 (3): 343–363. doi:10.1080/09503110.2023.2211882. ISSN 0950-3110.
- ^ de Oliveira, Julio Cesar Magalhães (1 November 2020). "Late Antiquity: The Age of Crowds?*". Past & Present (249): 3–52. doi:10.1093/pastj/gtz063. ISSN 0031-2746.
- ^ Fafinski, Mateusz (4 April 2024). "A Restless City: Edessa and Urban Actors in the Syriac Acts of the Second Council of Ephesus". Al-Masāq: 1–25. doi:10.1080/09503110.2024.2331915. ISSN 0950-3110.
- ^ Kaplan et al. (2004), p. 43. "Capitals like Córdoba and Cairo had populations of about 500,000; Baghdad probably had a population of more than 1 million. This urban heritage would continue despite the conquests of the Seljuk Turks and the later Crusades. China, the longest standing civilization, was in the midst of a golden age as the Tang dynasty gave way—after a short period of fragmentation—to the Song dynasty. This dynasty ruled two of the most impressive cities on the planet, Xian and Hangzhou. / In contrast, poor Western Europe had not recovered from the sacking of Rome and the collapse of the western half of the Roman Empire. For more than five centuries a steady process of deurbanization—whereby the population living in cities and the number of cities declined precipitously—had converted a prosperous landscape into a scary wilderness, overrun with bandits, warlords, and rude settlements."
- ^ Cameron, Averil (2009). The Byzantines. John Wiley and Sons. p. 47. ISBN 978-1-4051-9833-2. Archived from the original on 23 May 2020. Retrieved 24 January 2015.
- ^ Laiou, Angeliki E. (2002). "Writing the Economic History of Byzantium". In Angeliki E. Laiou (ed.). The Economic History of Byzantium (Volume 1). Washington, DC: Dumbarton Oaks. pp. 130–131. Archived from the original on 18 February 2012. Retrieved 6 June 2012.
- ^ "Free and Imperial Cities – Dictionary definition of Free and Imperial Cities". encyclopedia.com. Archived from the original on 29 May 2018. Retrieved 29 May 2018.
- ^ Kaplan et al. (2004), pp. 47–50.
- ^ a b Evans et al., A comprehensive archaeological map of the world's largest preindustrial settlement complex at Angkor, Cambodia Archived 22 April 2017 at the Wayback Machine, Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the US, 23 August 2007.
- ^ "Map reveals ancient urban sprawl Archived 28 October 2007 at the Wayback Machine", BBC News, 14 August 2007.
- ^ Metropolis: Angkor, the world's first mega-city Archived 19 September 2011 at the Wayback Machine, The Independent, 15 August 2007
- ^ African cities from 500 AD to 1900 Archived 17 February 2022 at the Wayback Machine By David Satterthwaite. 2021.
- ^ Curtis (2016), pp. 5–6. "In the modern international system, cities were subjugated and internalized by the state, and, with industrialization, became the great growth engines of national economies."
- ^ Nicholas Blomley, "What Sort of a Legal Space is a City?" in Brighenti (2013), pp. 1–20. "Municipalities, within this frame, are understood as nested within the jurisdictional space of the provinces. Indeed, rather than freestanding legal sites, they are imagined as products (or 'creatures') of the provinces who may bring them into being or dissolve them as they choose. As with the provinces their powers are of a delegated form: they may only exercise jurisdiction over areas that have been expressly identified by enabling legislation. Municipal law may not conflict with provincial law, and may only be exercised within its defined territory. [...]
Yet we are [in] danger [of] missing the reach of municipal law: '[e]ven in highly constitutionalized regimes, it has remained possible for municipalities to micro-manage space, time, and activities through police regulations that infringe both on constitutional rights and private property in often extreme ways' (Vaverde 2009: 150). While liberalism fears the encroachments of the state, it seems less worried about those of the municipality. Thus if a national government proposed a statute forbidding public gatherings or sporting events, a revolution would occur. Yet municipalities routinely enact sweeping by-laws directed at open ended (and ill-defined) offences such as loitering and obstruction, requiring permits for protests or requiring residents and homeowners to remove snow from the city's sidewalks." - ^ Kaplan et al. (2004), pp. 53–54. "England was clearly at the center of these changes. London became the first truly global city by placing itself within the new global economy. English colonialism in North America, the Caribbean, South Asia, and later Africa and China helped to further fatten the wallets of many of its merchants. These colonies would later provide many of the raw materials for industrial production. England's hinterland was no longer confined to a portion of the world; it effectively became a global hinterland."
- ^ Kaplan et al. (2004), pp. 54–55.
- ^ Steven High, Industrial Sunset: The Making of North America's Rust Belt, 1969–1984; University of Toronto Press, 2003; ISBN 0-8020-8528-8. "It is now clear that the deindustrialization thesis is part myth and part fact. Robert Z. Lawrence, for example, uses aggregate economic data to show that manufacturing employment in the United States did not decline but actually increased from 16.8 million in 1960, to 20.1 million in 1973, and 20.3 million in 1980. However, manufacturing employment was in relative decline. Barry Bluestone noted that manufacturing represented a decreasing proportion of the U.S. labour force, from 26.2 per cent in 1973 to 22.1 per cent in 1980. Studies in Canada have likewise shown that manufacturing employment was only in relative decline during these years. Yet mills and factories did close, and towns and cities lost their industries. John Cumbler submitted that 'depressions do not manifest themselves only at moments of national economic collapse' such as in the 1930s, but 'also recur in scattered sites across the nation in regions, in industries, and in communities.'"
- ^ a b Kaplan (2004), pp. 160–165. "Entrepreneurial leadership became manifest through growth coalitions made up of builders, realtors, developers, the media, government actors such as mayors, and dominant corporations. For example, in St. Louis, Anheuser-Busch, Monsanto, and Ralston Purina played prominent roles. The leadership involved cooperation between public and private interests. The results were efforts at downtown revitalization; inner-city gentrification; the transformation of the CBD to advanced service employment; entertainment, museums, and cultural venues; the construction of sports stadiums and sport complexes; and waterfront development."
- ^ James Xiaohe Zhang, "Rapid urbanization in China and its impact on the world economy"; 16th Annual Conference on Global Economic Analysis, "New Challenges for Global Trade in a Rapidly Changing World", Shanhai Institute of Foreign Trade, 12–14 June 2013.
- ^ Ian Johnson, "China's Great Uprooting: Moving 250 Million Into Cities Archived 29 August 2017 at the Wayback Machine"; The New York Times, 15 June 2013.
- ^ Castells, Manuel (2004). The network society: a cross-cultural perspective. London: E. Elgar. ISBN 978-1-84376-505-9.
- ^ Flew, T. (2008). New media: an introduction, 3rd edn, South Melbourne: Oxford University Press
- ^ Harford, T. (2008) The Logic of Life. London: Little, Brown.
- ^ Shelton, Taylor; Zook, Matthew; Wiig, Alan (27 October 2014). "The 'actually existing smart city'". Cambridge Journal of Regions, Economy and Society. 8 (1): 13–25. doi:10.1093/cjres/rsu026. ISSN 1752-1378.
- ^ "United Nations, Department of Economic and Social Affairs, Population Division (2014). World Urbanization Prospects". Archived from the original (CD-ROM) on 6 July 2018.
- ^ The Urbanization and Political Development of the World System:A comparative quantitative analysis. History & Mathematics 2 (2006): 115–153 Archived 18 May 2019 at the Wayback Machine.
- ^ a b William H. Frey & Zachary Zimmer, "Defining the City"; in Paddison (2001).
- ^ Watson, Christopher. "Trends in urbanization Archived 2016-03-05 at the Wayback Machine", Proceedings of the First International Conference on Urban Pests Archived 10 October 2017 at the Wayback Machine, ed. K.B. Wildey and William H. Robinson, 1993.
- ^ Annez, Patricia Clarke; Buckley, Robert M. (2009). "Urbanization and Growth: Setting the Context" (PDF). In Spence, Michael; Annez, Patricia Clarke; Buckley, Robert M. (eds.). Urbanization and Growth. Commission on Growth and Development. ISBN 978-0-8213-7573-0. Archived (PDF) from the original on 25 May 2017. Retrieved 20 May 2017.
- ^ a b Moholy-Nagy (1968), pp. 136–137. "Why do anonymous people—the poor, the underprivileged, the unconnected—frequently prefer life under miserable conditions in tenements to the healthy order and tranquility of small towns or the sanitary subdivisions of semirural developments? The imperial planners and architects knew the answer, which is as valid today as it was 2,000 years ago. Big cities were created as power images of a competitive society, conscious of its achievement potential. Those who came to live in them did so in order to participate and compete on any attainable level. Their aim was to share in public life, and they were willing to pay for this share with personal discomfort. 'Bread and games' was a cry for opportunity and entertainment still ranking foremost among urban objectives."
- ^ a b Somini Sengupta, "U.N. Finds Most People Now Live in Cities Archived 5 July 2017 at the Wayback Machine"; The New York Times, 10 July 2014. Referring to: United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs, Population Division; World Urbanization Prospects: 2014 Revision Archived 6 July 2018 at the Wayback Machine; New York: United Nations, 2014.
- ^ a b Brenner, Neil; Schmid, Christian (2014). "The 'Urban Age' in Question". International Journal of Urban and Regional Research. 38 (3): 731–755. doi:10.1111/1468-2427.12115. ISSN 0309-1317.
- ^ McQuillin (1937/1987), §1.55.
- ^ "Patterns of Urban and Rural Population Growth Archived 2018-11-13 at the Wayback Machine", Department of International Economic and Social Affairs, Population Studies No. 68; New York, United Nations, 1980; p. 15. "If the projections prove to be accurate, the next century will begin just after the world population achieves an urban majority; in 2000, the world is projected to be 51.3 per cent urban."
- ^ Edouart Glissant (Editor-in-Chief), UNESCO "Courier" ("The Urban Explosion Archived 12 June 2017 at the Wayback Machine"), March 1985.
- ^ "World Urbanization Prospects: The 2007 Revision" (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on 13 August 2011. Retrieved 29 June 2017.
- ^ Mike Hanlon, "World Population Becomes More Urban Than Rural Archived 28 June 2017 at the Wayback Machine"; New Atlas, 28 May 2007.
- ^ Paulo A. Paranagua, "Latin America struggles to cope with record urban growth Archived 17 May 2016 at the Wayback Machine" (), The Guardian, 11 September 2012. Referring to UN-Habitat, The State of Latin American and Caribbean Cities 2012: Towards a new urban transition Archived 13 November 2018 at the Wayback Machine; Nairobi: United Nations Human Settlements Programme, 2012.
- ^ Helen Massy-Beresford, "Where is the fastest growing city in the world? Archived 15 May 2017 at the Wayback Machine"; The Guardian, 18 November 2015.
- ^ Mark Anderson & Achilleas Galatsidas, "Urban population boom poses massive challenges for Africa and Asia Archived 10 October 2017 at the Wayback Machine" The Guardian (Development data: Datablog), 10 July 2014.
- ^ Kaplan et al. (2004), p. 15. "Global cities need to be distinguished from megacities, defined here as cities with more than 8 million people. [...] Only New York and London qualified as megacities 50 years ago. By 1990, just over 10 years ago, 20 megacities existed, 15 of which were in less economically developed regions of the world. In 2000, the number of megacities had increased to 26, again all except 6 are located in the less developed world regions."
- ^ Frauke Kraas & Günter Mertins, "Megacities and Global Change"; in Kraas et al. (2014), p. 2. "While seven megacities (with more than five million inhabitants) existed in 1950 and 24 in 1990, by 2010 there were 55 and by 2025 there will be—according to estimations—87 megacities (UN 2012; Fig. 1). "
- ^ Frauke Kraas & Günter Mertins, "Megacities and Global Change"; in Kraas et al. (2014), pp. 2–3. "Above all, globalisation processes were and are the motors that drive these enormous changes and are also the driving forces, together with transformation and liberalisation policies, behind the economic developments of the last c. 25 years (in China, especially the so-called socialism with Chinese characteristics that started under Deng Xiaoping in 1978/1979, in India essentially during the course of the economic reform policies of the so-called New Economic Policy as of 1991"; Cartier 2001; Nissel 1999). Especially in megacities, these reforms led to enormous influx of foreign direct investments, to intensive industrialization processes through international relocation of production locations and depending upon the location, partially to considerable expansion of the services sector with increasing demand for office space as well as to a reorientation of national support policies—with a not to be mistaken influence of transnationally acting conglomerates but also considerable transfer payments from overseas communities. In turn, these processes are flanked and intensified through, at times, massive migration movements of national and international migrants into the megacities (Baur et al. 2006).
- ^ Shipra Narang Suri & Günther Taube, "Governance in Megacities: Experiences, Challenges and Implications for International Cooperation"; in Kraas et al. (2014), p. 196.
- ^ Graham, Stephen; Hewitt, Lucy (February 2013). "Getting off the ground: On the politics of urban verticality". Progress in Human Geography. 37 (1): 72–92. doi:10.1177/0309132512443147. ISSN 0309-1325. S2CID 129435992. Archived (PDF) from the original on 10 October 2017 – via ResearchGate.
- ^ Eduardo F.J. de Mulder, Jacques Besner, & Brian Marker, "Underground Cities"; in Kraas et al. (2014), pp. 26–29.
- ^ a b c d e f Bakker, Karen (December 2003). "Archipelagos and networks: urbanization and water privatization in the South". The Geographical Journal. 169 (4): 328–341. Bibcode:2003GeogJ.169..328B. doi:10.1111/j.0016-7398.2003.00097.x.
The diversity of water supply management systems worldwide—which operate along a continuum between fully public and fully private—bear witness to repeated shifts back and forth between private and public ownership and management of water systems.
- ^ Williams, Joan (1 January 1985). "The Invention of the Municipal Corporation: A Case Study in Legal Change". American University Law Review. 34: 369. Archived from the original on 10 October 2017.
- ^ Latham et al. 2009, p. 146: "The figurehead of city leadership is, of course, the mayor. As 'first citizen', mayors are often associated with political parties, yet many of the most successful mayors are often those whoare able to speak 'for' their city. Rudy Giuliani, for example, while pursuing a neo-liberal political agenda, was often seen as being outside the mainstream of the national Republican party. Furthermore, mayors are often crucial in articulating the interests of their cities to external agents, be they national governments or major public and private investors."
- ^ McQuillan (1937/1987), §1.63. "The problem of achieving equitable balance between the two freedoms is infinitely greater in urban, metropolitan and megalopolitan situations than in sparsely settled districts and rural areas. / In the latter, sheer intervening space acts as a buffer between the privacy and well-being of one resident and the potential encroachments thereon by his neighbors in the form of noise, air or water pollution, absence of sanitation, or whatever. In a congested urban situation, the individual is powerless to protect himself from the "free" (i.e., inconsiderate or invasionary) acts of others without himself being guilty of a form of encroachment."
- ^ McQuillan (1937/1987), §1.08.
- ^ McQuillan (1937/1987), §1.33.
- ^ Bryan D. Jones, Saadia R. Greenbeg, Clifford Kaufman, & Joseph Drew, "Service Delivery Rules and the Distribution of Local Government Services: Three Detroit Bureaucracies"; in Hahn & Levine (1980). "Local government bureaucracies more or less explicitly accept the goal of implementing rational criteria for the delivery of services to citizens, even though compromises may have to be made in the establishment of these criteria. These production oriented criteria often give rise to "service deliver rules", regularized procedures for the delivery of services, which are attempts to codify the productivity goals of urban service bureaucracies. These rules have distinct, definable distributional consequences which often go unrecognized. That is, the decisions of governments to adopt rational service delivery rules can (and usually do) differentially benefit citizens."
- ^ Lineberry, Robert L. "Mandating Urban Equality: The Distribution of Municipal Public Services"; in Hahn & Levine (1980). See: Hawkins v. Town of Shaw (1971).
- ^ George Nilson, "Baltimore police under state control for good reason Archived 10 October 2017 at the Wayback Machine", Baltimore Sun 28 February 2017.
- ^ Dilger, Robert Jay; Moffett, Randolph R.; Struyk, Linda (1997). "Privatization of Municipal Services in America's Largest Cities". Public Administration Review. 57 (1): 21. doi:10.2307/976688. JSTOR 976688.
- ^ a b c d e f Gwilliam, Kenneth (2013). "Cities on the Move Ten Years After | Biofuel | Economic Growth". Research in Transportation Economics. 40: 3–18. doi:10.1016/j.retrec.2012.06.032. Archived from the original on 28 July 2020. Retrieved 30 June 2017.
- ^ McQuillan (1937/1987), §§1.65–1.66.
- ^ David Walker, "The New System of Intergovernmental Relations: Fiscal Relief and More Governmental Intrusions"; in Hahn & Levine (1980).
- ^ Voorn, Bart; van Genugten, Marieke L.; van Thiel, Sandra (3 September 2017). "The efficiency and effectiveness of municipally owned corporations: a systematic review". Local Government Studies. 43 (5): 820–841. doi:10.1080/03003930.2017.1319360. hdl:2066/176125. ISSN 0300-3930. S2CID 157153401.
- ^ a b Weber, Rachel (July 2010). "Selling City Futures: The Financialization of Urban Redevelopment Policy". Economic Geography. 86 (3): 251–274. doi:10.1111/j.1944-8287.2010.01077.x. ISSN 0013-0095. S2CID 153912312.
TIF is an increasingly popular local redevelopment policy that allows municipalities to designate a 'blighted' area for redevelopment and use the expected increase in property (and occasionally sales) taxes there to pay for initial and ongoing redevelopment expenditures, such as land acquisition, demolition, construction, and project financing. Because developers require cash up-front, cities transform promises of future tax revenues into securities that far-flung buyers and sellers exchange through local markets.
- ^ Weber, Rachel (2002). "Extracting Value from the City: Neoliberalism and Urban Redevelopment" (PDF). Antipode. 34 (3): 519–540. Bibcode:2002Antip..34..519W. doi:10.1111/1467-8330.00253. ISSN 0066-4812. Archived from the original (PDF) on 26 September 2022. Retrieved 26 September 2022.
