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Scottish Parliament constituencies and electoral regions
View on Wikipediafrom Wikipedia
| This article is part of a series within the Politics of the United Kingdom on the |
| Politics of Scotland |
|---|
 |
| Overview |
| 1999 to 2011 |
| 2011-2026 (Review) |
| 2026– (Review) |
The Scottish Parliament (Holyrood), created by the Scotland Act 1998, has used a system of constituencies and electoral regions since the first general election in 1999.
The parliament has 73 constituencies, each electing one Member of the Scottish Parliament (MSP) by the plurality (first-past-the-post) system of voting, and eight additional member regions, each electing seven additional MSPs. Each region is a group of constituencies, and the D'Hondt method of allocating additional member seats from party lists is used to produce a form of proportional representation for each region. The total number of parliamentary seats is 129. For lists of MSPs, see Member of the Scottish Parliament.
Boundaries of Holyrood and House of Commons (Westminster) constituencies are subject to review by the Boundaries Scotland, and prior to the Scottish Parliament (Constituencies) Act 2004 reviews of Scottish Westminster constituencies would have been also reviews of Holyrood constituencies. The Arbuthnott Commission, in its final report, January 2006, recommended that council area boundaries and Holyrood and Scottish Westminster constituency boundaries should all be reviewed together. This recommendation has not been implemented.
Boundaries
[edit]1999–2011
[edit]Until the 2005 general election the first-past-the-post constituencies were the same as for the House of Commons (United Kingdom Parliament, Westminster), except for Orkney and Shetland, which were separate constituencies at Holyrood, but not at Westminster. The Scottish Parliament (Constituencies) Act 2004 enabled a new set of House of Commons constituencies to be formed in Scotland in 2005,[1] reducing their number and, therefore, the number of Scottish Members of Parliament (MPs) to 59, without change to the Holyrood constituencies and the number of MSPs.
1999 boundaries were used also for the 2003 and 2007 elections.
2011–2026
[edit]The first periodical review of boundaries of Scottish Parliament constituencies[2] was announced on 3 July 2007,[3] and the commission's final recommendations were implemented for the 2011 Scottish Parliament election.
Total numbers of constituencies, regions, and MSPs remain at, respectively, 73, 8, and 129.
from 2026
[edit]New constituencies and regions were created by the second periodic review of Scottish Parliament boundaries.[4]
Historical representation by party
[edit]Central Scotland (1999–2026) / Central Scotland and Lothians West (2026–)
[edit]Conservative Independent Labour Liberal Democrats Scottish National Party Scottish Senior Citizens Unity Scottish Socialist
Glasgow
[edit]Conservative Green Independent Labour Liberal Democrats Scottish National Party Scottish Socialist Solidarity
| Constituency | Members | ||||||||||||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 1999–2011 | 2011–2026 | 2026– | 1999 | 00 | 02 | 2003 | 05 | 06 | 2007 | 09 | 2011 | 2016 | 2021 | 2026 | |
| Glasgow Anniesland | Dewar | Butler | Kidd | ||||||||||||
| Glasgow Cathcart | Glasgow Cathcart and Pollok | Watson | Gordon | Dornan | |||||||||||
| Glasgow Govan | Glasgow Southside | Jackson | Sturgeon | ||||||||||||
| Glasgow Kelvin | Glasgow Central | McNeill | White | Stewart | |||||||||||
| Glasgow Rutherglen | Rutherglen | Rutherglen and Cambuslang | Hughes | Kelly | Haughey | ||||||||||