- ^ Pacewicz, Josh (1 July 2013). "Tax increment financing, economic development professionals and the financialization of urban politics". Socio-Economic Review. 11 (3): 413–440. doi:10.1093/ser/mws019. ISSN 1475-1461.
A city's credit rating not only influences its ability to sell bonds, but has become a general signal of fiscal health. Detroit's partial recovery in the early 1990s, for example, was reversed when Moody's downgraded the rating of the city's general obligation bonds, precipitating new rounds of capital flight (Hackworth, 2007). The need to maintain a high credit rating constrains municipal actors by making it difficult to finance discretionary projects in traditional ways.
- ^ Gupta et al. (2015), pp. 4, 29. "We thereby understand urban governance as the multiple ways through which city governments, businesses and residents interact in managing their urban space and life, nested within the context of other government levels and actors who are managing their space, resulting in a variety of urban governance configurations (Peyroux et al. 2014)."
- ^ Latham et al. 2009, pp. 142–143.
- ^ Gupta, Verrest, and Jaffe, "Theorizing Governance", in Gupta et al. (2015), pp. 30–31.
- ^ a b Gupta, Verrest, and Jaffe, "Theorizing Governance", in Gupta et al. (2015), pp. 31–33. "The concept of good governance itself was developed in the 1980s, primarily to guide donors in development aid (Doonbos 2001:93). It has been used both as a condition for aid and a development goal in its own right. Key terms in definitions of good governance include participation, accountability, transparency, equity, efficiency, effectiveness, responsiveness, and rule of law (e.g. Ginther and de Waart 1995; UNDP 1997; Woods 1999; Weiss 2000). [...] At the urban level, this normative model has been articulated through the idea of good urban governance, promoted by agencies such as UN Habitat. The Colombian city of Bogotá has sometimes been presented as a model city, given its rapid improvements in fiscal responsibility, provision of public services and infrastructure, public behavior, honesty of the administration, and civic pride."
- ^ Shipra Narang Suri & Günther Taube, "Governance in Megacities: Experiences, Challenges and Implications for International Cooperation"; in Kraas et al. (2014), pp. 197–198.
- ^ Alain Garnier, "La Plata: la visionnaire trahie Archived 16 April 2021 at the Wayback Machine"; Architecture & Comportment 4(1), 1988, pp. 59–79.
- ^ Levy (2017), pp. 193–235.
- ^ a b McQuillin (1937/1987), §§1.75–179. "Zoning, a relatively recent development in the administration of local governmental units, concerns itself with the control of the use of land and structures, the size of buildings, and the use-intensity of building sites. Zoning being an exercise of the police power, it must be justified by such considerations as the protection of public health and safety, the preservation of taxable property values, and the enhancement of community welfare. [...] Municipal powers to implement and effectuate city plans are usually ample. Among these is the power of eminent domain, which has been used effectively in connection with slum clearance and the rehabilitation of blighted areas. Also available to cities in their implementation of planning objectives are municipal powers of zoning, subdivision control and the regulation of building, housing and sanitation principles."
- ^ Levy (2017), p. 10. "Planning is a highly political activity. It is immersed in politics and inseparable from the law. [...] Planning decisions often involve large sums of money, both public and private. Even when little public expenditure is involved, planning decisions can deliver large benefits to some and large losses at others."
- ^ Jorge Hardoy, Urban Planning in Pre-Columbian America; New York: George Braziller, 1968.
- ^ Latham et al. 2009, pp. 131–140.
- ^ Karl Marx; Frederick Engels (February 1848). Manifesto of the Communist Party (in German). Translated by Samuel Moore. Archived from the original on 24 July 2018.
But with the development of industry, the proletariat not only increases in number; it becomes concentrated in greater masses, its strength grows, and it feels that strength more. The various interests and conditions of life within the ranks of the proletariat are more and more equalised, in proportion as machinery obliterates all distinctions of labour, and nearly everywhere reduces wages to the same low level.
- ^ a b Davis, Mike (18 January 2005). "The Urbanization of Empire: Megacities and the Laws of Chaos". Social Text. 22 (4). Duke University Press: 9–15. doi:10.1215/01642472-22-4_81-9. ISSN 1527-1951.
Although studies of the so-called urban informal economy have shown myriad secret liaisons with outsourced multinational production systems, the larger fact is that hundreds of millions of new urbanites must further subdivide the peripheral economic niches of personal service, casual labor, street vending, rag picking, begging, and crime.
This outcast proletariat—perhaps 1.5 billion people today, 2.5 billion by 2030—is the fastest-growing and most novel social class on the planet. By and large, the urban informal working class is not a labor reserve army in the nineteenth-century sense: a backlog of strikebreakers during booms; to be expelled during busts; then reabsorbed again in the next expansion. On the contrary, this is a mass of humanity structurally and biologically redundant to the global accumulation and the corporate matrix.
It is ontologically both similar and dissimilar to the historical agency described in the Communist Manifesto. Like the traditional working classes, it has radical chains in the sense of having little vested interest in the reproduction of private property. But it is not a socialized collectivity of labor and it lacks significant power to disrupt or seize the means of production. It does possess, however, yet unmeasured powers of subverting urban order. - ^ Marshall (1989), pp. 5–6.
- ^ Latham et al. 2009, pp. 160–164: "Indeed, the design of the buildings often revolves around the consumable fantasy experience, seen most markedly in the likes of Universal CityWalk, Disneyland and Las Vegas. Architecture critic Ada Louise Huxtable (1997) names architectural structures built specifically as entertainment spaces as 'Architainment'. These places are, of course, places to make money, but they are also stages of performance for an interactive consumer."
- ^ Leach (1993), pp. 173–176 and passim.
- ^ "Knowledge Spillovers" (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on 1 May 2014. Retrieved 16 May 2010.
- ^ Calder, Kent E.; de Freytas, Mariko (2009). "Global Political Cities as Actors in Twenty-First Century International Affairs". SAIS Review of International Affairs. 29 (1): 79–96. doi:10.1353/sais.0.0036. ISSN 1945-4724. S2CID 154230409.
Beneath state-to-state dealings, a flurry of activity occurs, with interpersonal networks forming policy communities involving embassies, think tanks, academic institutions, lobbying firms, politicians, congressional staff, research centers, NGOs, and intelligence agencies. This interaction at the level of 'technostructure'—heavily oriented toward information gathering and incremental policy modification—is too complex and voluminous to be monitored by top leadership, yet nevertheless often has important implications for policy.
- ^ Borowiecki, Karol J. (2015). "Agglomeration Economies in Classical Music". Papers in Regional Science. 94 (3): 443–468. Bibcode:2015PRegS..94..443B. doi:10.1111/pirs.12078. hdl:10419/246978. Archived from the original on 4 March 2016. Retrieved 11 November 2015.
- ^ Saskia Sassen, "Global Cities and Survival Circuits Archived 10 October 2017 at the Wayback Machine"; in Global Woman: Nannies, Maids, and Sex Workers in the New Economy ed. Barbara Ehrenreich and Arlie Russell Hochschild; New York: Henry Holt and Company, 2002.
- ^ Bettencourt, L. M. A.; Lobo, J.; Helbing, D.; Kuhnert, C.; West, G. B. (2007). "Growth, innovation, scaling, and the pace of life in cities". Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences. 104 (17): 7301–7306. Bibcode:2007PNAS..104.7301B. doi:10.1073/pnas.0610172104. PMC 1852329. PMID 17438298.
- ^ Nathan, Emma (2002). Cities: Eye Openers. Blackbirch Press. p. 2. ISBN 978-1-56711-596-3.
- ^ Marshall (1989), pp. 14–15.
- ^ Latham et al. 2009, pp. 84–85.
- ^ Zheng, Jane (19 May 2017). "Toward a new concept of the 'cultural elite state': Cultural capital and the urban sculpture planning authority in elite coalition in Shanghai". Journal of Urban Affairs. 39 (4): 506–527. doi:10.1080/07352166.2016.1255531. ISSN 0735-2166. S2CID 149125180.
- ^ McQuillan (1937/1987), §§1.04–1.05. "Almost by definition, cities have always provided the setting for great events and have been the focal points for social change and human development. All great cultures have been city-born. World history is basically the history of city dwellers."
- ^ Redfield, Robert; Singer, Milton B. (1954). "The Cultural Role of Cities". Economic Development and Cultural Change. 3 (1): 53–73. doi:10.1086/449678. ISSN 0013-0079. JSTOR 1151661. S2CID 154664764.
- ^ Graeme Hugo, Anthony Champion, & Alfredo Lattes, "Toward a New Conceptualization of Settlements for Demography Archived 29 July 2020 at the Wayback Machine", Population and Development Review 29(2), June 2003.
- ^ Magnusson (2011), p. 21. "These statistics probably underestimate the degree to which the world has been urbanized, since they obscure the fact that rural areas have become so much more urban as a result of modern transportation and communication. A farmer in Europe or California who checks the markets every morning on the computer, negotiates with product brokers in distant cities, buys food at a supermarket, watches television every night, and takes vacations half a continent away is not exactly living a traditional rural life. In most respects such a farmer is an urbanite living in the countryside, albeit an urbanite who has many good reasons for perceiving himself or herself as a rural person."
- ^ Mumford (1961), pp. 563–567. "Many of the original functions of the city, once natural monopolies, demanding the physical presence of all participants, have now been transposed into forms capable of swift transportation, mechanical manifolding, electronic transmission, worldwide distribution."
- ^ Theall, Donald F.; Carpenter, Edmund (2001). The virtual Marshall McLuhan. Montreal: McGill-Queen's Univ. Press. ISBN 978-0-7735-2119-3.
- ^ Ashworth, Kavaratzis, & Warnaby, "The Need to Rethink Place Branding"; in Kavaratzis, Warnaby, & Ashworth (2015), p. 15.
- ^ a b c Wachsmuth, David (2014). "City as Ideology: Reconciling the Explosion of the City Form with the Tenacity of the City Concept". Environment and Planning D: Society and Space. 32 (1): 75–90. Bibcode:2014EnPlD..32...75W. doi:10.1068/d21911. S2CID 144077154. Archived from the original on 24 October 2018. Retrieved 30 June 2017.
- ^ Adriana Campelo, "Rethinking Sense of Place: Sense of One and Sense of Many"; in Kavaratzis, Warnaby, & Ashworth (2015).
- ^ a b Greg Kerr & Jessica Oliver, "Rethinking Place Identities", in Kavaratzis, Warnaby, & Ashworth (2015).
- ^ Latham et al. 2009, p. 186–189.
- ^ Latham et al. 2009, pp. 41, 189–192.
- ^ Fred Coalter, "The FIFA World Cup and Social Cohesion: Bread and Circuses or Bread and Butter? Archived 10 October 2017 at the Wayback Machine"; International Council of Sport Science and Physical Education Bulletin 53 Archived 6 July 2017 at the Wayback Machine, May 2008 (Feature: Feature: "Mega Sport Events in Developing Countries").
- ^ Schimmel, Kimberly S. (2015). "Assessing the sociology of sport: On sport and the city". International Review for the Sociology of Sport. 50 (4–5): 591–595. doi:10.1177/1012690214539484. ISSN 1012-6902. S2CID 142777232.
- ^ a b Stephen V. Ward, "Promoting the Olympic City"; in John R. Gold & Margaret M. Gold, eds., Olympic Cities: City Agendas, Planning and the World's Games, 1896–2016; London & New York: Routledge (Taylor & Francis), 2008/2011; ISBN 978-0-203-84074-0. "All this media exposure, provided it is reasonably positive, influences many tourist decisions at the time of the Games. This tourism impact will focus on, but extend beyond, the city to the country and the wider global region. More importantly, there is also huge long term potential for both tourism and investment (Kasimati, 2003).
No other city marketing opportunity achieves this global exposure. At the same time, provided it is carefully managed at the local level, it also gives a tremendous opportunity to heighten and mobilize the commitment of citizens to their own city. The competitive nature of sport and its unrivalled capacity to be enjoyed as a mass cultural activity gives it many advantages from the marketing point of view (S.V. Ward, 1998, pp. 231–232). In a more subtle way it also becomes a metaphor for the notion of cities having to compete in a global marketplace, a way of reconciling citizens and local institutions to the wider economic realities of the world." - ^ "Olympics: Paris rushing to complete construction work by 2024". Real Estate Monitor Worldwide. SyndiGate Media Inc. 25 January 2023 – via Gale General OneFile.
- ^ Latham et al. 2009, pp. 127–128.
- ^ Ashworth (1991). "In more recent years, planned networks of defended settlements as part of military strategies can be found in the pacification programmes of what has become the conventional wisdom of anti-insurgency operations. Connected networks of protected settlements are inserted as islands of government control into insurgent areas—either defensively to separate existing populations from insurgents or aggressively as a means of extending control over areas—as used by the British in South Africa (1899–1902) and Malaya (1950–3) and by the Americans in Cuba (1898) and Vietnam (1965–75). These were generally small settlements and intended as much for local security as offensive operations. / The planned settlement policy of the State of Israel, however, has been both more comprehensive and has longer-term objectives. [...] These settlements provide a source of armed manpower, a defence in depth of a vulnerable frontier area and islands of cultural and political control in the midst of a potentially hostile population, thus continuing a tradition of the use of such settlements as part of similar policies in that area which is over 2,000 years old."
- ^ See Brigadier General J. Franklin Bell's telegraphic circular to all station commanders, 8 December 1901, in Robert D. Ramsey III, A Masterpiece of Counterguerrilla Warfare: BG J. Franklin Bell in the Philippines, 1901–1902 Archived 16 February 2017 at the Wayback Machine, Long War Series, Occasion Paper 25; Fort Leavenworth, Kansas: Combat Studies Institute Press, US Army Combined Arms Center; pp. 45–46. "Commanding officers will also see that orders are at once given and distributed to all the inhabitants within the jurisdiction of towns over which they exercise supervision, informing them of the danger of remaining outside of these limits and that unless they move by December 25th from outlying barrios and districts with all their movable food supplies, including rice, palay, chickens, live stock, etc., to within the limits of the zone established at their own or nearest town, their property (found outside of said zone at said date) will become liable to confiscation or destruction."
- ^ Maj. Eric Weyenberg, U.S. Army, Population Isolation in the Philippine War: A Case Study Archived 8 June 2017 at the Wayback Machine; School of Advanced Military Studies, United States Army Command and General Staff College, Fort Leavenworth, Kansas; January 2015.
- ^ Ashworth (1991), p. 3. Citing L.C. Peltier and G.E. Pearcy, Military Geography (1966).
- ^ R.D. McLaurin & R. Miller. Urban Counterinsurgency: Case Studies and Implications for U.S. Military Forces Archived 29 June 2017 at the Wayback Machine. Springfield, VA: Abbott Associates, October 1989. Produced for U.S. Army Human Engineering Laboratory at Aberdeen Proving Ground.
- ^ Ashworth (1991), pp. 91–93. "However, some specific sorts of crime, together with those antisocial activities which may or may not be treated as crime (such as vandalism, graffiti daubing, littering and even noisy or boisterous behavior), do play various roles in the process of insurgency. This leads in consequence to defensive reactions on the part of those responsible for public security, and by individual citizens concerned for their personal safety. The authorities react with situational crime prevention as part of the armoury of urban defense, and individuals fashion their behavior according to an 'urban geography of fear'."
- ^ Adams (1981), p. 132 "Physical destruction and ensuing decline of population were certain to be particularly severe in the case of cities that joined unsuccessful rebellions, or whose ruling dynasts were overcome by others in abbtle. The traditional lamentations provide eloquently stylized literary accounts of this, while in other cases the combinations of archaeological evidence with the testimony of a city's like Ur's victorious opponent as to its destruction grounds the world of metaphor in harsh reality (Brinkman 1969, pp. 311–312)."
- ^ Fabien Limonier, "Rome et la destruction de Carthage: un crime gratuit? Archived 2 June 2018 at the Wayback Machine" Revue des Études Anciennes 101(3).
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As noted above, nuclear weapons designed for countervalue or city-killing purposes tend to be of the strategic class, with known yields of deployed warheads averaging somewhere between two and three times and 1500 times the firepower of the bombs dropped on Hiroshima and Nagasaki.
- ^ Dallas Boyd, "Revealed Preference and the Minimum Requirements of Nuclear Deterrence Archived 2017-01-31 at the Wayback Machine"; Strategic Studies Quarterly, Spring 2016.
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- ^ a b Joel A. Tarr, "The Evolution of the Urban Infrastructure in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries"; in Hanson (1984).
- ^ a b c Wellman & Spiller, "Introduction", in Wellman & Spiller (2012).
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- ^ Latham et al. 2009, p. 70.
- ^ Kath Wellman & Frederik Pretorius, "Urban Infrastructure: Productivity, Project Evaluation, and Finance"; in Wellman & Spiller (2012), pp. 73–74. "The NCP established a legislative regime at Federal and State levels to facilitate third-party access to provision and operation of infrastructure facilities, including electricity and telecommunications networks, gas and water pipelines, railroad terminals and networks, airports, and ports. Following these reforms, few countries embarked on a larger scale initiative than Australia to privatize delivery and management of public infrastructure at all levels of government."
- ^ Robert L. Lineberry, "Mandating Urban Equality: The Distribution of Municipal Public Services"; in Hahn & Levine (1980). See: Hawkins v. Town of Shaw (1971).
- ^ Latham et al. 2009, p. 75: "By the 1960s, however, this 'integrated ideal' was being challenged, public infrastructure entering into crisis. There is now a new orthodoxy in many branches of urban planning: 'The logic is now for planners to fight for the best possible networked infrastructures for their specialized district, in partnership with (often privatised and internationalised network) operators, rather than seeking to orchestrate how networks roll out through the city as a whole" (Graham and Marvin, 2001: 113).
In the context of development theory, these 'secessionary' infrastructures physically by-pass sectors of cities unable to afford the necessary cabling, pipe-laying, or streetscaping that underpins service provision. Cities such as Manila, Lagos or Mumbai are thus increasingly characterized by a two-speed mode of urbanization. - ^ "public, adj. and n.", Oxford English Dictionary, September 2007.
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- ^ Latham et al. 2009, pp. 169–170.
- ^ Grava (2003), pp. 1–2.
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- ^ a b Iain Borden, "Automobile Interstices: Driving and the In-Between Spaces of the City"; in Brighenti (2013).
- ^ Moshe Safdie with Wendy Kohn, The City After the Automobile; BasicBooks (HarperCollins), 1997; ISBN 0-465-09836-3; pp. 3–6.
- ^ Grava (2003), pp. 128–132, 152–157.
- ^ Latham et al. 2009, p. 30–32.
- ^ Grava (2003), 301–305. "There are a great many places where [buses] are the only public service mode offered; to the best of the author's knowledge, no city that has transit operates without a bus component. Leaving aside private cars, all indicators—passengers carried, vehicle kilometers accumulated, size of fleet, accidents recorded, pollution caused, workers employed, or whatever else—show the dominance of buses among all transit modes, in this country as well as anywhere else around the world. [...] At the global scale, there are probably 8000 to 10,000 communities and cities that provide organized bus transit. The larger places have other modes as well, but the bulk of these cities offers buses as their sole public means of mobility."
- ^ Levinson, Herbert; Zimmerman, Samuel; Clinger, Jennifer; Rutherford, G. (2002). "Bus Rapid Transit: An Overview". Journal of Public Transportation. 5 (2): 1–30. doi:10.5038/2375-0901.5.2.1. ISSN 1077-291X. S2CID 17621150.
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- ^ McQuillin (1937/1987), §1.74. "It cannot be too strongly emphasized that no city begins to be well-planned until it has solved its housing problem. The problems of living and working are of primary importance. These include sanitation, sufficient sewers, clean, well-lighted streets, rehabilitation of slum areas, and health protection through provision for pure water and wholesome food."
- ^ Ray Forrest & Peter Williams, "Housing in the Twentieth Century"; in Paddison (2001).
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- ^ Ingo Kowarik, "On the Role of Alien Species in Urban Flora and Vegetation"; in Marzluff et al. (2008).
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- ^ Roberto Camagni, Roberta Capello, & Peter Nijkamp, "Managing Sustainable Urban Environments"; in Paddison (2001).
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- ^ Peter Adey, "Coming up for Air: Comfort, Conflict and the Air of the Megacity"; in Brighenti (2013), p. 103.
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- ^ Abrahamson (2004), pp. 2–4. "The linkages among cities cutting across nations became a global network. It is important to note here that the key nodes in the international system are (global) cities, not nations. [...] Once the linkages among cities became a global network, nations became dependent upon their major cities for connections to the rest of the world."
- ^ a b Herrschel & Newman (2017), pp. 3–4. "Instead, the picture is becoming more detailed and differentiated, with a growing number of sub-national entities, cities, city-regions and regions, becoming more visible in their own right, either individually, or collectively as networks, by, more or less tentatively, stepping out of the territorial canvas and hierarchical institutional hegemony of the state. Prominent and well-known cities, and those regions with a strong sense of identity and often a quest for more autonomy, have been the most enthusiastic, as they began to be represented beyond state borders by high-profile city mayors and some regional leaders with political courage and agency. [...] This, then, became part of the much bigger political project of the European Union (EU), which has offered a particularly supportive environment for international engagement by—and among—subnational governments as part of its inherent integrationist agenda."
- ^ Gupta et al. (2015), 5–11. "Current globalization, characterized by hyper capitalism and technological revolutions, is understood as the growing intensity of economic, demographic, social, political, cultural and environmental interactions worldwide, leading to increasing interdependence and homogenization of ideologies, production and consumption patterns and lifestyles (Pieterse 1994; Sassen 1998). [...] Decentralization processes have increased city-level capacities of city authorities to develop and implement local social and developmental policies. Cities as homes of the rich, and of powerful businesses, banks, stock markets, UN agencies and NGOs, are the location from which global to local decision-making occurs (e.g. New York, London, Paris, Amsterdam, Hong Kong, São Paulo)."
- ^ Herrschel & Newman (2017), pp. 9–10. "The merchants of the Hanseatic League, for instance, enjoyed substantial trading privileges as a result of inter-city diplomacy and collective agreements within the networks (Lloyd 2002), as well as with larger powers, such as states. That way, the League could negotiate 'extra-territorial' legal spaces with special privileges, such as the 'German Steelyard' in the port of London (Schofield 2012). This special status was granted and guaranteed by the English king as part of an agreement between the state and a foreign city association."
- ^ a b c Calder, Kent E.; de Freytas, Mariko (2009). "Global Political Cities as Actors in Twenty-First Century International Affairs". SAIS Review of International Affairs. 29 (1): 79–96. doi:10.1353/sais.0.0036. ISSN 1945-4724. S2CID 154230409.
Beneath state-to-state dealings, a flurry of activity occurs, with interpersonal networks forming policy communities involving embassies, think tanks, academic institutions, lobbying firms, politicians, congressional staff, research centers, NGOs, and intelligence agencies. This interaction at the level of 'technostructure'—heavily oriented toward information gathering and incremental policy modification—is too complex and voluminous to be monitored by top leadership, yet nevertheless often has important implications for policy.
- ^ Curtis (2016), p. 5.
- ^ Kaplan (2004), pp. 115–133.
- ^ Engel, Jerome S.; Berbegal-Mirabent, Jasmina; Piqué, Josep M. (2018). "The renaissance of the city as a cluster of innovation". Cogent Business & Management. 5 (1) 1532777. doi:10.1080/23311975.2018.1532777. hdl:10419/206125.
- ^ Jacobs, Andrew J.; Orum, Anthony M. (2023). "Global City". The Wiley Blackwell Encyclopedia of Urban and Regional Studies. pp. 1–10. doi:10.1002/9781118568446.eurs0514. ISBN 978-1-118-56845-3. S2CID 240985764.
- ^ Sassen, Saskia (1991). The Global City: New York, London, Tokyo. Archived 16 March 2015 at the Wayback Machine Princeton University Press. ISBN 0-691-07063-6
- ^ John Friedmann and Goetz Wolff, "World City Formation: An Agenda for Research and Action", International Journal of Urban and Regional Research, 6, no. 3 (1982): 319
- ^ Abrahamson (2004), p. 4. "The formerly major industrial cities that were most able quickly and thoroughly to transform themselves into the new postindustrial mode became the leading global cities—the centers of the new global system."
- ^ Kaplan et al. (2004), p. 88.
- ^ James, Paul; with Magee, Liam; Scerri, Andy; Steger, Manfred B. (2015). Urban Sustainability in Theory and Practice: Circles of Sustainability. London: Routledge. pp. 28, 30. ISBN 978-1-315-76574-7. Archived from the original on 1 March 2020. Retrieved 20 December 2017.
Against those writers who, by emphasizing the importance of financial exchange systems, distinguish a few special cities as 'global cities'—commonly London, Paris, New York and Tokyo—we recognize the uneven global dimensions of all the cities that we study. Los Angeles, the home of Hollywood, is a globalizing city, though perhaps more significantly in cultural than economic terms. And so is Dili globalizing, the small and 'insignificant' capital of Timor Leste—except this time it is predominantly in political terms...
- ^ Kaplan (2004), 99–106.
- ^ Kaplan (2004), pp. 91–95. "The United States is also dominant in providing high-quality, global engineering-design services, accounting for approximately 50 percent of the world's total exports. The disproportionate presence of these U.S.-headquartered firms is attributable to the U.S. role in overseas automobile production, the electronics and petroleum industries, and various kinds of construction, including work on the country's numerous overseas air and navy military bases."
- ^ Kaplan (2004), pp. 90–92.
- ^ Samers, Michael (28 June 2002). "Immigration and the Global City Hypothesis: Towards an Alternative Research Agenda". International Journal of Urban and Regional Research. 26 (2): 389–3402. doi:10.1111/1468-2427.00386. ISSN 0309-1317. Archived from the original on 1 March 2020.
And not withstanding some major world cities that do not have comparatively high levels of immigration, like Tokyo, it may in fact be the presence of such large-scale immigrant economic 'communities' (with their attendant global financial remittances and their ability to incubate small business growth, rather than their complementarity to producer services employment) which partially distinguishes mega-cities from other more nationally oriented urban centres.
- ^ Willis, Jane; Datta, Kavita; Evans, Yara; Herbert, Joanna; May, John; McIlwane, Cathy (2010). Wills, Jane (ed.). Global cities at work: new migrant divisions of labour. London: Pluto Press. p. 29. ISBN 978-0-7453-2799-0.
These apparently rather different takes on London's 'global city' status are of course not so far removed from one another as they may first appear. Holding them together is the figure of the migrant worker. The reliance of London's financial institutions and business services industries on the continuing flow of highly skilled labour from overseas is now well known (Beaverstock and Smith 1996). Less well known is the extent to which London's economy as a whole is now dependent upon the labour power of low-paid workers from across the world.
- ^ Sanderson, Matthew R; Derudder, Ben; Timberlake, Michael; Witlox, Frank (June 2015). "Are world cities also world immigrant cities? An international, cross-city analysis of global centrality and immigration". International Journal of Comparative Sociology. 56 (3–4): 173–197. doi:10.1177/0020715215604350. ISSN 0020-7152. S2CID 153828266.
- ^ Latham et al. 2009, pp. 49–50.
- ^ Charlie Jeffery, "Sub-National Authorities and European Integration: Moving Beyond the Nation-State? Archived 3 November 2018 at the Wayback Machine", presented at the Fifth Biennial International Conference of the European Community Studies Association, 29 May–1 June 1997, Seattle, US.
- ^ Jing Pan, "The Role of Local Government in Shaping and Influencing International Policy Frameworks Archived 2017-10-10 at the Wayback Machine", PhD thesis accepted at De Montfort University, April 2014.
- ^ Herrschel & Newman (2017), p. "In Europe, the EU provides incentives and institutional frameworks for multiple new forms of city and regional networking and lobbying, including at the international EU level. But a growing number of cities and regions also seek to 'go it alone' by establishing their own representations in Brussels, either individually or in shared accommodation, as the base for European lobbying."
- ^ Marks, Gary; Haesly, Richard; Mbaye, Heather A.D. (Autumn 2002). "What Do Subnational Offices Think They Are Doing in Brussels?" (PDF). Regional & Federal Studies. 12 (3): 1–23. doi:10.1080/714004755. ISSN 1359-7566. S2CID 154556467. Archived (PDF) from the original on 28 January 2018.
- ^ Carola Hein, "Cities (and regions) within a city: subnational representations and the creation of European imaginaries in Brussels Archived 16 November 2018 at the Wayback Machine"; International Journal of the Urban Sciences 19(1), 2015. See also websites of individual city embassies cited therein, including Hanse Office Archived 1 January 2017 at the Wayback Machine (Hamburg and Schleswig-Holstein) and City of London "City Office in Brussels Archived 2017-08-16 at the Wayback Machine"; and CoR's [cor.europa.eu/en/regions/Documents/regional-offices.xls spreadsheet of regional offices] in Brussels.
- ^ Latham et al. 2009, pp. 45–47.
- ^ a b Bouteligier, Sofie (2013). "Inequality in new global governance arrangements: the North–South divide in transnational municipal networks". Innovation: The European Journal of Social Science Research. 26 (3): 251–267. doi:10.1080/13511610.2013.771890. ISSN 1351-1610. S2CID 143765511. Archived from the original on 10 October 2017.
- ^ a b Herrschel & Newman (2017), p. 82.
- ^ a b Nancy Duxbury & Sharon Jeannotte, "Global Cultural Governance Policy Archived 29 April 2021 at the Wayback Machine"; Chapter 21 in The Ashgate Research Companion to Planning and Culture; London: Ashgate, 2013.
- ^ Now the Global Covenant of Mayors; see: "Global Covenant of Mayors – Compact of Mayors". Archived from the original on 14 October 2016. Retrieved 13 October 2016.
- ^ "South Africans in nationwide strike in protest against cost of living". BBC News. 24 August 2022. Retrieved 16 August 2023.
- ^ "The Vancouver Action Plan"; Approved at Habitat: United Nations Conference on Human Settlements, Vancouver, Canada; 31 May to 11 June 1976.
- ^ a b c Walker, Peter R. (2005). "Human Settlements and Urban Life: A United Nations Perspective". Journal of Social Distress and the Homeless. 14 (1–2): 65–71. doi:10.1179/105307805807066329. ISSN 1053-0789. S2CID 145470124.
- ^ Satterthwaite, David (2016). "A new urban agenda?". Environment and Urbanization. 28 (1): 3–12. Bibcode:2016EnUrb..28....3S. doi:10.1177/0956247816637501. ISSN 0956-2478.
- ^ a b Parnell, Susan (2015). "Defining a Global Urban Development Agenda". World Development. 78: 531–532. doi:10.1016/j.worlddev.2015.10.028.
Garnered by its interest in the urban poor the Bank, along with other international donors, became an active and influential participant in the Habitat deliberations, confirming both Habitat I and Habitat II's focus on 'development in cities' instead of the role of 'cities in development'.
- ^ a b Watson, Vanessa (November 2016). "Locating planning in the New Urban Agenda of the urban sustainable development goal". Planning Theory. 15 (4): 435–448. doi:10.1177/1473095216660786. ISSN 1473-0952. S2CID 151556078.
- ^ New Urban Agenda Archived 28 April 2021 at the Wayback Machine, Habitat III Secretariat, 2017; A/RES/71/256*; ISBN 978-92-1-132731-1; p. 15.
- ^ Akin L. Mabogunje, "A New Paradigm for Urban Development"; Proceedings of the World Bank Annual Conference on Development Economics 1991. "Irrespective of the economic outcome, the regime of structural adjustment being adopted in most developing countries today is likely to spur urbanization. If structural adjustment actually succeeds in turning around economic performance, the enhanced gross domestic product is bound to attract more migrants to the cities; if it fails, the deepening misery—especially in the rural areas—is certain to push more migrants to the city."
- ^ John Briggs and Ian E.A. Yeboah, "Structural adjustment and the contemporary sub-Saharan African city Archived 13 November 2018 at the Wayback Machine"; Area 33(1), 2001.
- ^ Claire Wanjiru Ngare, "Supporting Learning Cities: A Case Study of the Cities Alliance Archived 4 March 2016 at the Wayback Machine"; master's thesis accepted at the University of Ottawa, April 2012.
- ^ Frediani, Alexandre Apsan (2007). "Amartya Sen, the World Bank, and the Redress of Urban Poverty: A Brazilian Case Study" (PDF). Journal of Human Development. 8 (1): 133–152. doi:10.1080/14649880601101473. ISSN 1464-9888. S2CID 14934410. Archived (PDF) from the original on 21 July 2018.
- ^ Ellul (1970).
- ^ Bridge, Gary; Watson, Sophie. "City Imaginaries", in Bridge & Watson, eds. (2000).
- ^ Herrschel & Newman (2017), pp. 7–8. "Growing inequalities as a result of neo-liberal globalism, such as between the successful cities and the less successful, struggling, often peripheral, cities and regions, produce rising political discontent, such as we are now facing across Europe and in the United States as populist accusations of self-serving metropolitan elitism."
- ^ J.E. Cirlot, "City"; A Dictionary of Symbols, 2nd ed., translated from Spanish to English by Jack Read; New York: Philosophical Library, 1971; pp. 48–49 (online).
- ^ Latham et al. 2009, p. 115.
- ^ Leach (1993), p. 345. "The German film director Fritz Lang was inspired to 'make a film' about 'the sensations' he felt when he first saw Times Square in 1923; a place 'lit as if in full daylight by neon lights and topping them oversized luminous advertisements moving, turning, flashing on and off ... something completely new and nearly fairly-tale-like for a European ... a luxurious cloth hung from a dark sky to dazzle, distract, and hypnotize.' The film Lang made turned out to be The Metropolis, an unremittingly dark vision of a modern industrial city."
- ^ Curtis (2016), pp. vii–x, 1.
- ^ Constantinos Apostolou Doxiadis, Ecumenopolis: Tomorrow's City Archived 10 October 2017 at the Wayback Machine; Britannica Book of the Year, 1968. Chapter V: Ecumenopolis, the Real City of Man. "Ecumenopolis, which mankind will have built 150 years from now, can be the real city of man because, for the first time in history, man will have one city rather than many cities belonging to different national, racial, religious, or local groups, each ready to protect its own members but also ready to fight those from other cities, large and small, interconnected into a system of cities. Ecumenopolis, the unique city of man, will form a continuous, differentiated, but also unified texture consisting of many cells, the human communities."
- ^ Penang Island was incorporated as a single municipality in 1976 and gained city status in 2015. See: Royce Tan, "Penang island gets city status Archived 29 June 2017 at the Wayback Machine", The Star, 18 December 2014.
Bibliography
[edit]- Abrahamson, Mark (2004). Global Cities. Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-514204-7
- Ashworth, G.J. War and the City. London & New York: Routledge, 1991. ISBN 0-203-40963-9.
- Bairoch, Paul (1988). Cities and Economic Development: From the Dawn of History to the Present. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. ISBN 978-0-226-03465-2.
- Bridge, Gary, and Sophie Watson, eds. (2000). A Companion to the City. Malden, MA: Blackwell, 2000/2003. ISBN 0-631-21052-0
- Brighenti, Andrea Mubi, ed. (2013). Urban Interstices: The Aesthetics and the Politics of the In-between. Farnham: Ashgate Publishing. ISBN 978-1-4724-1002-3.
- Carter, Harold (1995). The Study of Urban Geography. 4th ed. London: Arnold. ISBN 0-7131-6589-8
- Clark, Peter (ed.) (2013). The Oxford Handbook of Cities in World History. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-175036-6
- Curtis, Simon (2016). Global Cities and Global Order. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-874401-6
- Ellul, Jacques (1970). The Meaning of the City. Translated by Dennis Pardee. Grand Rapids, Michigan: Eerdmans, 1970. ISBN 978-0-8028-1555-2; French original (written earlier, published later as): Sans feu ni lieu : Signification biblique de la Grande Ville; Paris: Gallimard, 1975. Republished 2003 with ISBN 978-2-7103-2582-6
- Gupta, Joyetta, Karin Pfeffer, Hebe Verrest, & Mirjam Ros-Tonen, eds. (2015). Geographies of Urban Governance: Advanced Theories, Methods and Practices. Springer, 2015. ISBN 978-3-319-21272-2.