| Glasgow Shettleston | Glasgow Baillieston and Shettleston | McAveety | Mason | ||||||||||||
| Glasgow Maryhill | Glasgow Maryhill and Springburn | Glasgow Kelvin and Maryhill | Ferguson | Doris | |||||||||||
| Glasgow Springburn | Glasgow Provan | Glasgow Easterhouse and Springburn | Martin | McKee | |||||||||||
| Glasgow Pollok | Lamont | Yousaf | abolished | ||||||||||||
| Glasgow Baillieston | Curran | abolished | |||||||||||||
| Glasgow (list seats) | Gibson | P. Harvie | |||||||||||||
| Sturgeon | Doris | Sarwar | |||||||||||||
| White | Yousaf | Lamont | Sweeney | ||||||||||||
| Elder | --> | Kane | Ahmad | McLaughlin | Malik | Kelly | Glancy | ||||||||
| Sheridan | --> | Kidd | D. Smith | McNeill | |||||||||||
| R. Brown | McTaggart | Tomkins | Gulhane | ||||||||||||
| Aitken | R. Davidson | Wells | |||||||||||||
Highlands and Islands
[edit]Conservative Green Independent Labour Liberal Democrats Scottish National Party
Lothians (1999–2011) / Lothian (2011–2026) / Edinburgh and Lothians East (2026–)
[edit]Conservative Green Independent Labour Liberal Democrats Scottish National Party Scottish Socialist
Mid Scotland and Fife
[edit]Conservative Green Independent Labour Liberal Democrats Scottish National Party
| 1999 | 2003 | 05 | 2007 | 2011 | 12 | 13 | 14 | 2016 | 2021 | 2026 | |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Dunfermline East (1999–2011) / Cowdenbeath (2011–) | Eadie | Rowley | A. Ewing | ||||||||
| Dunfermline West (1999–2011) / Dunfermline (2011–) | Barrie | Tolson | Walker | --> | Hilton | Somerville | |||||
| Clackmannanshire and Dunblane / Ochil (1999–2011) | R. Simpson | Reid | K. Brown | ||||||||
| Mid Fife and Glenrothes / Fife Central (1999–2011) | McLeish | May | Marwick | Gilruth | |||||||
| Kirkcaldy | Livingstone | Torrance | |||||||||
| North East Fife | I. Smith | R. Campbell | Rennie | ||||||||
| Perthshire North / North Tayside (1999–2011) | Swinney | ||||||||||
| Perthshire South and Kinross-shire / Perth (1999–2011) | Cunningham | Fairlie | |||||||||
| Stirling | Jackson | Crawford | Tweed | ||||||||
| Mid Scotland and Fife 1 | Crawford | C. Harvie | A. Ewing | Ruskell | |||||||
| Mid Scotland and Fife 2 | Marwick | Park | Baxter | Rowley | |||||||
| Mid Scotland and Fife 3 | Reid | Ruskell | Brennan-Baker | ||||||||
| Mid Scotland and Fife 4 | Raffan | Arbuckle | R. Simpson | Lockhart | |||||||
| Mid Scotland and Fife 5 | Harding | Brocklebank | Rennie | A. Stewart | |||||||
| Mid Scotland and Fife 6 | Johnston | Fraser | |||||||||
| Mid Scotland and Fife 7 | Monteith | L. Smith | |||||||||
North East Scotland
[edit]Conservative Green Labour Liberal Democrats Scottish National Party
South of Scotland (1999–2011) / South Scotland (2011–)
[edit]Conservative Green Independent Labour Liberal Democrats Reform UK Scottish National Party Scottish Socialist Solidarity
West of Scotland (1999–2011) / West Scotland (2011–)
[edit]Conservative Green Independent Labour Liberal Democrats Scottish National Party Scottish Socialist
References
[edit]- ^ See The 5th Periodical Report of the Boundary Commission for Scotland Archived 21 September 2007 at the Wayback Machine
- ^ "First Periodical Review of Scottish Parliament Boundaries, Boundary Commission for Scotland website, accessed 20 December 2008". Archived from the original on 17 February 2008. Retrieved 15 February 2008.
- ^ "Review of Constituencies at the Scottish Parliament, news release, Boundary Commission for Scotland website" (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on 27 March 2010. Retrieved 12 October 2010.
- ^ "What would Scotland's new electoral map look like?". BBC News. 1 May 2025. Retrieved 9 July 2025.