- Hahn, Harlan, & Charles Levine (1980). Urban Politics: Past, Present, & Future. New York & London: Longman.
- Hanson, Royce (ed.). Perspectives on Urban Infrastructure. Committee on National Urban Policy, Commission on Behavioral and Social Sciences and Education, National Research Council. Washington: National Academy Press, 1984.
- Herrschel, Tassilo & Peter Newman (2017). Cities as International Actors: Urban and Regional Governance Beyond the Nation State. Palgrave Macmillan (Springer Nature). ISBN 978-1-137-39617-4
- Jacobs, Jane (1969). The Economy of Cities. New York: Random House Inc.
- Grava, Sigurd (2003). Urban Transportation Systems: Choices for Communities. McGraw Hill, e-book. ISBN 978-0-07-147679-9
- James, Paul; with Magee, Liam; Scerri, Andy; Steger, Manfred B. (2015). Urban Sustainability in Theory and Practice: Circles of Sustainability. London: Routledge. ISBN 978-1-315-76574-7.
- Kaplan, David H.; James O. Wheeler; Steven R. Holloway; & Thomas W. Hodler, cartographer (2004). Urban Geography. John Wiley & Sons, Inc. ISBN 0-471-35998-X
- Kavaratzis, Mihalis, Gary Warnaby, & Gregory J. Ashworth, eds. (2015). Rethinking Place Branding: Comprehensive Brand Development for Cities and Regions. Springer. ISBN 978-3-319-12424-7.
- Kraas, Frauke, Surinder Aggarwal, Martin Coy, & Günter Mertins, eds. (2014). Megacities: Our Global Urban Future. United Nations "International Year of Planet Earth" book series. Springer. ISBN 978-90-481-3417-5.
- Latham, Alan; McCormack, Derek; McNamara, Kim; McNeill, Donald (14 January 2009). Key Concepts in Urban Geography. Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Publications Limited. ISBN 978-1-4129-3041-3.
- Leach, William (1993). Land of Desire: Merchants, Power, and the Rise of a New American Culture. New York: Vintage Books (Random House), 1994. ISBN 0-679-75411-3.
- Levy, John M. (2017). Contemporary Urban Planning. 11th ed. New York: Routledge (Taylor & Francis).
- Magnusson, Warren. Politics of Urbanism: Seeing like a city. London & New York: Routledge, 2011. ISBN 978-0-203-80889-4.
- Marshall, John U. (1989). The Structure of Urban Systems. University of Toronto Press. ISBN 978-0-8020-6735-7.
- Marzluff, John M., Eric Schulenberger, Wilfried Endlicher, Marina Alberti, Gordon Bradley, Clre Ryan, Craig ZumBrunne, & Ute Simon (2008). Urban Ecology: An International Perspective on the Interaction Between Humans and Nature. New York: Springer Science+Business Media. ISBN 978-0-387-73412-5.
- McQuillan, Eugene. The Law of Municipal Corporations, 3rd ed. 1987 revised volume by Charles R.P. Keating, Esq. Wilmette, Illinois: Callaghan & Company.
- Moholy-Nagy, Sibyl (1968). Matrix of Man: An Illustrated History of Urban Environment. New York: Frederick A Praeger. ISBN 978-1-315-61940-8
- Mumford, Lewis (1961). The City in History: Its Origins, Its Transformations, and Its Prospects. New York: Harcourt, Brace & World.
- O'Flaherty, Brendan (2005). City Economics. Cambridge Massachusetts: Harvard University Press. ISBN 978-0-674-01918-8.
- Pacione, Michael (2001). The City: Critical Concepts in The Social Sciences. New York: Routledge. ISBN 978-0-415-25270-6.
- Paddison, Ronan, ed. (2001). Handbook of Urban Studies. London; Thousand Oaks, California; and New Delhi: Sage Publications. ISBN 0-8039-7695-X.
- Room, Adrian (1996). An Alphabetical Guide to the Language of Name Studies. Lanham and London: The Scarecrow Press. ISBN 978-0-8108-3169-8.
- Rybczynski, W., City Life: Urban Expectations in a New World, (1995)
- Smith, Michael E. (2002) The Earliest Cities. In Urban Life: Readings in Urban Anthropology, edited by George Gmelch and Walter Zenner, pp. 3–19. 4th ed. Waveland Press, Prospect Heights, IL.
- Southall, Aidan (1998). The City in Time and Space. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0-521-46211-8
- Wellman, Kath & Marcus Spiller, eds. (2012). Urban Infrastructure: Finance and Management. Chichester, UK: Wiley-Blackwell. ISBN 978-0-470-67218-1.
Further reading
[edit]- Berger, A.S. (1978). The City: Urban Communities and Their Problems. Brown. ISBN 978-0-697-07555-0.
- Chandler, T. Four Thousand Years of Urban Growth: An Historical Census. Lewiston, NY: Edwin Mellen Press, 1987.
- Geddes, Patrick, City Development (1904)
- Glaeser, Edward (2011). Triumph of the City: How Our Best Invention Makes Us Richer, Smarter, Greener, Healthier, and Happier. New York: Penguin Press. ISBN 978-1-59420-277-3.
- Kemp, Roger L. (2007). Managing America's Cities: A Handbook for Local Government Productivity. McFarland. ISBN 978-0-7864-3151-9.
- Kemp, Roger L. (16 March 2007). How American Governments Work: A Handbook of City, County, Regional, State, and Federal Operations. McFarland. ISBN 978-0-7864-3152-6.
- Kemp, Roger L. (7 March 2013). Town and Gown Relations: A Handbook of Best Practices. Jefferson, NC London: McFarland. ISBN 978-0-7864-6399-2.
- Monti, Daniel (29 October 1999). The American City: A Social and Cultural History. Malden, Mass.: Wiley-Blackwell. ISBN 978-1-55786-918-0.
- Reader, John (2005). Cities. New York: Vintage.
- Robson, W.A., and Regan, D.E., ed., Great Cities of the World, (3d ed., 2 vol., 1972)
- Smethurst, P. (22 May 2015). The Bicycle — Towards a Global History. Springer. ISBN 978-1-137-49951-6.
- Thernstrom, S., and Sennett, R., ed., Nineteenth-Century Cities (1969)
- Toynbee, Arnold J. (ed), Cities of Destiny, New York: McGraw-Hill, 1967. Pan historical/geographical essays, many images. Starts with "Athens", ends with "The Coming World City-Ecumenopolis".
- Weber, Max, The City, 1921. (tr. 1958)
External links
[edit]- World Urbanization Prospects, Website of the United Nations Population Division (archived 10 July 2017)
- Urban population (% of total) – World Bank website based on UN data.
- Degree of urbanization (percentage of urban population in total population) by continent in 2016 – Statista, based on Population Reference Bureau data.
Definition and Etymology
Definition
A city is a large, permanent human settlement characterized by high population density, social heterogeneity, and a predominance of non-agricultural economic activities, functioning as a hub for trade, administration, and cultural exchange.[13] Legal definitions emphasize administrative incorporation and governance powers; in the United States, for example, cities are typically municipalities with statutory authority to manage services like infrastructure and public safety, often requiring a minimum population or land area as set by state law, distinguishing them from unincorporated areas or smaller towns.[14] Internationally, thresholds vary: Japan mandates at least 50,000 residents for city status, while some European nations grant it based on historical charters regardless of size.[15][16] Sociological perspectives, such as that of Louis Wirth, define a city empirically by three interrelated traits—scale (large population), density (proximity fostering specialized interactions), and heterogeneity (diverse social groups leading to impersonal relations)—which collectively produce distinct urban patterns of behavior and organization.[17] These criteria align with functional realities: cities concentrate labor division, enabling complex institutions absent in rural settings, as evidenced by historical shifts where settlements exceeding 10,000-50,000 inhabitants typically exhibit centralized markets and governance.[18] Quantitative delineations, like those from the United Nations, classify cities as local administrative units where at least 50% of residents live in contiguous high-density areas (e.g., over 1,500 persons per square kilometer) with minimal agricultural land use.[19] Eurostat similarly requires that at least half the population of a unit reside in urban centers defined by density exceeding 300 inhabitants per square kilometer and built-up continuity.[20] Absent a global standard, classifications blend demographic metrics with qualitative factors like economic output and infrastructure; for instance, the U.S. Census treats places with 2,500 or more residents as urban if they meet density and development thresholds, though legal city status depends on incorporation rather than size alone.[21] This hybrid approach reflects causal drivers: population agglomeration drives innovation and efficiency via reduced transaction costs, but over-reliance on arbitrary cutoffs (e.g., ignoring functional metro areas) can distort data, as seen in undercounting urban sprawl in national statistics.[22] Such inconsistencies highlight that "city" status often confers prestige or fiscal privileges, sometimes detached from empirical urban traits.[10]Etymology
The English word "city" entered the language around 1200 from Old French cité, denoting a "town" or "large settlement," which itself derived from Latin civitatem, the accusative form of civitas, signifying "citizenship," "community of citizens," or "political state."[23] The Latin civitas emphasized the collective body of cives (citizens) bound by shared laws and rights, as articulated by Cicero in the late Roman Republic, rather than the physical infrastructure alone—for which Romans used urbs.[24] [25] This root, from Proto-Italic keiwis and ultimately Proto-Indo-European ḱey- ("to settle" or "lie down"), highlights the concept's origin in organized human settlement and civic membership, evolving through medieval Europe to imply incorporated towns with legal privileges, such as charters or episcopal sees in England.[23] In contrast to mere urbs, civitas carried connotations of self-governing polity, influencing modern usages where "city" often denotes administrative status over population or size alone.[26]Geography and Urban Morphology
Site and Location
The location of cities has been predominantly determined by geographical features providing defensive advantages, access to resources, and transportation efficiency. Elevated sites such as hills, plateaus, or islands offered natural barriers against military threats, reducing the need for extensive fortifications and enabling concentrated settlement. Proximity to reliable freshwater sources was essential for drinking, sanitation, and early agriculture, with rivers and springs forming the core of many ancient urban sites.[27][28] Transportation routes exerted a causal influence on site selection, as cities clustered along navigable rivers, coastal harbors, and land crossroads to minimize friction in trade and mobility. River confluences, for instance, allowed integration of upstream resource extraction with downstream maritime access, lowering costs of bulk goods movement by factors of 10 to 20 times compared to overland alternatives in pre-industrial eras. Natural harbors sheltered shipping from storms and predators, fostering port-based economies; historical data indicate that over 70% of major pre-20th century cities were situated within 100 km of coastlines or major inland waterways.[27] Fertile alluvial plains near these transport nodes supported intensive farming, generating food surpluses critical for non-agricultural urban specialization. Empirical settlement patterns reveal clustering in temperate zones with moderate rainfall, avoiding extreme aridity or flood-prone lowlands unless offset by overriding benefits like trade dominance; for example, Mesopotamian cities emerged on flood-irrigated Tigris-Euphrates plains despite periodic inundations. Volcanic soils in regions like the Mediterranean also attracted settlements for their agricultural productivity, illustrating how site-specific edaphic factors interacted with hydrological ones.[28][31][3] While modern cities may prioritize infrastructure like highways and airports, foundational sites retain imprints of these primal drivers, with expansions radiating from original nuclei shaped by terrain and hydrology. Seismic or flood vulnerabilities have not deterred location in high-utility zones, as evidenced by persistent growth in riverine deltas and fault-adjacent basins where economic returns exceed risks.[27][32]Internal Structure
The internal structure of a city comprises the spatial organization of its physical elements, including streets, building plots, architectural forms, and land-use distributions, which collectively define urban fabric and functionality. This structure emerges from interactions between planning intentions, economic incentives, and environmental constraints, with patterns observable across historical and contemporary examples. Empirical analyses reveal predominant low-density built-up forms globally, alongside diverse morphological types such as compact cores and sprawling peripheries.[33][34] Street networks form a foundational component, often exhibiting hierarchical designs where major arterials connect to finer local paths. Orthogonal grid layouts, characterized by perpendicular streets, enable systematic land subdivision and efficient circulation, as evidenced in ancient Indus Valley cities like Mohenjo-Daro around 2500 BCE, where uniform blocks supported dense habitation and drainage.[35] In contrast, organic networks, with curving and irregular streets, predominate in pre-industrial settlements adapted to topography, such as those in medieval Europe, prioritizing pedestrian scale over vehicular efficiency. Modern cities frequently hybridize these, incorporating grids in expandable areas while preserving historic irregularity.[36][37] Land-use allocation reflects bid-rent principles, wherein proximity to central transport nodes commands higher values, concentrating retail and offices in cores while relegating industry to edges for cost and nuisance mitigation. Residential areas radiate outward in density gradients, with higher-income households favoring peripheral locations for space and amenities, a pattern documented in North American and European metropolises since the early 20th century. Zoning ordinances, formalized in the U.S. via the 1926 Standard State Zoning Enabling Act, institutionalized such segregation to promote order and property values, though empirical outcomes include reduced mixed-use vitality in some cases.[38][36] Infrastructure overlays, including utilities and transit corridors, reinforce functional zoning; for instance, rail and highway spines channel commuter flows, shaping polycentric developments in post-war suburbs. Building morphologies vary by era and regulation, from dense, multi-story forms in historic districts to low-rise sprawl in modern expansions, with global data indicating over 138 intra-urban fabric types dominated by discontinuous low-density patterns. These elements interact causally: efficient grids lower transport costs, fostering commercial agglomeration, while topographic barriers induce clustered, irregular growth.[33][39]Urban Expansion and Density
Urban expansion encompasses the peripheral growth of built-up areas beyond historical city cores, typically through greenfield development, annexation, and infrastructure extension. This outward spread has been propelled by population growth, rising incomes enabling larger housing, and advancements in personal mobility like automobiles, which reduced the friction of distance from employment centers.[40] In the United States, post-1950 suburbanization accelerated this trend, as low unemployment and federal highway investments facilitated migration to low-density outskirts, with metropolitan Chicago's spatial extent increasing 46% from 1970 to 1990 despite slower population gains. Globally, urban land cover has expanded rapidly, though at varying rates; for instance, while the world's urban population share rose from under 20% in 1900 to 55% in 2018, built-up areas often grew faster than population due to declining densities in expanding peripheries.[6] Population density, measured as inhabitants per square kilometer of urban area, inversely correlates with expansion patterns, with core districts maintaining higher concentrations than sprawling edges. High-density exemplars include Dhaka, Bangladesh, exceeding 20,000 persons per km², and Mumbai, India, around 28,000 per km², sustained by land scarcity and vertical construction amid rapid in-migration.[41] Conversely, low-density cities like Los Angeles, California, average below 3,200 persons per km² across their metro area, reflecting automobile-dependent layouts and single-family zoning that mandates larger lots and restricts multifamily housing.[42] Regulatory frameworks significantly influence these outcomes; mandates for minimum lot sizes or prohibitions on high-rise apartments foster sprawl by artificially inflating peripheral land use, even as market pressures from high core rents incentivize densification through infill or upzoning.[12] Recent analyses of over 9,900 growing cities worldwide, housing 2.34 billion people, document a shift toward densification, with average urban densities rising from 3,224 to 4,776 persons per km² between 1990 and 2020, attributed to constrained land availability and policies promoting compact growth in Asia and Europe.[43] This contrasts with historical sprawl in North America and Australia, where post-war policies prioritized suburban expansion, yet global projections anticipate moderated land consumption as urbanization matures, with urban areas expected to accommodate an additional 2.5 billion residents by 2050 primarily through higher densities rather than unchecked peripheral extension.[44] Empirical mapping via satellite data confirms that while urban extents doubled in many regions since 1975, per capita built-up area has stabilized or declined in densely settled zones, underscoring causal links between transport costs, topography, and economic agglomeration favoring vertical over horizontal growth.[45]Public Spaces
Public spaces encompass streets, squares, parks, plazas, and playgrounds that are publicly owned and accessible to all residents, shaping the physical and social fabric of urban environments.[46] These areas facilitate everyday activities such as walking, commerce, and gatherings, while serving as venues for economic exchange and community events.[47] In dense cities, they counteract overcrowding by providing open-air living rooms that promote pedestrian movement and incidental interactions.[48] Historically, public spaces originated in ancient urban centers like the Greek agora around 500 BCE, which functioned as central hubs for political discourse, trade, and social assembly in the polis.[49] Roman fora expanded this model with monumental architecture for civic functions, influencing medieval European market squares that integrated commerce and governance.[50] During the 19th-century Industrial Revolution, rapid urbanization prompted the creation of designed parks, such as New York's Central Park in 1858, to address public health crises from pollution and congestion by offering recreational green areas.[51] Empirical studies link access to quality public spaces with measurable benefits, including improved physical health through increased walking—up to 20% more in well-maintained parks—and reduced mental stress via exposure to greenery.[52] Economically, proximity to parks correlates with 5-15% higher property values and boosts local commerce by drawing foot traffic, as seen in analyses of urban green expansions yielding billions in societal returns from health savings alone.[53] Socially, diverse public spaces foster cohesion and reduce isolation, with observations showing higher interaction rates in areas with mixed uses and seating, though benefits diminish if spaces lack perceived safety.[54] Successful design emphasizes accessibility, human-scale elements like benches and lighting, and "triangulation"—placing provocative objects to spark conversations—principles derived from observations of high-usage plazas where movable chairs increased dwell time by 30%.[55] Active street facades with windows and entrances enhance vitality, while short-term activations like markets build long-term viability through community input.[56] [48] Challenges persist in maintenance and safety, with underfunded spaces often deteriorating into sites of litter, vandalism, or encampments due to insufficient staffing and budgets, leading to 20-50% usage drops in neglected areas.[57] Urban safety issues, including crime and disruptive behaviors like panhandling, require targeted interventions such as natural surveillance via adjacent buildings, yet bureaucratic hurdles and homelessness exacerbate perceptions of insecurity in many cities.[58] [59]Historical Development
Ancient Origins
The emergence of cities marked a pivotal shift in human settlement patterns, transitioning from Neolithic villages to complex urban centers supported by agricultural surpluses that enabled labor specialization, administrative hierarchies, and monumental construction. This "urban revolution," as termed by archaeologist V. Gordon Childe, first occurred in the Fertile Crescent of Mesopotamia around 4000 BCE, where environmental conditions like fertile alluvial soils and predictable river flooding facilitated intensive farming and population aggregation.[60] In southern Mesopotamia, the city of Uruk exemplifies early urbanism during the Uruk Period (c. 4000–3100 BCE), growing from a cluster of small communities into a metropolis with an estimated population of 40,000 to 80,000 by 3000 BCE. Uruk featured monumental mud-brick temples such as the Eanna complex, early cuneiform writing for administrative records, and craft specialization evidenced by mass-produced bevel-rimmed bowls, indicating centralized economic control and social stratification. These developments arose from irrigation-dependent agriculture along the Euphrates River, which generated surpluses supporting non-farming elites and laborers.[61][62] Parallel urban origins appeared in the Nile Valley of Egypt by c. 3100 BCE, coinciding with the unification under the First Dynasty pharaohs, as Memphis emerged as the capital near the delta apex, integrating administrative functions with temple complexes dedicated to Ptah. Egyptian urbanism relied on the Nile's annual inundation for reliable harvests, fostering state-controlled granaries and corvée labor for pyramid construction, though cities remained smaller and more dispersed than Mesopotamian counterparts due to decentralized nomes.[63] The Indus Valley Civilization developed independent urban centers like Mohenjo-daro and Harappa around 2600 BCE, characterized by grid-planned streets, standardized baked-brick architecture, advanced drainage systems, and granaries suggesting bureaucratic oversight without evident palaces or kings. Covering over 1 million square kilometers with populations in the tens of thousands, these cities thrived on monsoon-fed agriculture and trade in lapis lazuli and cotton, declining by 1900 BCE possibly due to climatic shifts altering river courses.[64][65] Later, in East Asia, proto-urban sites like Erlitou in the Yellow River basin emerged c. 1900 BCE during the Xia or early Shang period, with rammed-earth walls enclosing elite residences and bronze foundries, marking the onset of walled settlements tied to hydraulic engineering and ritual centers. In Mesoamerica, Teotihuacan arose c. 100 BCE as a planned city with pyramids aligned to celestial events, housing up to 125,000 residents by 200 CE through obsidian trade and agricultural terraces, independent of Old World influences.[66][67] These ancient origins reflect convergent adaptations to local ecologies, where surplus production and environmental predictability drove sedentism, inequality, and institutional complexity, laying foundations for state formation across continents.[68]Medieval and Early Modern Periods