Scottish Parliament constituencies and electoral regions
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Legal and Historical Foundation
Establishment via Scotland Act 1998
The Scotland Act 1998 received Royal Assent on 19 November 1998, thereby creating the legal foundation for the Scottish Parliament's electoral structure comprising constituencies and electoral regions.[7][8] Section 1 of the Act established the Parliament as consisting of constituency members elected by simple majority in each constituency and regional members elected from electoral regions using proportional representation at general elections, with provisions for handling vacancies.[9] Schedule 1 to the Act specified 73 constituencies for the Parliament, each returning one constituency MSP, and defined 8 electoral regions, with each region allocated 7 regional members for a total of 56 regional MSPs.[10] These numbers were fixed to enable a mixed-member proportional system, where regional seats compensate for disproportionality in constituency outcomes, though the Act deferred detailed boundary delimitation to Orders in Council under paragraph 6 of the Schedule.[10] The initial constituencies under the Act were coterminous with the 72 mainland Westminster constituencies existing in 1998, plus a separate constituency for the Orkney Islands, Shetland Islands, and Na h-Eileanan an Iar (Western Isles), ensuring geographic alignment with United Kingdom parliamentary boundaries at establishment.[11] Electoral regions were grouped into Highlands and Islands, North East Scotland, Mid Scotland and Fife, Lothians, Central Scotland, Glasgow, West of Scotland, and South of Scotland, as outlined in the Act's framework for regional member allocation via party lists.[10] This structure facilitated the Parliament's first elections in 1999, with subsequent reviews mandated every 8 to 12 years to maintain electoral equity.[12]Design Intent and First-Principles Rationale for Mixed System
The Additional Member System (AMS) adopted for the Scottish Parliament under the Scotland Act 1998 was intended to deliver a hybrid form of representation that mitigates the disproportionality inherent in first-past-the-post (FPTP) elections while retaining direct constituency links for local accountability. This design emerged from deliberations in the Scottish Constitutional Convention, established in 1989, where cross-party consensus favored proportionality to reflect Scotland's pluralistic political landscape and prevent single-party dominance akin to Westminster outcomes. The Convention's 1995 report specified 73 constituency seats via FPTP alongside 56 regional additional members to compensate for imbalances, ensuring no party exceeds its overall vote share significantly.[13][14] The system's mechanics link the two votes—constituency and regional list—such that regional allocations adjust for constituency results using the d'Hondt method, prioritizing parties' regional vote totals minus attained constituency seats. This compensatory approach, drawn from models in Germany and New Zealand, targets an effective threshold around 7-8% for regional viability, promoting broader party viability without fragmenting local representation. Empirical implementation since 1999 has yielded Gallagher indices of disproportionality typically under 5, far lower than FPTP's 10-20 in comparable systems, validating the intent to align seats more closely with votes.[15][1] Causally, pure FPTP distorts representation because victories hinge on pluralities in isolated districts, systematically advantaging larger parties through vote concentration and wasting opposition ballots— as seen in the 1997 UK election where Labour secured 418 of 659 seats (63.4%) on 43.2% of votes. The mixed system's rationale rests on correcting this via targeted regional top-ups, which empirically reduce effective number of parties' discrepancies and enhance legislative pluralism without eroding the geographic specificity needed for constituency casework and pork-barrel responsiveness. This balance addresses FPTP's tendency toward manufactured majorities, which undermine mandate claims, while avoiding pure list PR's dilution of voter-MSP ties, thereby optimizing democratic legitimacy through dual accountability channels.[15][16]Evolution Through Subsequent Legislation