Following the collapse of the Western Roman Empire in 476 AD, urban centers in Europe experienced significant decline, with many former Roman cities shrinking to villages as trade networks fragmented and populations migrated to rural areas for subsistence agriculture.[69] In contrast, cities in the Byzantine Empire and Islamic caliphates, such as Constantinople and Baghdad, maintained or expanded urban functions through sustained commerce along Silk Road and Mediterranean routes, supporting populations exceeding 500,000 in some cases by the 9th century.[70] From the 11th century onward, a commercial revolution in Western Europe spurred urban revival, driven by agricultural surpluses, improved milling technology, and expanded trade fairs that connected northern and southern markets.[71] Towns secured charters from feudal lords, granting privileges like market monopolies, toll exemptions, and self-governance, which fostered merchant guilds to regulate trade and protect against external competition.[72] [73] Craft guilds emerged alongside, enforcing apprenticeships, quality standards, and price controls for professions like blacksmithing and weaving, thereby stabilizing urban economies amid feudal hierarchies.[74] Urbanization rates remained low at approximately 5% of Europe's population by 1300, with Italy leading at higher densities; Venice and Florence each housed around 100,000 residents, while most towns numbered 5,000 to 10,000.[70] [75] The Black Death pandemic of 1347–1351 devastated cities, killing 30–60% of urban populations due to dense living conditions and poor sanitation, yet cities with greater autonomy implemented quarantines and governance measures that mitigated mortality by up to 10% compared to rural or less independent areas.[76] [77] Labor shortages post-plague elevated wages, weakened serfdom, and accelerated rural-to-urban migration, laying groundwork for demographic recovery by the late 15th century.[78] In the early modern period from circa 1500 to 1800, European urban growth accelerated with the Renaissance, Age of Exploration, and influx of New World silver, expanding trade hubs and colonial outposts; the number of cities over 5,000 inhabitants rose from about 500 in 1500 to roughly 900 by 1800.[79] Innovations like the printing press disseminated knowledge, while absolutist monarchs developed capital cities such as Versailles as administrative centers, though periodic plagues, wars, and fires—exemplified by London's Great Fire of 1666—imposed setbacks.[80] In Asia, Ming and Qing dynasties sustained megacities like Nanjing, with populations nearing 1 million, through centralized bureaucracy and agrarian taxation supporting urban elites.[81] Overall urbanization edged toward 10–15% in Europe, propelled by proto-industrial specialization and global commerce, though cities grappled with social unrest from inequality and rapid influxes.[70]Industrial Era
The Industrial Revolution, commencing in Britain around 1760, marked a pivotal shift in urban development as mechanized production drew rural populations into cities seeking factory employment.[82] In the United Kingdom, the proportion of the population residing in towns and cities exceeding 10,000 inhabitants rose from approximately one-fifth in 1801 to two-fifths by 1851, with Britain achieving a majority urban society by the latter date.[83][84] Manchester, emblematic of this transformation, expanded from a population of over 70,000 in 1801 to more than 300,000 by 1851, fueled by textile mills and ancillary industries that concentrated labor in dense urban cores.[85] This influx overwhelmed existing structures, leading to unplanned sprawl where factories supplanted traditional workshops and housing proliferated haphazardly around industrial sites. Infrastructure adaptations were essential to sustain urban growth, though initial efforts lagged behind population surges. Canals, constructed from the late 18th century to transport raw materials like cotton and coal, preceded the railway boom, with the Stockton and Darlington Railway opening in 1825 as the first public steam-powered line.[86] By the mid-19th century, rail networks facilitated commuter flows and goods distribution, enabling cities like Liverpool and Birmingham to integrate into national supply chains.[87] Sanitation systems, however, remained rudimentary; open sewers and cesspits prevailed until cholera outbreaks in the 1830s and 1840s prompted reforms, such as London's 1858 "Great Stink" catalyzing the construction of Joseph Bazalgette's intercepting sewers completed in the 1860s.[88] These developments underscored causal links between industrial density and public health imperatives, with empirical data from parliamentary reports revealing mortality rates in industrial districts exceeding rural averages by factors of two to three. Social conditions in burgeoning industrial cities were characterized by exploitation and deprivation, as factories imposed regimented labor on migrants. Workers, including children as young as five, endured 12- to 16-hour shifts in hazardous environments rife with machinery accidents and respiratory ailments from coal dust and textile fibers.[89] Slum districts emerged, with Manchester's Ancoats and Angel Meadow exemplifying overcrowding where multiple families shared single rooms lacking ventilation or water, contributing to tuberculosis and typhoid epidemics.[90] Child labor, comprising up to 20% of the workforce in some mills, was driven by economic necessity rather than policy, though Factory Acts from 1802 onward gradually imposed age and hour restrictions amid documented abuses.[91] These realities stemmed from market dynamics prioritizing output over welfare, with wage data indicating adult male factory earnings hovering at subsistence levels—around 15-20 shillings weekly—insufficient for family sustenance without supplementary child contributions. The model spread globally by the 1840s, transforming continental European and American cities into industrial nodes. In the United States, urban populations swelled by 15 million between 1880 and 1900, propelled by steel mills in Pittsburgh and garment factories in New York, where immigrant labor replicated British patterns of tenement housing and sanitation deficits.[92] German cities like Essen and Ruhr Valley hubs similarly industrialized via coal and iron, with populations doubling in decades, though state interventions yielded earlier sewer networks than in Britain.[88] By 1900, this era had redefined cities as engines of economic output, with verifiable GDP per capita gains—Britain's rising from £1,700 in 1760 to £3,200 by 1860 in constant terms—offset by persistent inequalities that reformers attributed to unchecked capitalism rather than inherent systemic flaws.[93]Post-Industrial and Modern Era
In advanced economies, the post-World War II period initiated deindustrialization, as manufacturing activities relocated to regions with lower labor costs, resulting in significant job losses and economic contraction in former industrial centers. Cities in the American Rust Belt, such as Detroit, experienced severe population declines, with Detroit's population dropping nearly 30% between 2000 and 2015 amid factory abandonments and housing vacancies.[94] This process exacerbated urban decay, including rising poverty, crime, and infrastructure deterioration, as traditional blue-collar employment evaporated without immediate replacements.[95] Deindustrialization contributed to widened income inequality in the United States and persistent unemployment in parts of Europe, challenging municipal finances and social stability.[96] The transition to post-industrial urbanism involved a pivot toward service, finance, and knowledge-based economies, reshaping city landscapes through redevelopment of obsolete industrial sites. Former factories and waterfronts were repurposed into office complexes, residential areas, and cultural venues, as seen in the conversion of working docks into modern commercial hubs in Western cities during the late 20th century.[97] Over two-thirds of affected older industrial cities successfully shifted to innovation-driven models, leveraging education and technology to restore growth, though less educated locales lagged with ongoing employment stagnation.[98] [99] Suburbanization trends post-1950 further altered urban cores, drawing middle-class residents outward via automobiles and highways, while central areas grappled with disinvestment until urban renewal policies in the 1970s and 1980s spurred gentrification and revitalization.[100] Concurrently, global urbanization surged after 1950, with the world's urban population expanding from 751 million to 4.2 billion by 2018, primarily fueled by rapid city growth in Asia and Africa amid economic migration and development.[101] In the modern era since the 1990s, cities worldwide have integrated digital technologies and globalization, emerging as hubs for high-tech industries and multinational corporations, though this has intensified challenges like housing shortages and social cleavages.[102] Megacities proliferated, with urban areas accommodating over half of humanity by 2007, prompting policies for sustainable infrastructure and resilience against climate risks, yet many developing urban centers face informal settlements and service deficits.[6] By 2020, cities with populations exceeding one million numbered over 500 globally, underscoring the scale of this demographic shift.[103]Urbanization Dynamics
Drivers and Mechanisms
The formation and expansion of cities stem primarily from agglomeration economies, wherein firms and workers cluster to exploit productivity gains from proximity, including knowledge spillovers, specialized labor markets, and reduced transaction costs.[104] Empirical studies confirm that urban density correlates with higher output per worker, as denser environments facilitate matching between heterogeneous skills and jobs, with elasticities of productivity to density estimated at 3-8% in U.S. and European data.[105] These effects operate through causal channels like thicker markets for intermediate goods and face-to-face interactions that accelerate innovation, explaining why cities persist despite rising land prices and congestion.[106] Historically, city origins trace to the Neolithic Revolution around 10,000 BCE, when agricultural surpluses enabled non-subsistence labor specialization, population nucleation, and defensive clustering near fertile hinterlands.[3] In pre-industrial contexts, access to productive rural hinterlands amplified urban growth by supplying food and raw materials, fostering trade hubs; for instance, U.S. frontier counties with larger farm outputs in the 19th century exhibited faster city formation and sustained GDP per capita increases.[107] Mechanisms included natural population increase and voluntary migration drawn by higher wages, with rural push factors like land scarcity reinforcing urban pull from diversified employment.[108] In contemporary dynamics, urbanization accelerates via rural-urban migration responding to industrial and service-sector jobs, with global rates rising from under 10% in 1900 to approximately 56% by 2020, driven by GDP growth and infrastructure investments.[109] Key mechanisms encompass policy-induced factors like subsidized transport networks and zoning that lower relocation barriers, alongside economic restructuring toward knowledge-intensive industries that amplify agglomeration benefits.[110] However, Granger causality tests reveal bidirectional links with growth, where excessive urbanization without productivity gains can strain resources, underscoring that sustained expansion requires underlying economic vitality rather than mere population inflows.[111]Global Trends
In 2023, approximately 57.5% of the global population resided in urban areas, up from 55% in 2015, with the urbanization rate averaging 1.75% annually between 2020 and 2025.[112] [113] This equates to over 4.6 billion urban dwellers out of a total world population of about 8 billion, reflecting a trend where urban growth outpaces overall population increase due to net rural-to-urban migration and natural population growth in cities.[6] Projections indicate the urban share will reach 68% by 2050, adding nearly 2.5 billion more urban residents, primarily in Asia and sub-Saharan Africa.[44] [8] The number of megacities—urban agglomerations exceeding 10 million inhabitants—has expanded from 2 in 1950 (New York and Tokyo) to 33 by 2023, with Tokyo (37 million), Delhi (34.7 million), and Shanghai (30.5 million) as the largest in 2025 estimates.[114] [115] Over 90% of future urban growth is expected in developing regions, where lower baseline urbanization rates (e.g., 50% in Africa versus 80% in Europe) drive rapid expansion, often straining infrastructure amid economic pull factors like job availability in manufacturing and services.[8] [6] In contrast, developed regions exhibit slower urbanization, with trends shifting toward suburbanization and urban renewal rather than net population influx.[9] This global shift correlates with economic productivity gains, as urban density facilitates agglomeration economies, though it amplifies vulnerabilities like resource consumption and disaster exposure in hazard-prone areas.[116] [9] Annual urban population growth averaged 1.8-2% in low- and middle-income countries from 2010-2020, compared to under 0.5% in high-income ones, underscoring divergent trajectories shaped by fertility declines and migration patterns.[117]Consequences for Society and Economy
Cities facilitate economic specialization and innovation through agglomeration effects, where proximity enables knowledge spillovers, thicker labor markets, and efficient infrastructure sharing, leading to productivity gains. Empirical analyses indicate that doubling urban population size correlates with 12-19% higher productivity in developing countries like China, India, and parts of Africa, driven by these mechanisms.[118] In developed economies, urban density similarly supports service sector output, though benefits diminish in megacities exceeding three million residents, where smaller urban centers have proven more growth-conducive historically.[119] [120] However, urban concentration imposes diseconomies, including traffic congestion that elevates commuting times and logistics costs, reducing overall efficiency; in the United States, such delays contributed to substantial annual economic losses equivalent to wasted fuel and productivity hours prior to 2020 disruptions. High housing costs in dense cities exacerbate labor market frictions, hindering recruitment and retention while straining household budgets, with studies linking unaffordability to broader economic drag via lower worker mobility.[121] [122] In developing regions, rapid urbanization can yield net negative agglomeration impacts, amplifying overcrowding and infrastructure deficits that offset growth potential.[123] Socially, cities amplify inequality through spatial segregation, concentrating poverty in informal settlements and high-density neighborhoods where structural disadvantages persist. Urban environments correlate with elevated crime rates, particularly violent and property offenses, mediated by factors like income disparities and family instability; neighborhoods with higher proportions of single-parent households exhibit stronger links to secondary violence exposure and overall criminality.[124] [125] Conversely, intact family structures demonstrably reduce urban crime across U.S. cities and precincts, with data from 2023 analyses showing married-parent households associated with 20-50% lower offense rates in comparable areas.[126] Urbanization thus fosters diversity and service access but erodes traditional community ties, contributing to social isolation and weakened family units amid economic pressures.[127] [128]Governance and Policy
Municipal Structures
Municipal structures outline the organizational frameworks for local city governance, delineating responsibilities among elected legislators, executives, and administrators. These arrangements aim to balance democratic accountability with administrative efficiency, typically featuring elected councils for policy-making and mechanisms for executive implementation. In practice, structures vary by jurisdiction but commonly include variants of mayor-council or council-manager systems, as observed in numerous democratic municipalities.[129] The mayor-council form divides powers between an elected mayor as chief executive—who handles budget preparation, departmental appointments, and law enforcement—and an elected council focused on legislation, taxation, and oversight. Strong-mayor variants grant the executive veto authority and broader administrative control, prevalent in larger U.S. cities where centralized leadership addresses complex urban challenges. Weak-mayor systems, conversely, limit executive influence, with councils often appointing administrators, reducing the risk of executive dominance but potentially slowing decision-making.[130][131] In the council-manager form, an elected council sets policy and hires a professional, non-partisan city manager to oversee daily operations, including staff management and service delivery. This model emphasizes managerial expertise, minimizing political interference in administration and is utilized by roughly half of U.S. municipalities. Empirical analyses of over 70 studies reveal council-manager governments generally outperform mayor-council forms in fiscal prudence, policy execution, and service quality, attributing advantages to reduced patronage and enhanced professionalism.[132][133] Less common structures include commission governments, where elected commissioners jointly manage departments and legislate, and direct town meetings for smaller locales, though these have declined due to scalability issues in urban settings. Globally, municipal forms adapt to national systems: European cities often feature directly elected mayors with fused executive-legislative roles, while Asian urban governance frequently involves assemblies with appointed executives under central oversight, reflecting unitary state influences. These variations underscore causal links between institutional design and governance outcomes, with professional administration correlating to empirical improvements in urban management.[129]| Form of Government | Key Features | Advantages | Empirical Notes |
|---|---|---|---|
| Strong Mayor-Council | Elected mayor with veto, appointments, budget powers; council legislates | Decisive leadership for large-scale decisions | Higher conflict levels between branches[134] |
| Council-Manager | Elected council hires professional manager for execution | Expertise-driven, less politicized | Superior in 10 performance propositions across studies[133] |
| Commission | Elected commissioners handle both policy and administration | Unified responsibility per department | Rare today; historical for simplicity[135] |
Public Services and Finance
City governments deliver essential public services that sustain urban populations, encompassing public safety via police, fire, and emergency medical response; utilities including water supply, sewage, and solid waste management; transportation networks such as roads and public transit; parks and recreation facilities; and in some jurisdictions, elementary education and limited healthcare provisions.[136][137][138] These services address basic needs like sanitation, shelter support, and environmental maintenance, often tailored to local demands but constrained by jurisdictional boundaries that exclude broader welfare or higher education in many cases.[139] Funding for these services derives mainly from local revenue sources, with property taxes forming the backbone—generating approximately 75% of local tax dollars in the United States as of 2024—supplemented by sales taxes, income taxes where permitted, user fees for services like utilities, licenses, permits, and intergovernmental transfers from state or national governments.[140][141][142] In fiscal year 2021, combined state and local revenues reached $4.1 trillion, reflecting a mix of own-source taxes and external aid, though reliance on volatile transfers exposes cities to fiscal instability during economic downturns.[142] Expenditures prioritize operational necessities, with U.S. local governments disbursing $1.9 trillion directly in recent assessments, dominated by utilities, public safety, transportation, and education as the top categories across municipalities.[143][144] Capital investments in infrastructure, such as sewerage and roads, often require separate bonding or grants, while ongoing costs for personnel and maintenance strain budgets amid rising demands from population density.| Major Expenditure Categories in U.S. Cities | Typical Share of Budget |
|---|---|
| Utilities (water, sewer, waste) | Largest overall |
| Public Safety (police, fire) | Second largest |
| Transportation | Third largest |
| Education | Fourth largest |
Urban Planning Practices
Urban planning practices involve the deliberate design and regulation of land use, infrastructure, and built environments to manage urban growth, enhance functionality, and mitigate issues like congestion and sanitation. Originating in ancient civilizations with grid layouts in cities like Mohenjo-Daro around 2500 BCE for efficient water management and defense, these practices evolved through Greco-Roman orthogonal plans and medieval organic growth into more formalized approaches during the Enlightenment.[149] In the 19th century, responses to industrialization prompted sanitary reforms; for instance, Edwin Chadwick's 1842 report in Britain linked overcrowding to disease outbreaks, spurring planned infrastructure like sewers and widened streets.[150] Key modern practices include zoning, which separates residential, commercial, and industrial uses to prevent nuisances, first codified in New York City in 1916 and upheld by the U.S. Supreme Court in Village of Euclid v. Ambler Realty Co. (1926) as a valid exercise of police power.[151] However, empirical analyses show restrictive zoning, such as single-family-only mandates covering 75% of residential land in many U.S. cities, has reduced housing supply by limiting density, inflating prices by up to 40% in high-demand areas, and exacerbating segregation along racial and income lines.[152][153] Transportation planning shifted post-World War II toward automobile-centric designs, with U.S. interstate highways displacing 475,000 households by 1970, often prioritizing speed over community cohesion, leading to failures like induced sprawl and persistent congestion where demand outpaces supply.[154] Successful implementations emphasize market-responsive flexibility and density-supporting infrastructure; Curitiba, Brazil's bus rapid transit system, initiated in 1974, accommodates 2.3 million daily riders at low cost by integrating land-use zoning with high-capacity corridors, reducing per capita emissions compared to car-dependent peers.[155] Conversely, high-modernist projects like St. Louis's Pruitt-Igoe housing (1954), designed under Le Corbusier-influenced principles, failed due to social isolation and maintenance costs, resulting in its 1972 demolition after vacancy rates exceeded 60%.[156] Recent evidence-based approaches prioritize mixed-use developments and transit-oriented planning, where proximity to jobs correlates with 15-20% higher productivity, though overemphasis on densification without adequate roads can amplify traffic delays by 30% in under-provisioned systems.[157][154] Sustainability practices, such as green belts and low-carbon zoning, aim to curb sprawl; London's 1947 Green Belt has contained expansion, preserving 13% of land as non-urban since inception, but data indicate it has driven up inner-city housing costs by restricting supply without proportionally reducing emissions.[158] Empirical reviews underscore that effective planning hinges on aligning regulations with economic incentives, as rigid controls often yield unintended consequences like fiscal strain from underutilized infrastructure, with U.S. cities spending $1.5 trillion annually on transport subsidies that favor highways over balanced modes.[159][160]Critiques and Failures
Urban governance has frequently encountered fiscal crises stemming from structural deficits, overreliance on regressive taxes, and unsustainable pension obligations. For instance, Detroit filed for bankruptcy in July 2013 with $18-20 billion in liabilities, primarily from decades of population decline, industrial loss, and municipal borrowing to fund operations without corresponding revenue growth.[161] Similarly, New York City's 1975 near-default involved $14 billion in short-term debt accumulated through expansive welfare spending and resistance to fiscal restraint, necessitating federal intervention.[162] These cases illustrate how cities' dependence on property taxes exacerbates vulnerabilities when economic bases erode, as seen in ongoing pressures from underfunded pensions and post-pandemic revenue shortfalls affecting municipalities nationwide.[163] Corruption undermines municipal efficiency by diverting resources and eroding public trust, often manifesting in procurement irregularities and patronage. In developing contexts, local government corruption correlates with reduced infrastructure investment and service delivery, as officials prioritize personal gain over maintenance, leading to degraded urban environments.[164] Empirical analyses link higher corruption indices to resource misallocation in utilities and planning, where bribes inflate costs and delay projects, compounding inefficiencies like uncompetitive bidding.[165] Even in established systems, forms of government with fragmented oversight, such as council-manager structures without strong checks, exhibit elevated corruption risks compared to centralized mayoral models, per studies of U.S. municipalities.[166] Policy implementation failures, particularly in housing and renewal, highlight governance shortcomings in anticipating social dynamics. The Pruitt-Igoe complex in St. Louis, completed in 1954 as a modernist public housing solution for 2,870 units, deteriorated rapidly due to design isolation of residents, inadequate maintenance funding, and concentration of poverty, culminating in its dynamiting in 1972 after vacancy rates exceeded 60%.[167] Cabrini-Green in Chicago, built starting 1942, similarly collapsed under crime surges and managerial neglect, with over 15,000 residents by the 1960s facing gang violence that governance failed to curb, leading to phased demolition by 2011.[167] Urban renewal programs, like those under the 1949 Housing Act, razed viable neighborhoods for highways and projects, displacing communities without viable relocation, as in the loss of over 100 city blocks in U.S. cities to interstate construction, valued in billions today.[168] These outcomes reflect inertial planning biases toward top-down interventions ignoring market signals and resident agency, fostering dependency rather than integration.[169] Planning inertia and political interference further exacerbate failures, such as inconsistent zoning that stifles housing supply amid demand growth. Influence from vested interests often prioritizes short-term gains over long-term viability, as in cases where rapid urbanization outpaces regulatory adaptation, resulting in informal settlements and service gaps.[170] Critiques emphasize that without rigorous accountability, municipal structures perpetuate cycles of underinvestment in core services like waste management, amplifying disaster risks in densely populated areas.[171] Overall, these patterns underscore causal links between unchecked expansion of public roles and diminished outcomes, where empirical evidence favors decentralized, incentive-aligned approaches over centralized mandates.[172]Social Fabric
Demographics and Population
As of 2023, approximately 57.6% of the global population resided in urban areas, totaling over 4.61 billion people, up from 55% in earlier estimates and reflecting a steady increase driven primarily by rural-to-urban migration and higher natural population growth in developing regions.[173] [44] The United Nations projects this share to reach 68% by 2050, with most growth concentrated in Africa and Asia where urban populations are expanding at annual rates exceeding 3% in some countries due to industrialization and job opportunities.[8] In contrast, urban shares in Europe and North America have stabilized above 80%, indicating saturation in mature economies.[6] Urban population density worldwide averages around 4,200 people per square kilometer in areas exceeding 500,000 residents, far surpassing rural figures and enabling economies of scale but also straining infrastructure.[174] This density results from concentrated built-up land use, with minimum thresholds for urban classification often set at 1,500 per square kilometer.[6] Growth mechanisms favor migration over endogenous increase: rural-urban inflows account for up to 60% of urban expansion in low-income countries, as individuals seek employment, while urban fertility rates lag behind rural ones by 0.5 to 1.5 children per woman globally, attributable to higher living costs, delayed marriage, and access to contraception.[6] [175] Demographically, cities exhibit younger median ages than rural areas in aggregate, with working-age adults (15-64) comprising 65-70% of urban dwellers versus 60% rurally, fueled by selective in-migration of productive cohorts; however, fertility suppression in dense environments contributes to aging trends in high-income cities, where over-65 populations now exceed 15% in places like Tokyo and New York.[176] [177] Ethnic and cultural diversity intensifies in urban settings, with foreign-born residents averaging 20-50% in megacities like Toronto (49%) and Miami (58%), compared to national rural averages under 10%, reflecting immigration policies and economic pull factors that homogenize rural homogeneity.[178] This pattern underscores cities as hubs of human capital mobility, though it amplifies challenges like integration and resource allocation absent in less dynamic rural demographics.[179]Family Structures and Community
Urban areas exhibit smaller average household sizes compared to rural regions, a trend driven by economic pressures such as high housing costs and the necessity for dual-income households to sustain urban living standards. Globally, urbanization correlates with declining fertility rates and a shift from extended to nuclear family structures, as evidenced by data from 156 countries showing average household sizes contracting from 5.1 persons in 1970 to 3.7 in 2020, with urban populations experiencing steeper reductions due to space constraints and career mobility.[180] In the United States, urban counties report lower marriage rates among adults aged 15 and older (44 percent) than rural areas, alongside higher incidences of cohabitation and non-marital childbearing, which contribute to fragmented family units.[181] These patterns reflect causal factors like prolonged education and workforce participation delaying family formation, rather than inherent urban preferences for smaller units. Single-parent households are more prevalent in cities, often resulting from elevated divorce rates and out-of-wedlock births, which strain familial stability amid urban economic volatility. For instance, historical U.S. data indicate that only 75 percent of urban children lived in married-couple families in 1990, compared to 80 percent in rural areas, a disparity persisting due to factors like job instability and limited extended kin support networks.[182] Urbanization exacerbates these dynamics by eroding traditional extended family systems, replacing them with isolated nuclear or single-headed arrangements that rely more on state welfare than intergenerational aid, as migrants to cities sever rural ties for employment opportunities.[183] This shift promotes individualism, with empirical analyses linking rapid urban growth to weakened familial roles and diminished mutual support, particularly in developing regions where informal economies amplify vulnerabilities.[184] Community cohesion in urban settings tends to be lower than in rural areas, characterized by transient populations, ethnic diversity, and instrumental rather than affective social ties, which foster anonymity and reduce spontaneous neighborly interactions. Studies confirm that urbanization often dilutes traditional bonds, increasing social isolation as residents prioritize economic survival over communal obligations, with surveys revealing weakened family and neighborhood support in expanding cities.[185] [186] However, well-designed urban environments—such as vibrant public spaces—can partially mitigate this by enhancing vitality and facilitating mediated cohesion through voluntary associations or online networks, though empirical evidence suggests these substitutes rarely replicate rural-level trust and reciprocity.[187] In diverse urban neighborhoods, socioeconomic disadvantage compounds fragmentation, yet targeted cohesion efforts prove protective for vulnerable youth, underscoring the need for policy interventions to counter default urban atomization.[188] Overall, while cities enable specialized subcommunities, their scale inherently challenges the dense, organic solidarity found in smaller settlements.[189]Crime and Public Safety
Cities generally experience higher rates of violent victimization than rural areas, with U.S. data from 2021 showing urban rates at 24.5 per 1,000 persons compared to roughly half that in rural zones, driven primarily by elevated risks of aggravated assault and robbery.[190] This urban premium persists globally, as higher population density facilitates greater offender-victim interactions and opportunities for crimes like theft, though empirical studies indicate density may deter some property crimes through increased surveillance effects while leaving violent offenses unaffected.[191] Explanations rooted in causal factors include concentrated poverty, income inequality, and demographic shifts such as elevated proportions of female-headed households, which account for 30-50% of the observed urban-rural crime differential in victimization surveys.[192] [193] Public safety in urban settings hinges on effective policing and deterrence mechanisms, with evidence supporting targeted disorder policing—such as addressing minor infractions under the broken windows framework—as a means to curb escalation to serious crimes, evidenced by systematic reviews showing modest reductions in overall offending when implemented with community focus.[194] However, simplistic applications of the theory lack robust causal proof for a direct disorder-to-crime pathway, as multi-city experiments reveal no consistent first-order link after controlling for confounders like economic conditions.[195] Urban challenges are compounded by rapid population inflows, inadequate infrastructure, and resource competition, which exacerbate violence in high-growth areas, particularly where inequality fosters relative deprivation and gang activity.[196] [197] Recent trends illustrate volatility: U.S. urban violent crime surged post-2020 amid pandemic disruptions and policy shifts like reduced proactive policing, but by mid-2025, homicides declined 17% year-over-year across major cities, with overall violent offenses down amid recovering enforcement and economic stabilization.[198] [199] Property crimes, including vehicle thefts, have followed similar patterns of initial rises followed by drops exceeding 8% nationally in 2024.[200] Sustaining safety requires addressing root causes like concentrated urban poverty, which correlates strongly with violent offending independent of reporting biases, rather than relying solely on reactive measures.[201] [202] Despite these gains, disparities persist, with some suburbs and rural pockets rivaling urban rates in specific offenses like gun homicides, underscoring that density alone does not dictate risk.[203]Inequality and Social Mobility
 and urbanization effects across diverse activities (e.g., broad knowledge exchange).[106] Empirical studies quantify productivity premiums of 3-11% per doubling of city employment density, attributable to reduced search frictions and innovation spillovers rather than mere scale.[217] Cities thus generate over 80% of global GDP, with top urban agglomerations like those in developed regions contributing disproportionately through high-value services that exploit these dynamics.[218][219] Innovation thrives in cities via clustered ecosystems that amplify R&D outputs, patenting, and firm formation, as economic complexity correlates with higher human capital, technology adoption, and job creation.[220] Urban hubs foster this through dense networks of universities, venture capital, and startups, where proximity accelerates idea recombination; for example, leading innovation clusters in areas like San Francisco and New York exhibit elevated metrics in scientific publications and venture funding relative to non-urban peers.[221] However, sustained innovation requires institutional stability and minimal regulatory distortions, as over-reliance on subsidies can undermine genuine competitive advantages derived from agglomeration.[222] Cities with diversified industry mixes, rather than mono-sector dependence, demonstrate greater resilience and inventive capacity, evidenced by historical shifts from manufacturing to service-led models in prosperous metropolises.[217][220]Labor Markets
Cities concentrate labor markets through agglomeration economies, where proximity facilitates knowledge spillovers, specialized divisions of labor, and thicker matching between workers and firms, resulting in productivity gains of approximately 3 to 8 percent for each doubling of city population in developed economies, with higher elasticities—up to 19 percent in China—observed in developing contexts.[223][224] These effects stem from denser information flows and reduced transaction costs, enabling firms to access diverse skills and workers to find better-suited roles, though such benefits diminish with excessive urban density due to congestion and housing costs.[225][226] Urban wages exceed rural counterparts by an average of 24 percent on an hourly basis globally, based on household surveys from 58 countries, reflecting higher labor productivity and demand in service-oriented sectors that dominate city employment, such as finance, technology, and professional services.[227] In the United States, workers in large metropolitan areas earned 24 percent more than those in smaller cities and 51 percent more than in non-metropolitan rural areas as of 2021, though this premium has narrowed for non-college-educated workers over the past decade amid offshoring and automation.[228][229] Cities also exhibit greater occupational sorting, with high-skilled workers disproportionately attracted to larger urban centers, amplifying wage dispersion as low-skilled labor faces competition from migrants and informal entrants.[106] Unemployment rates in urban areas often align closely with or slightly undercut rural levels in aggregate post-recession data, with U.S. rural-urban parity emerging since 2009, but cities experience more volatile structural unemployment from skill mismatches and sectoral shifts, particularly in deindustrializing regions.[230] Labor force participation tends higher in urban settings due to diverse opportunities, yet underemployment persists, especially in informal urban economies of developing cities where vulnerable employment—lacking contracts or benefits—affects a larger share of workers amid rapid urbanization.[231] Recent trends, including the gig economy and remote work post-2020, have partially eroded urban premiums by enabling rural access to city jobs, though empirical evidence indicates persistent urban advantages in high-value sectors requiring face-to-face collaboration.[232] Urban labor markets foster innovation through clustering of complementary industries, but they also perpetuate inequality as agglomeration benefits accrue unevenly to educated elites, leaving low-skill migrants in precarious roles; for instance, human capital externalities explain more inter-city productivity variance than pure density effects in Latin American studies.[233] Policy interventions like skills training mitigate mismatches, yet causal evidence links urban density directly to firm-level efficiency gains via localized talent pools, underscoring cities' role as engines of economic output despite inherent frictions.[234][235]Poverty Traps and Welfare Dependencies
Poverty traps in cities arise from interlocking barriers including high housing costs, spatial segregation, and limited human capital accumulation, which hinder escape from low-income equilibria. Empirical analyses indicate these traps are more prevalent in urban settings of developing regions, where households in informal settlements face self-reinforcing cycles of inadequate infrastructure and survival strategies that prioritize short-term needs over long-term investment.[236] [237] In developed cities, geographic factors concentrate disadvantage, with children in high-poverty neighborhoods exhibiting elevated risks of prolonged exposure to similar conditions in adulthood.[238] Welfare dependencies exacerbate urban poverty traps through benefits cliffs, where phase-outs of aid create effective marginal tax rates (EMTRs) that discourage additional work. Simulations reveal EMTRs peaking above 100% for low-income families transitioning out of poverty, as gains in earnings are offset by losses in subsidies like housing assistance and Medicaid, effectively trapping recipients in dependency.[239] [240] In U.S. urban areas, such dynamics contribute to intergenerational persistence, with 32% of children from persistently poor families spending half their early adulthood in poverty, compared to 1% from never-poor backgrounds.[241] Urban welfare systems in Europe, characterized by higher social spending, yield mixed outcomes on dependency; while providing broader coverage, they correlate with lower labor force participation among low-skilled workers in cities, perpetuating reliance on transfers over self-sufficiency.[242] Policies emphasizing work requirements, as opposed to unconditional aid expansion, have demonstrated reductions in long-term dependency by aligning incentives with employment.[243] Intergenerational data across high-income countries show poverty persistence rates of 0.43 in the U.S., higher than in many European nations, underscoring the role of urban-specific factors like neighborhood effects in amplifying transmission.[244]Cultural Dimensions
Institutions and Expressions