The Scottish Parliament (Constituencies) Act 2004, enacted by the UK Parliament on 13 May 2004, marked the primary legislative evolution by amending Schedule 1 of the Scotland Act 1998. This change severed the previous alignment between Scottish Parliament constituencies and those for the UK House of Commons, which had required identical boundaries since the 1999 election. The amendment empowered the Boundary Commission for Scotland (later renamed Boundaries Scotland) to conduct independent periodic reviews of constituency and regional boundaries, aiming to address disparities arising from Westminster boundary changes and demographic shifts while preserving the total of 73 constituencies and 8 electoral regions. The first such review, initiated under the amended framework, culminated in the Boundary Commission's report submitted on 26 May 2010. Its recommendations, which adjusted boundaries to equalize electorates (targeting no more than 5% variance from the electoral quota) and refined regional groupings without altering their number or core composition, were enacted through the Scottish Parliament (Constituencies and Regions) Order 2010, an Order in Council laid before Parliament. Effective for the 2011 Scottish Parliament election, these changes affected most constituencies, introducing new names and divisions—such as merging parts of former seats in urban areas like Glasgow—while maintaining the overall mixed-member proportional system.[17][18] Subsequent refinement came via the Scotland Act 2016, which further amended Schedule 1 of the 1998 Act to devolve additional authority over electoral arrangements and mandate a second periodic review by 1 May 2025. This legislation renamed the reviewing body Boundaries Scotland and emphasized factors like geographical coherence and local ties in boundary deliberations, without modifying the fixed numbers of constituencies or regions. The second review's report, dated April 2025, proposed updates reflecting post-2011 population movements, including tweaks to 45 of the 73 constituencies and minor regional boundary shifts in seven of the eight areas. These were implemented by the Scottish Parliament (Constituencies and Regions) Order 2025, approved on 15 October 2025 and effective for the 7 May 2026 election, ensuring continued adherence to the electoral quota while preserving the 129-member total.[5][19] No further primary legislation has altered the fundamental structure of constituencies or regions since 1998, with adjustments confined to these periodic Orders in Council under the delegated powers of the amended Schedule 1. This stability reflects a legislative intent to prioritize representational equity through boundary realignments rather than systemic overhauls, though secondary acts like the Scottish Elections (Reform) Act 2020 have addressed ancillary electoral provisions without impacting delimitation.Electoral Mechanics
Constituency-Based Representation
The Scottish Parliament elects 73 Members of the Scottish Parliament (MSPs) through constituency-based representation, with each of 73 single-member constituencies returning one MSP via the first-past-the-post (FPTP) system.[1][20] In FPTP, voters cast a single vote for a preferred candidate on the constituency ballot paper by marking an "X" in the box beside the candidate's name, and the candidate securing the highest number of votes—regardless of majority—is declared the winner.[21][1] This method, specified in the Scotland Act 1998, ensures direct linkage between an MSP and a defined local electorate, fostering accountability for constituency-specific issues such as infrastructure, education, and health services.[20][22] Constituency boundaries are delimited to achieve electoral equality, with each constituency's electorate approximating the national electoral quota—calculated by dividing Scotland's total registered electorate by 73—while considering geographical features, local ties, and administrative units.[23] Departures from exact quota adherence are permitted only to avoid excessive disparities or undue fragmentation of communities, as guided by statutory rules under the Scotland Act 1998.[23] Unlike UK Parliament constituencies, Scottish Parliament constituencies are independently configured, though they often align partially with local government wards or Westminster seats for practicality.[24] Elections occur concurrently with regional list voting every five years, but constituency results stand alone without immediate proportional correction.[1] Vacancies in constituency seats arise from resignation, death, or disqualification and are filled via by-elections using the same FPTP method, ensuring continuity of local representation without resorting to party lists.[1] This contrasts with regional seats, where vacancies trigger list-based replacements.[1] Historical data from elections since 1999 show FPTP yielding disproportionate seat shares relative to vote totals, often favoring larger parties; for instance, in the 2021 election, the Scottish National Party won 44 of 73 seats with 47.7% of constituency votes, while smaller parties struggled for representation.[1] Critics argue this amplifies tactical voting and safe seats, yet proponents highlight its simplicity and strong constituent-MSP ties.[25]Regional List Compensation Mechanism
The regional list compensation mechanism forms the core of the Scottish Parliament's Additional Member System, allocating 56 regional seats across eight electoral regions to offset disproportionalities arising from the 73 first-past-the-post constituency elections. Each region receives seven regional members, with seats distributed to political parties and independent candidates based on the second ballot vote—the regional list vote—adjusted to account for constituency outcomes. This process, governed by sections 7 and 8 of the Scotland Act 1998, employs the d'Hondt method to prioritize proportionality at the regional level while incorporating constituency results into the calculation.[9][1] The allocation begins after all 73 constituency results are finalized, ensuring regional seats serve a compensatory function. For each region, the regional returning officer totals valid regional votes for registered parties and independent candidates. The initial "regional figure" for a party is calculated as its total regional votes divided by one plus the number of constituency seats that party won in the region; for independent candidates, the figure equals their total regional votes. The party or candidate with the highest regional figure is allocated the first regional seat. Upon allocation, that party's or candidate's figure is recalculated by dividing its votes by the new divisor (one plus total seats now notionally won, including the regional seat just allocated), and the process iterates until seven seats are filled, always awarding to the highest current figure. Ties are resolved by adding one vote to tied figures and recalculating, or by lot if necessary.[26][27][1] This divisor adjustment embeds compensation: parties securing many constituency seats face higher initial divisors, requiring a larger vote share to claim regional seats, which prevents over-representation and top-ups parties underrepresented in constituencies relative to their regional vote. Regional seats for parties are filled from pre-submitted closed lists in fixed order, excluding candidates already elected as constituency members; exhausted lists disqualify the party from further allocations. Independent regional candidates, if allocated a seat, are elected directly without lists. The mechanism applies uniformly across regions such as Central Scotland, Glasgow, Highlands and Islands, Lothian, Mid Scotland and Fife, North East Scotland, South Scotland, and West Scotland.[27][1] Empirical outcomes demonstrate the system's intent to approximate proportional representation overall, though the d'Hondt method's bias toward larger parties—due to its highest average allocation—means smaller parties may still struggle for regional seats unless their constituency performance is minimal. For instance, in the 2021 election, the Scottish National Party won 44 constituency seats but only two regional seats, reflecting the compensatory adjustment. No substantive changes to the mechanism have occurred since its 1999 inception, despite periodic electoral reforms.[1]Voter Choice and Tactical Considerations
Voters in Scottish Parliament elections cast two votes: one for a candidate to represent their single-member constituency, determining 73 seats through first-past-the-post, and one for a political party on the regional list ballot, allocating 56 compensatory seats across eight regions via the D'Hondt method to achieve overall proportionality.[21][1] The constituency vote enables direct selection of a local Member of the Scottish Parliament (MSP) based on plurality, while the regional vote targets party strength for balance, allowing voters to split tickets between candidates and parties without linkage.[28] Tactical voting predominantly occurs on the constituency ballot due to its winner-take-all nature, where voters may support a less-preferred candidate likely to defeat a more opposed rival, rather than their ideological first choice, to influence outcomes on key issues like independence.[29] In the 2021 election, unionist voters—spanning Conservative and Labour supporters—frequently coordinated to back the stronger anti-SNP candidate in marginal seats, setting aside left-right differences; for instance, Labour voters in Conservative-leaning areas switched to Conservatives, contributing to SNP losses in several Central Belt constituencies.[30][31] This behavior, evidenced in post-election surveys, amplified unionist representation by an estimated 4-6 seats beyond proportional expectations, as tactical coordination reduced vote splitting among pro-UK parties.[32] On the regional list, tactical considerations are subtler and less prevalent, as the compensatory mechanism rewards parties underrepresented in constituencies, encouraging sincere voting for smaller parties to secure list seats without risking constituency gains.