Cultural institutions in cities, such as museums, theaters, and libraries, function as custodians of historical artifacts, performers of live arts, and hubs for public intellectual engagement, drawing on empirical evidence of their role in heritage preservation and community cohesion.[245] Data from the World Cities Culture Forum indicate that 40 major cities collectively host 3,021 museums, 4,157 theaters, and 4,012 public libraries, serving populations exceeding 260 million residents and attracting 1.3 billion tourists annually.[246] These facilities not only catalog tangible cultural assets—like the 120,329 heritage sites documented across these urban centers—but also facilitate experiential learning, with museums shaping collective identity through exhibitions that educate on local and global histories.[245] Theaters, in particular, enhance municipal prestige and resident pride by staging productions that reflect societal narratives, as evidenced by surveys in Finnish cities where public funding for such venues correlates with heightened local attachment.[247] [248] Empirical analyses underscore the economic and social impacts of these institutions, including tourism revenue generation and spatial revitalization, though investments often prioritize flagship projects over equitable access, leading to concentrations in central districts.[249] Cities like Istanbul, with 1,984 cultural attractions as of June 2021, exemplify how dense institutional clusters amplify visitor footfall and cultural output, outpacing peers such as Milan (1,480 attractions).[250] However, studies reveal uneven distribution, with peripheral urban areas exhibiting lower vibrancy indices due to funding disparities, prompting calls for decentralized models to mitigate exclusionary dynamics.[251] In practice, collaborations between museums and performing arts sectors have expanded outreach, integrating theater into exhibit spaces to foster critical public discourse on urban multiculturalism.[252] [253] Cultural expressions in cities emerge through dynamic public manifestations, including street art festivals, live music venues, and seasonal events, which transform mundane spaces into interactive canvases reflective of resident ingenuity and demographic diversity.[254] Street art, evolving from 1960s graffiti origins, now features in global festivals that produce large-scale murals and urban biennales, revitalizing neighborhoods by boosting tourism and instilling community pride without reliance on institutional gatekeeping.[255] [254] Events like those in Katowice, Poland, or Stavanger, Norway, exemplify this shift, converting derelict walls into cultural assets that engage locals and visitors in spontaneous, site-specific creativity.[256] Such expressions often counterbalance formalized institutions by prioritizing grassroots participation, as seen in African art festivals that amplify indigenous motifs amid urban expansion.[257] In denser metropolises, these activities intersect with live scenes—encompassing markets, concerts, and impromptu performances—sustaining a feedback loop where artistic output mirrors and molds city rhythms, backed by vibrancy metrics tracking per capita venue density.[258]Lifestyle and Communications
Urban lifestyles are characterized by a faster pace of daily activities, including longer working hours and increased commuting times, often exceeding those in rural areas due to concentrated employment opportunities in non-agricultural sectors.[259] [260] Household incomes in urban statistical areas average over 80% higher than in rural regions, supporting greater access to cultural and leisure amenities, though this correlates with elevated consumption patterns and time pressures.[261] Empirical studies indicate urban residents report slightly higher life evaluations (5.48 on average globally) compared to rural populations (5.07), attributed to proximity to services, though well-being is moderated by factors like housing quality and green space availability.[262] [263] Social interactions in cities foster diverse networks through public spaces and proximity, enabling connections across demographics that are rarer in dispersed rural settings, yet family structures show convergence over time with urban marriage rates at 44% versus 48-51% in suburban and rural areas.[264] [181] Urban environments provide more opportunities for child socialization via community institutions, though challenges like reduced nature exposure can impact development compared to rural areas with greater restorative green spaces.[265] Personality traits differ empirically, with urban dwellers exhibiting higher openness on average, potentially linked to cultural density, while rural residents score higher on extraversion tied to community ties.[266] Communications in cities benefit from superior infrastructure, with global urban internet usage reaching 83% in 2024 versus 48% in rural areas, enabling near-universal daily digital engagement for work, social, and media consumption.[267] Household internet access in urban zones stands at 72% worldwide, roughly double rural levels, facilitating high-speed broadband penetration of 98.5% in U.S. metropolitan areas compared to 77.4% rural.[268] [269] This digital density supports urban media ecosystems, where 80-90% of residents use the internet daily, sustaining information flows, e-commerce, and virtual interactions that amplify city functions but exacerbate divides for underserved subgroups.[270] Persistent urban-rural gaps in adoption, hovering at 6-9% since 1998, reflect infrastructural advantages rather than attitudinal barriers alone.[271]Representations and Perceptions
Cities have long been represented in literature, art, and media as symbols of human ambition, dynamism, and modernity, often juxtaposed against themes of isolation and moral decay. In literary works, urban settings frequently serve as backdrops for narratives exploring opportunity and cultural vitality, as seen in depictions of cities as hubs of invention and collective energy, while also highlighting materialism and poverty.[272] Visual arts, including 19th-century paintings, have captured urban spaces as harmonious expressions of democratic progress, with impressionist scenes emphasizing the vitality of street life and architectural innovation. These representations influence urban planning and public imagination, shaping cities as imagined constructs that reflect societal aspirations and tensions.[273] Public perceptions of city life often emphasize excitement and access to amenities but are tempered by concerns over density, anonymity, and social disconnection. Surveys indicate that urban dwellers frequently view rural communities as having divergent values, with 53% of urban residents in the United States perceiving rural values as different from their own, compared to reciprocal views from rural areas.[274] Empirical studies reveal psychological differences, with urban populations showing higher levels of openness and conscientiousness, alongside greater satisfaction with public services due to elevated expectations, though rural residents report lower neuroticism.[266][275] Happiness differentials vary globally, correlating with perceived urbanization levels, where urban areas sometimes exhibit gaps in life evaluation influenced by local economic and social factors.[262] Stereotypes of urban life persist, portraying cities as fast-paced environments fostering innovation but also breeding impatience and superficiality, though evidence challenges blanket misconceptions of inherent unfriendliness.[276] Media and cultural narratives amplify divides, with urban areas stereotyped as detached from national norms, yet data from self-reported identities show partisan influences, as Democrats are more prone to classify their communities as urban while Republicans favor rural labels.[277][278] Such perceptions can distort policy debates, as mainstream outlets, prone to institutional biases, may overemphasize urban pathologies while understating adaptive urban resilience.[279]Infrastructure Essentials
Transportation Networks
Urban transportation networks encompass interconnected infrastructure systems designed to facilitate the movement of people and goods within metropolitan areas, including roadways, rail lines, bus routes, pedestrian paths, and cycling lanes. These networks typically feature structural elements such as nodes (intersections or stations), links (routes between nodes), and flows (traffic volumes), which collectively influence urban spatial organization by enabling accessibility and economic activity.[280][281] Road networks dominate in most cities, with private automobiles accounting for approximately 51% of global commutes, reflecting widespread car dependency driven by historical shifts from horse-drawn vehicles to motorized transport in the 20th century.[282][283] Public transit systems, including subways, buses, and light rail, form critical hubs and feeders in denser urban cores, evolving from 19th-century streetcars to electrified networks by the early 1900s, though ridership has stagnated or declined in many Western cities despite substantial subsidies exceeding $50 billion annually in the U.S. alone.[284] Modal shares vary significantly; for instance, some high-density cities achieve up to 81% public transit usage for daily trips, while global averages hover lower due to suburban sprawl induced by zoning policies that restrict high-density development, thereby increasing reliance on personal vehicles.[285][286] Non-motorized modes like walking and cycling constitute smaller shares, often targeted at 30% in sustainability plans, but empirical data show their viability limited outside compact areas. Congestion imposes substantial economic burdens, with U.S. estimates ranging from $87 billion to $166 billion annually in lost productivity and fuel waste, exacerbated by underinvestment in road capacity relative to demand growth and regulatory barriers to expansion.[287] These costs arise from bottleneck effects and peak-hour surges, where traffic flows mimic fluid dynamics but falter under overload, leading to cascading delays; studies indicate that highway spending yields only marginal relief, recovering about 11 cents per dollar invested due to induced demand.[288][289] Resilience against disruptions, such as accidents or maintenance, depends on network redundancy, with empirical models highlighting vulnerabilities in radial designs common to many cities.[290] Policy interventions like transit expansions have mixed results, sometimes increasing overall congestion by diverting resources from roads without proportionally reducing vehicle miles traveled.[291]Utilities and Basic Services
Cities depend on integrated utility systems to deliver essential services such as water, electricity, sanitation, and waste management, which sustain high population densities and economic activity. These systems typically involve centralized infrastructure like treatment plants, distribution networks, and collection services, often managed by municipal authorities or regulated utilities. However, urban environments amplify challenges including resource strain, infrastructure decay, and uneven access, particularly in rapidly growing developing cities where demand outpaces capacity.[292] Water supply in cities draws from surface sources, groundwater, or desalination, undergoing filtration, disinfection, and distribution through pressurized pipes to households and industries. Globally, urban water systems lose an average of 40% of supplied water to leaks, theft, or inefficiencies, exacerbating scarcity that affects over 40% of the world's population, with urban demand projected to rise due to population growth and industrialization.[293][294] Inadequate treatment contributes to contamination risks, though major cities in high-income countries achieve near-universal coverage of potable water, contrasting with gaps in low-income urban areas where pollution from upstream sources further compromises quality.[295] Electricity provision relies on interconnected grids sourcing power from fossil fuels, renewables, or nuclear plants, with urban centers exhibiting higher access rates—approaching 100% in developed cities—compared to rural areas. As of 2023, global electricity access reached 92%, driven by urban electrification, yet city grids face reliability issues from peak loads and aging transformers, contributing to frequent blackouts in megacities like those in India or parts of Africa.[296] Demand in urban areas is surging, with global electricity consumption expected to grow 3.4% annually through 2026, fueled by commercial and residential needs, while data centers alone could double their draw to 945 terawatt-hours by 2030.[297][298] Sanitation systems in cities channel wastewater via sewers to treatment facilities employing biological, chemical, or mechanical processes to remove pathogens and pollutants before discharge or reuse. Only 56% of domestic wastewater flows are safely treated worldwide as of 2024, leaving 3.5 billion people—disproportionately in urban slums—exposed to untreated effluents that foster disease transmission and environmental degradation.[299][300] In low- and middle-income cities, combined sewer overflows during storms pollute waterways, while septic reliance in peri-urban zones often fails due to poor maintenance, underscoring the need for upgraded infrastructure to meet Sustainable Development Goal targets.[301] Municipal solid waste management encompasses collection, sorting, recycling, and disposal, generating pressures from urban consumption patterns that produce higher per-capita refuse in wealthier cities. Low-income countries collect just 48% of urban waste, with the remainder dumped openly or burned, posing health hazards via vectors and emissions, whereas high-income urban systems achieve over 90% collection but grapple with landfill saturation.[302] Globally, cities contribute to 11.2 billion tons of annual solid waste, including hazardous e-waste, necessitating innovations like waste-to-energy to mitigate methane releases from decomposing organics.[303] Funding shortfalls hinder expansion, as urban waste services consume up to 20% of municipal budgets without proportional recovery through fees or recycling revenues.[304]Technological Integrations
Cities increasingly incorporate Internet of Things (IoT) devices, artificial intelligence (AI), and high-speed connectivity networks to monitor infrastructure, optimize resource use, and deliver services. These integrations, often termed smart city technologies, enable real-time data collection and analysis, with IoT sensors forming the backbone; approximately 80% of smart city projects deploy them for applications in transportation, utilities, and public safety. Global IoT device connections reached 18.8 billion by late 2024, with urban deployments driving growth in sensors for traffic management, waste collection, and environmental monitoring, projected to expand at a 36% compound annual growth rate through 2034.[305][306][307] Advanced wireless networks like 5G underpin these systems by providing low-latency, high-bandwidth connectivity essential for IoT scalability and AI processing. As of 2024, 67% of the global urban population had access to 5G networks, compared to 29% in rural areas, facilitating applications such as remote infrastructure control and autonomous vehicles; over 60% of major cities had initiated 5G deployments for smart initiatives by mid-2025. Connections worldwide exceeded 2.25 billion by April 2025, growing four times faster than 4G adoption, though full coverage remains limited, with projections for 80% of mobile traffic on 5G by 2030.[308][309][310] AI algorithms process IoT-generated big data to predict and mitigate urban issues, including traffic congestion and energy demand. In urban planning, AI optimizes land use and infrastructure by simulating scenarios; for instance, it analyzes geospatial data for sustainable development, as seen in data-driven projects in regions like Saudi Arabia where analytics inform design and service efficiency. Effectiveness varies: AI-enhanced traffic systems reduce delays, but overreliance risks amplifying biases in training data, potentially exacerbating inequities without human oversight.[311][312] Digital surveillance integrates cameras and facial recognition, linked to IoT and AI, to enhance security; a study of China's 2014-2019 camera installations found causal reductions in crime rates, with property crimes dropping up to 20% in covered areas due to deterrence and faster response times. However, these systems provoke privacy concerns, including mass data collection without consent and risks of government overreach, as evidenced by public backlash in cities with opaque policies; ethical frameworks emphasize balancing security gains against erosion of civil liberties, with transparency mitigating trust deficits.[313][314][315] Cloud computing and edge processing further enable seamless integration across municipal systems, supporting e-governance platforms for permit processing and citizen feedback. While these technologies promise efficiency—such as predictive maintenance cutting infrastructure costs—empirical outcomes depend on robust cybersecurity; breaches in interconnected urban networks could cascade failures, underscoring the need for resilient architectures over hype-driven implementations.[316][317]Housing and Built Environment
Types and Availability
Urban housing types are classified primarily by structure, density, and construction method, reflecting adaptations to land scarcity, population pressures, and economic conditions. Single-family detached homes, standalone structures on individual lots, remain common in lower-density urban fringes but constitute a declining share in cores due to high land costs and zoning preferences for multi-unit developments. Attached variants, such as townhouses or row houses, share walls and provide moderate density with individual ownership, often seen in historic districts or infill projects. Multi-family apartments dominate high-density zones, ranging from low-rise (2-4 stories) walk-ups to mid-rise (5-12 stories) and high-rise (over 12 stories) towers, which maximize vertical space in cities like New York or Hong Kong.[318] Condominiums and cooperatives represent ownership models within multi-unit buildings, where residents hold titles to units but share common areas, prevalent in ownership-heavy markets like the United States. In developing regions, informal settlements—self-constructed dwellings from scavenged materials like corrugated metal and concrete blocks—emerge where formal supply fails to match rural-to-urban migration, housing over 1 billion people worldwide as of recent estimates, with concentrations in Eastern and South-Eastern Asia comprising 80% of the total.[318][319] In sub-Saharan Africa and parts of Latin America, such settlements shelter 30-60% of urban residents, driven by rapid urbanization outpacing infrastructure.[320][321] Availability constraints vary by region and type, often resulting from regulatory hurdles rather than absolute scarcity. In the United States, multi-unit structures (20+ units) saw the largest inventory growth at 2.9% (434,000 units) from 2022 to 2023, yet overall rental vacancy rates hovered at 5.6% in 2021, signaling undersupply in high-demand metros amid zoning laws that limit density and favor single-family zoning, which occupies 75% of residential land in many cities despite housing only 40-50% of households.[322][323] Globally, shortages manifest as mismatches between supply location and demand, exacerbated by labor shortages, material costs, and urban migration, rather than uniform deficits; for instance, excess rural housing contrasts with urban cores where affordability gaps force reliance on informal options.[324][325] Formal housing pipelines in developing cities lag, with informal growth projected to nearly triple over the next 30 years absent policy shifts toward legal recognition and incremental upgrades.[326]| Housing Type | Key Characteristics | Prevalence Example |
|---|---|---|
| Single-Family Detached | Standalone, low-density, private yard | Suburban US cities, <20% of core units[327] |
| Townhouses/Row Houses | Attached, 2-3 stories, shared walls | European historic areas, infill in Asia |
| Multi-Family Apartments | Shared building, varying heights | >50% in dense cities like Tokyo[328] |
| Informal Settlements | Self-built, substandard materials | 30-50% urban pop in developing nations[320] |
Affordability Challenges
Housing affordability in cities is typically assessed using the median multiple, which divides the median house price by the gross annual median household income. According to the Demographia International Housing Affordability 2025 Edition, which evaluates 95 major urban markets across eight nations including Australia, Canada, and the United States, 84 percent of these markets were rated as either "severely unaffordable" (median multiple above 5.1) or "impossibly unaffordable" (above 9.0) as of the third quarter of 2024.[329][330] Markets such as Hong Kong (median multiple of 16.7), Sydney (13.3), and Vancouver (12.3) exemplified extreme unaffordability, where homeownership requires incomes far exceeding local medians.[330] Renter households face parallel pressures, with global urban rent-to-income ratios often surpassing the 30 percent threshold deemed affordable by housing policy standards. In the United States, 31.3 percent of households were cost-burdened in 2023, meaning they allocated more than 30 percent of income to housing, rising to 49.7 percent among renters without mortgages.[331] In European cities, ratios reached 75 percent in London and 74 percent in Madrid as of mid-2025, compelling many residents to devote over half their post-tax earnings to rent.[332] These burdens disproportionately affect lower- and middle-income groups, correlating with elevated homelessness rates; research indicates that a 5 percent increase in urban rents can raise homelessness by 4 to 10 percent through direct displacement effects.[333] The root causes stem primarily from chronic undersupply of housing relative to demand, driven by regulatory constraints rather than market failures alone. Restrictive zoning, urban growth boundaries, and lengthy permitting processes—common in high-demand cities—limit new construction, artificially inflating prices as population and economic activity concentrate in productive urban centers.[334] For example, jurisdictions with stringent land-use policies, such as those in California and the United Kingdom, exhibit median multiples two to three times higher than in less regulated peers with similar demand pressures.[329] While factors like rising interest rates (from near-zero levels pre-2022 to over 7 percent by 2024) and construction costs exacerbate costs, evidence from supply expansions in deregulated areas demonstrates that increasing housing stock directly lowers price-to-income ratios without relying on subsidies.[335][336] These challenges yield broader socioeconomic effects, including reduced labor mobility, delayed household formation, and out-migration from unaffordable metros. In the U.S., regions like California have seen net domestic outflows since 2020, as high costs deter in-migration and prompt exits to lower-price areas.[337] Globally, persistent affordability gaps widen inequality, as asset owners capture land value gains while non-owners face stagnant real wages against appreciating shelter costs, underscoring the need for supply-oriented reforms over demand-side interventions that often inflate bubbles further.[338]Development Policies and Outcomes