[33] However, voters may strategically withhold list support from dominant constituency winners like the SNP to deny them additional seats, instead bolstering allies or independents; in 2021, this dynamic aided the Scottish Greens, with about 50% of their list votes attributed to pro-independence tactical transfers from SNP supporters aiming to maximize the independence bloc.[34] Such maneuvers exploit the D'Hondt formula's sensitivity to vote efficiency, where over-concentration on list votes for constituency-strong parties yields diminishing returns.[1] Empirical analyses indicate tactical voting's overall impact remains limited by the system's hybrid design, which mitigates FPTP distortions through list compensation, though it persists where constitutional cleavages—independence versus union—override policy preferences, as seen in 2021 turnout patterns favoring tactical unity in competitive races.[35][29]Boundary Reviews and Delimitation
Initial Boundaries for 1999 Election (1999–2011)
The initial boundaries for Scottish Parliament constituencies were defined in Schedule 1 to the Scotland Act 1998, which specified 73 single-member constituencies by reference to local government wards and electoral divisions as they existed on 7 May 1998.[10] These constituencies were grouped into 8 electoral regions, each returning 7 additional members via regional list proportional representation, for a total of 129 seats.[36] The delimitation aimed to produce constituencies of approximately equal electorate size, with an electoral quota derived from the total Scottish electorate divided by 73, while respecting local ties, geographical features, and existing administrative boundaries; the average constituency electorate was around 51,000 in 1999.[37] The 8 electoral regions and their constituent constituencies were fixed as follows, with variations in the number of constituencies per region reflecting population distribution:| Electoral Region | Number of Constituencies |
|---|---|
| Central Scotland | 9 |
| Glasgow | 10 |
| Highlands and Islands | 8 |
| Lothians | 11 |
| Mid Scotland and Fife | 10 |
| North East Scotland | 10 |
| South of Scotland | 9 |
| West of Scotland | 6 |
First Periodic Review and 2011 Redistricting
The Boundary Commission for Scotland conducted the First Periodic Review of constituencies and electoral regions for the Scottish Parliament pursuant to Schedule 1 of the Scotland Act 1998, as amended by the Scottish Parliament (Constituencies) Act 2004, to reflect shifts in electorate size and local authority boundaries since the initial 1999 setup.[37] The review prioritized equalizing constituency electorates around a quota of 54,728 while preserving local ties, community interests, geographic contiguity, and council area integrity where feasible.[37] Provisional proposals underwent public consultation, followed by revised recommendations incorporating feedback, with final adjustments effective from 1 April 2010 in select areas.[37] The Commission's report, submitted to the Secretary of State for Scotland on 26 May 2010, proposed retaining 73 constituencies—71 mainland plus the standalone Orkney Islands and Shetland Islands—grouped into the existing 8 regions, though with West Central Scotland renamed to West Scotland for clarity.[17] [38] Boundary tweaks were generally incremental, addressing population growth in urban areas and declines elsewhere, but included targeted restructurings such as reducing Dundee City from three to two constituencies, splitting East Renfrewshire, and permitting limited cross-council boundary crossings (e.g., between Aberdeen City and Aberdeenshire, or Glasgow City and North Lanarkshire) to meet the equality rule.[37] Implementation occurred through The Scottish Parliament (Constituencies and Regions) Order 2010, an Order in Council made in November 2010 that amended Schedule 1 of the Scotland Act 1998 by specifying the new constituencies and regions, with detailed maps deposited alongside.[18] The order entered force the day after its making, enabling use in the 5 May 2011 Scottish Parliament election, which marked the transition from the 1999–2011 configuration to this updated framework without altering the total seat count or regional structure.[18]Second Review and 2026 Boundary Reforms
The Second Review of Scottish Parliament constituencies and electoral regions was initiated by Boundaries Scotland on 1 September 2022, pursuant to requirements under the Scotland Act 1998 for periodic boundary adjustments to reflect changes in electorate distribution.[5] The review's primary objective was to establish constituencies with electorates as nearly equal as practicable, calculated by dividing the total Scottish electorate by 73, while adhering to rules that prioritize existing local authority boundaries, geographical considerations, and local ties to minimize disruption to voter representation.[5] Special provisions preserved the three island constituencies—Na h-Eileanan an Iar, Orkney Islands, and Shetland Islands—without alteration, leaving 70 mainland constituencies subject to potential redrawing.[39] The process encompassed provisional proposals in 2023, followed by revised, further, additional, and supplementary proposals through 2025, with extensive public consultations and local inquiries held in locations including Falkirk, Paisley, and Whitburn to incorporate stakeholder feedback on proposed changes.[5] Boundaries Scotland finalized its recommendations on 1 May 2025, submitting a report to Scottish Ministers that detailed adjusted boundaries responsive to population growth in urban centers like Edinburgh and Glasgow, and relative decline in rural areas.[40] Of the 73 constituencies, 28 retained both existing names and boundaries, while 20 underwent both renaming and redrawing; notable new constituencies included Bathgate, Falkirk East and Linlithgow, Renfrewshire North and Cardonald, and Renfrewshire West and Levern Valley, reflecting mergers or splits to achieve electoral parity within a 5% variance tolerance where feasible.[41] Electoral regions also saw modifications to align with constituency shifts, maintaining eight regions overall but with boundary adjustments in Glasgow, South Scotland, and West Scotland to ensure comprehensive coverage without overlap.[41] Central Scotland was renamed Central Scotland and Lothians West with boundary changes, while Lothian became Edinburgh and Lothians East without boundary alteration; no changes affected Highlands and Islands, North East Scotland, or Mid Scotland and Fife, preserving stability in sparsely populated or geographically distinct areas.[41] These reforms address demographic shifts since the 2011 review, such as urban expansion, without altering the total seat allocation of 129 members of the Scottish Parliament.[42] Implementation occurred via The Scottish Parliament (Constituencies and Regions) Order 2025, which enacts Boundaries Scotland's recommendations by defining the precise boundaries, constituency types (burgh or county), and regions, effective upon dissolution of the current Parliament ahead of the 7 May 2026 election.[43] The Order revokes the prior 2020 arrangements and provides for GIS data availability, ensuring seamless transition while upholding the mixed-member proportional representation system's integrity.[43] Scottish Ministers approved the recommendations without substantive deviation, emphasizing the review's role in sustaining democratic fairness amid evolving population patterns.[39]Configurations Over Time
Pre-2011 Setup
The Scottish Parliament's electoral framework prior to 2011, as established by the Scotland Act 1998, comprised 73 single-member constituencies elected via the first-past-the-post system, aggregated into 8 electoral regions that each allocated 7 additional members from closed party lists to mitigate disproportional outcomes from constituency voting.[10] This mixed-member proportional structure aimed to balance local representation with overall proportionality, yielding a total of 129 members of the Scottish Parliament (MSPs).[1] The regions were defined as Central Scotland, Glasgow, Highlands and Islands, Lothians, Mid Scotland and Fife, North East Scotland, South of Scotland, and West of Scotland, with constituency groupings fixed to align regional list compensation to specific geographic clusters.[37] Constituency boundaries were initially delineated to mirror the 72 mainland Westminster parliamentary constituencies extant before the Act's enactment on 1 July 1998, supplemented by three standalone island seats for Orkney Islands, Shetland Islands, and Na h-Eileanan an Iar (Western Isles).[10] Adjustments included subdividing populous urban districts—such as dividing Edinburgh into 4 seats (e.g., Edinburgh Central, East, North and Leith, Pentlands, South) and Glasgow into 10 (e.g., Anniesland, Baillieston, Cathcart, Govan, Kelvin, Maryhill, Pollok, Rutherglen, Shettleston, Springburn)—to achieve electorates approximating 50,000 per constituency while respecting local ties and geography.[37] These delimitations, formalized via Orders in Council under the Act, prioritized electoral equality subject to rules favoring local government boundaries and limited elector variance (not exceeding 10% deviation from the electoral quota). This configuration remained unaltered through the Parliament's first three elections—held on 6 May 1999, 3 May 2003, and 3 May 2007—despite population shifts and the Scottish Parliament (Constituencies) Act 2004 enabling potential alignment with Westminster seats, as no periodic review had yet revised boundaries.[12] The fixed setup preserved continuity but drew early critiques for outdated electorates in growing areas like Edinburgh and stagnant rural zones, prompting the Boundary Commission for Scotland's inaugural review commencing in 2005, with recommendations implemented only for the 2011 election.[37]2011–2026 Arrangement