Zoning regulations, which dictate permissible land uses and building densities, have been widely adopted in cities to control urban form and separate incompatible developments. Empirical analyses across U.S. metropolitan areas demonstrate that stringent zoning reduces housing supply by limiting construction, thereby driving up prices; for instance, land-use controls explain a substantial portion of elevated costs in high-demand regions, with reforms easing restrictions associated with up to 0.8% increases in supply within three to nine years.[339][340][341] These effects stem from supply constraints amid persistent demand, as evidenced by cross-city comparisons where looser regulations correlate with greater affordability, though critics note that academic studies favoring deregulation may underemphasize localized externalities like traffic congestion.[342] Rent control policies, capping rent increases below market rates, aim to protect tenants but empirically reduce rental housing supply and quality over time. Studies of implementations in cities like San Francisco and New York reveal decreased maintenance investments by landlords and conversions to owner-occupied units, leading to net shortages; for example, controlled units generate negative externalities, lowering nearby property values and restricting mobility for beneficiaries.[343][344] While short-term benefits accrue to incumbents, long-run outcomes include higher unregulated rents and diminished overall stock, with economic consensus highlighting counterproductive incentives against new construction.[345] Public housing initiatives, providing subsidized units for low-income residents, have yielded mixed results, often concentrating poverty in distressed areas while improving short-term stability for participants. In the U.S., large-scale projects from the mid-20th century correlated with elevated crime and social isolation, though reforms like Housing Choice Vouchers have boosted resident earnings and reduced poverty rates by enabling broader locational choice.[346] Evaluations in Latin American cities show demand-side subsidies outperforming supply-side builds in fostering integration, but systemic underfunding and poor site selection frequently undermine viability, as seen in persistent maintenance backlogs.[347] Urban growth boundaries (UGBs), delineating limits on outward expansion to curb sprawl, frequently elevate land values within confines without proportionally densifying development. Implemented in over 100 U.S. jurisdictions, UGBs have been linked to 20-30% price hikes in bounded areas, exacerbating affordability while sprawl persists via infill inefficiencies or boundary adjustments; Portland's UGB, for instance, constrained supply amid population growth, contributing to median home price doublings post-1990s.[348][349] Proponents cite reduced infrastructure costs, yet causal evidence indicates limited containment of low-density expansion, with regulatory bundling—such as high fees—amplifying shortages.[350] Overall, development policies prioritizing restriction over supply responsiveness have demonstrably heightened urban housing costs, underscoring the causal primacy of elastic supply in affordability dynamics.[351]Environmental Realities
Resource Consumption
Urban areas, encompassing roughly 2-3% of global land surface, account for 70-80% of worldwide energy consumption, driven primarily by residential, commercial, industrial, and transportation demands concentrated within dense populations and economic hubs.[352] [353] This disparity arises from high per capita usage in urban settings, where electricity for lighting, heating, cooling, and appliances in buildings constitutes about two-thirds of city energy needs, supplemented by fuels for vehicles and manufacturing.[354] In 2022, global urban energy demand equated to over 300 exajoules annually, with projections indicating a rise to 400 exajoules by 2050 absent efficiency gains, as urbanization expands to house 68% of the world's population.[354] Water consumption in cities follows a similar pattern of intensification, with urban households and industries drawing heavily from municipal supplies that often exceed local availability, necessitating imports from rural or distant sources. Globally, domestic and industrial water use—predominantly urban—comprises 20-30% of total withdrawals, though cities amplify this through inefficiencies like leakage in aging infrastructure, which can waste 20-50% of supplied water in developing metropolises.[355] For instance, treating and distributing urban water contributes 2-3% of global greenhouse gas emissions via energy-intensive pumping and purification processes.[356] Per capita urban water use averages 100-200 liters daily in high-income cities, far surpassing rural figures, while megacities like those in India or China face acute shortages, importing up to 80% of needs through inter-basin transfers completed as recently as 2023.[355] Material resource extraction and use exhibit even starker urban dominance, with cities responsible for over 75% of global material consumption despite their limited footprint, encompassing metals, minerals, biomass, and construction aggregates funneled into infrastructure and consumer goods.[357] Global urban domestic material consumption reached approximately 25 billion tonnes in 2010, projected to double by 2050 amid population growth and expansion, as buildings and roads demand vast quantities of concrete, steel, and sand—sectors accounting for 37% of emissions from material production alone.[116] [358] Cities' reliance on external inputs means 88-92% of embodied carbon in urban goods originates beyond municipal boundaries, underscoring a metabolic dependency that elevates total resource throughput.[359] Food consumption in urban contexts, while population-proportional, entails indirect resource burdens through global supply chains, with cities importing nearly all staples and thereby driving land conversion and water use elsewhere. Urban dwellers consume diets higher in processed and animal products, correlating with elevated caloric and protein demands—averaging 2,800-3,000 kcal per day versus rural baselines—and contributing to 30% of global energy use in food systems via transport, refrigeration, and packaging.[360] This nexus amplifies pressures, as urban expansion since 2000 has correlated with a 20% rise in associated agricultural resource extraction, including 70% of freshwater withdrawals for irrigation supporting city-bound commodities.[361]Pollution and Health Effects
Urban air pollution arises predominantly from concentrated sources such as motor vehicle exhaust, industrial emissions, power generation, and construction dust, resulting in elevated levels of fine particulate matter (PM2.5), coarse particulates (PM10), nitrogen oxides, sulfur dioxide, and ground-level ozone.[362][363] These pollutants accumulate in densely populated areas due to limited dispersion from topography, weather patterns, and human activity density, with urban concentrations often exceeding rural levels by factors of 2–5 for PM2.5 and NO2.[364][365] In 2019, ambient outdoor pollution contributed to 4.2 million premature deaths globally, with urban residents comprising the majority of those exposed above World Health Organization guidelines, as approximately 90% of urban populations worldwide breathe air exceeding safe PM2.5 thresholds of 5 μg/m³ annually.[363][366] Causal evidence from long-term cohort studies and regulatory interventions demonstrates that urban PM2.5 exposure increases all-cause mortality risk by 6–7% per 10 μg/m³ increment, primarily through mechanisms like inflammation, oxidative stress, and endothelial dysfunction affecting the cardiovascular and respiratory systems.[367][368] Key health outcomes include ischemic heart disease, stroke, chronic obstructive pulmonary disease (COPD), lung cancer, and acute lower respiratory infections, with urban air toxics—such as benzene, formaldehyde, and polycyclic aromatic hydrocarbons—further elevating cancer incidence among the 30 monitored hazardous pollutants.[369][368] Children, the elderly, and those with preexisting conditions face amplified risks; for instance, proximity to urban roadways correlates with higher asthma exacerbations and reduced lung function in children due to ultrafine particles penetrating deep into alveoli.[370] Empirical data from U.S. counties show large central metropolitan areas averaging 10–20 more unhealthy air quality days per year than rural noncore counties, directly tying to excess respiratory hospital admissions.[364] Water and soil pollution in cities, stemming from untreated sewage, industrial runoff, and urban stormwater, compound health burdens by facilitating pathogen transmission and heavy metal exposure, though air pollution dominates attributable mortality at roughly 7 million combined premature deaths annually when including household sources often exacerbated in dense urban informal settlements.[371] Noise pollution from traffic and construction, exceeding 55 dB in many urban cores, independently raises hypertension and sleep disturbance risks, with meta-analyses linking chronic exposure to 5–10% higher cardiovascular event rates.[372] Despite regulatory reductions—such as 50%+ PM2.5 declines in some Chinese and U.S. cities since 2010—residual urban gradients persist, underscoring causal persistence in disease burdens absent further emission controls.[373][374]Climate Vulnerabilities and Responses
Urban areas exhibit heightened susceptibility to climate-induced heat stress through the urban heat island effect, where impervious surfaces and reduced vegetation trap heat, raising local temperatures by an average of 6°C (10°F) above surrounding rural zones during summer nights. This amplification contributes to elevated heat-related mortality, with estimates indicating approximately 6,700 premature deaths annually across 93 European cities attributable to intensified urban warming. In the United States, where 80% of the population resides in urban settings, heat islands exacerbate extremes, accounting for 14–21% of observed minimum temperature increases from 1895 to 2010 in affected regions.[375][376][377][378] Flooding poses another primary vulnerability, driven by heavier precipitation events linked to warmer atmospheric moisture capacity and exacerbated by urban impervious cover that accelerates runoff and overwhelms stormwater infrastructure. In Canada, climate change has intensified flood frequency and severity, with urban areas experiencing billions in damages from events that disrupt transportation and utilities. Globally, 40–60% of major cities project heightened flood hazards under future scenarios, including pluvial and fluvial risks compounded by subsidence in densely built environments. Coastal cities face compounded threats from sea-level rise, which has increased tidal flooding 5- to 10-fold since the 1960s in U.S. locales, eroding shorelines and inundating low-lying infrastructure; projections indicate 0.25–0.3 meters of rise by 2050 along U.S. coasts, displacing dry land and affecting 30% of the national population in vulnerable zones.[379][380][381][382][383][384] Municipal responses emphasize engineered resilience, such as permeable pavements and green infrastructure to enhance drainage and reduce flood peaks, alongside urban forestry initiatives that mitigate heat islands by increasing evapotranspiration and shading. In Chicago, targeted heat island reduction strategies, including reflective roofing and tree planting, address identified hotspots to curb extreme heat impacts. Heat action plans in cities like those in Italy have demonstrably lowered heat-related deaths by 30% through early warning systems and cooling measures. Broader adaptation efforts, including elevated infrastructure and managed retreat in flood-prone zones, reflect empirical trends of declining global vulnerability— with mortality and economic loss rates dropping 6.5 times since 1900—attributable to improved institutional capacities and proactive planning rather than solely climatic stabilization.[385][386][387][388]Sustainability Debates
Sustainability debates in urban contexts revolve around the tension between cities' capacity for resource-efficient density and their propensity for high per-capita consumption of energy, materials, and land. Proponents of urban sustainability emphasize that compact city forms can lower transport-related emissions through reduced average trip distances and greater reliance on public transit, with studies indicating that higher density correlates with energy-efficient construction and innovation in service delivery. [389] However, empirical analyses reveal that urban areas often exhibit elevated overall carbon footprints due to affluent lifestyles driving greater goods and services consumption, with one 2021 consumption-based study finding substantially higher per-capita emissions in cities compared to suburban and rural settings. [390] This discrepancy arises because operational emissions (e.g., local heating and transport) favor density, while consumption-based accounting—encompassing imported goods—highlights cities' indirect global impacts, a metric frequently underemphasized in policy-focused academic literature. [391] A core contention concerns urban density's net environmental effects. Advocates cite evidence that densification mitigates sprawl's land conversion and infrastructure duplication, potentially cutting per-capita CO2 from commuting by promoting walking and cycling in mixed-use zones. [392] Systematic reviews, however, identify trade-offs, including exacerbated urban heat islands from impervious surfaces, strained water systems, and biodiversity loss, with some empirical cases showing no significant sustainability gains after accounting for rebound effects like increased air conditioning use. [392] In North American contexts, urban cores may emit less per capita than suburbs due to transit access, but aggregate city emissions remain high, comprising up to 18% of global totals from the 100 largest emitters as of 2019 data. [393] Critics argue that density mandates overlook causal factors like household preferences for space, potentially inflating costs without proportional ecological benefits, as evidenced by stalled green retrofits in high-density European projects. [394] Policy efficacy forms another flashpoint, with initiatives like the 15-minute city concept sparking contention over surveillance risks and mobility constraints versus accessibility gains. [395] Evaluations of urban sustainability plans, such as those in Hungarian cities as of 2024, reveal implementation gaps from inadequate governance and siloed metrics, often prioritizing symbolic metrics like green space ratios over verifiable reductions in resource throughput. [396] Broader critiques highlight how urban-focused strategies may reinforce inequalities, as low-income rural areas bear disproportionate emissions from agriculture and logistics—accounting for 36% of U.S. totals in 2024 estimates—while city policies emphasize mitigation over adaptation to biophysical limits like soil depletion. [397] These debates underscore a reliance on interdisciplinary evidence, cautioning against over-optimism in models that abstract from real-world causal chains, such as policy-induced price signals distorting energy markets. [398]Global Interconnections
World City Hierarchies
World city hierarchies classify urban centers based on their integration into global networks of economic, political, and cultural influence, primarily measured through connectivity in advanced producer services such as finance, law, accounting, and advertising.[399] The Globalization and World Cities (GaWC) Research Network provides the most systematic empirical framework, analyzing the presence and interactions of 175 leading firms across 785 cities to derive connectivity scores as of 2024.[399] This data-driven approach prioritizes observable firm linkages over subjective metrics, revealing a core-periphery structure where a small number of cities dominate global command-and-control functions.[400] GaWC categorizes cities into tiers from Alpha++ (highest integration) to Gamma (moderate connectivity), with Alpha++ cities serving as primary nodes for orchestrating worldwide flows. In the 2024 classification, only London and New York qualify as Alpha++, reflecting their unparalleled concentrations of headquarters and service networks.[399] Alpha+ cities include Beijing, Dubai, Hong Kong, Paris, Shanghai, Singapore, Sydney, and Tokyo, which exhibit strong but secondary global command roles.[399]| Tier | Cities (Selected Examples) |
|---|---|
| Alpha++ | London, New York |
| Alpha+ | Beijing, Dubai, Hong Kong, Paris, Shanghai, Singapore, Sydney, Tokyo |
| Alpha | Amsterdam, Bangkok, Boston, Brussels, Chicago, Frankfurt, Johannesburg, Los Angeles, Madrid, Melbourne, Mexico City, Milan, Moscow, Mumbai, São Paulo, Seoul, Toronto, Washington D.C., Zurich |
| Beta+ | Atlanta, Barcelona, Dallas, Guangzhou, Hamburg, Houston, Istanbul, Kuala Lumpur, Lyon, Manchester, Miami, Monterrey, Oslo, Prague, Riyadh, Santiago, Taipei, Vancouver, Vienna |
Transnational Flows
Cities function as critical nodes in transnational flows, channeling movements of people, capital, goods, and services across borders. These flows disproportionately concentrate in global cities, which leverage agglomeration economies, infrastructure, and connectivity to facilitate international exchanges. For instance, metropolitan areas host the majority of foreign direct investment (FDI) projects and subsidiaries of transnational corporations (TNCs), amplifying economic integration.[402][403] International migration represents a primary people flow, with urban destinations absorbing most inflows due to employment opportunities and networks. As of recent estimates, the global stock of international migrants reached 304 million, nearly doubling since 1990, and over 60% reside in urban areas, driving population growth in megacities. Permanent-type migration to OECD countries rose 26% in 2022 from 2021 levels, with preliminary 2023 data indicating further increases, often targeting urban labor markets in sectors like services and construction.[404][405][406] Capital flows, including FDI and remittances, further underscore cities' roles. FDI inflows target urban hubs for their access to skilled labor and markets; for example, Chicago led North America in FDI projects for eight consecutive years through 2021, while cities like Houston and Miami surged in automotive and energy investments by 2023. Remittances, sent by migrant workers, totaled $831 billion globally in 2022, rising to an estimated $905 billion in 2024, with significant portions bolstering urban economies in recipient countries through consumption and housing.[407][408][409] Trade and corporate networks amplify these dynamics, as TNC headquarters in world cities coordinate global supply chains. TNCs in locations like New York and London derive advantages from urban talent pools, enhancing control over international operations and increasing bilateral trade volumes via migrant-diaspora links. However, such concentrations can exacerbate inequalities, with peripheral cities receiving less FDI despite proximity to cores.[410][402][411]International Governance Roles
Cities increasingly engage in international affairs through paradiplomacy, defined as the international activities of subnational governments independent of or complementary to national foreign policy, enabling them to address transnational challenges like climate change and migration that transcend borders.[412] This involvement has grown since the early 2000s, driven by globalization and the recognition that urban areas, housing over half of the world's population, are key sites for implementing global agreements.[413] Cities form networks to coordinate actions, lobby international bodies, and share best practices, often filling gaps left by national governments reluctant to commit to binding obligations.[414] Prominent examples include the C40 Cities Climate Leadership Group, established in 2005 with nearly 100 member cities representing over 700 million people and one-quarter of the global economy, which focuses on urgent climate action through voluntary commitments like reducing emissions by 50% by 2030 in line with the Paris Agreement.[415] C40 facilitates city-to-city knowledge exchange and advocates for stronger national policies at forums like the UN Climate Conferences, positioning municipalities as agile actors capable of rapid experimentation amid national political gridlock.[416] Similarly, United Cities and Local Governments (UCLG), formed in 2004 as a merger of regional associations, serves as a global advocate for decentralized governance, representing thousands of local authorities and influencing agendas at the UN and other multilateral institutions on issues from sustainable development to disaster risk reduction.[417] UCLG emphasizes empowering local governments to participate in global decision-making, arguing that bottom-up approaches enhance implementation of Sustainable Development Goals.[418] Other networks, such as ICLEI—Local Governments for Sustainability, founded in 1990 with over 2,500 members—promote urban sustainability policies and contribute to international environmental governance by developing tools for local adaptation to global standards.[419] These organizations enable cities to exert soft power, forging partnerships that bypass traditional state-centric diplomacy, though their efficacy remains constrained by legal dependence on national ratification of agreements and varying domestic political support.[420] Empirical evidence from city networks shows tangible outcomes, such as coordinated responses to the COVID-19 pandemic and migration governance, where cities like those in the Resilient Cities Network integrate resilience strategies into local policies with global implications.[421] Critics note that such roles can lead to fragmented governance if not aligned with national strategies, potentially undermining unified international responses.[422]References
- https://www.sciencedirect.com/[science](/page/Science)/article/pii/S0166046221000375
- http://www.art.net/~hopkins/Don/[simcity](/page/SimCity)/manual/history.html