The 2011–2026 arrangement for Scottish Parliament constituencies and electoral regions resulted from the Boundary Commission for Scotland's First Periodic Review, initiated in July 2007 and finalized with recommendations submitted on 26 May 2010.[37] These were enacted through the Scottish Parliament (Constituencies and Regions) Order 2010, effective for elections from 5 May 2011 onward. The structure preserved 73 single-member constituencies elected by first-past-the-post, aggregated into 8 fixed electoral regions, each allocating 7 additional members via proportional representation from party lists to compensate for constituency disproportionality.[37] Delimitation prioritized electoral parity using a quota of 54,728 derived from the July 2007 register (total electorate 3,919,310), permitting variances up to one-fifth while minimizing splits in local government wards and preserving community identities.[37]| Electoral Region | Constituencies |
|---|---|
| Central Scotland | 9 |
| Glasgow | 9 |
| Highlands and Islands | 9 |
| Lothian | 9 |
| Mid Scotland and Fife | 9 |
| North East Scotland | 9 |
| South Scotland | 9 |
| West Scotland | 10 |
Post-2026 Projections
The post-2026 configuration of Scottish Parliament constituencies and electoral regions, approved via the Scottish Parliament (Constituencies and Regions) Order 2025 and effective for the election on 7 May 2026, retains the established total of 73 single-member constituencies and 8 multi-member regions, yielding 129 MSPs overall.[5] This structure upholds the additional member system, with regional list seats (56 in total) allocated to achieve proportionality after constituency results. Boundaries Scotland's final recommendations, submitted in May 2025 and endorsed by Scottish Ministers in October 2025, adjusted maps to equalize electorate sizes—targeting a quota of approximately 57,000 electors per constituency based on 2022 data—while prioritizing local government boundaries, geography, and community ties under statutory rules.[42][46] Of the 73 constituencies, 45 underwent boundary alterations, with 28 retaining unchanged names and borders, including the three legislatively protected island seats: Na h-Eileanan an Iar, Orkney Islands, and Shetland Islands. Notable revisions include the creation of new constituencies such as East Lothian Coast and Lammermuirs (merging coastal areas from East Lothian with rural Lammermuir wards), Edinburgh Eastern (incorporating expanded urban wards), and Musselburgh and Tranent (combining East Lothian towns to balance electorate deviations exceeding 10%). In central Scotland, adjustments addressed over- and under-quota issues, such as refining Almond Valley and Bathgate in West Lothian to incorporate Polbeth while minimizing cross-council spans, and realigning Falkirk East with Linlithgow. These changes reduce average electorate variance to within 5-10% for most seats, compared to pre-review disparities up to 15%, enhancing electoral parity amid population shifts toward urban centers like Edinburgh and the central belt.[42][47][41] Electoral regions saw modifications in seven of eight, with Mid Scotland and Fife preserved intact to maintain its coherence across Fife, Perthshire, and Stirling. Revised regions include reallocations like shifting East Kilbride and Hamilton from West Scotland to South Scotland for better urban-rural alignment, and boundary tweaks in Central Scotland and Lothians West, Edinburgh and Lothians East, Glasgow, North East Scotland, and South Scotland to reflect updated constituency groupings. The Highlands and Islands region accommodates a -32.4% electorate shortfall due to statutory geographical exemptions, ensuring remote areas' representation without forced mergers. Overall, the reforms minimize multi-council constituencies (59 now wholly within one authority, down slightly from 61) and promote compactness, though one constituency (Argyll and Bute) exceeds 15% variance (-17.3%) owing to terrain constraints.[42][46][48] This setup projects sustained emphasis on proportionality, with regional compensation mitigating constituency majorities, but introduces tactical shifts for parties: urban expansions may favor denser voter bases in Labour-SNP contests, while rural consolidations could amplify Conservative or Liberal Democrat footholds in peripheral areas. No alterations to seat totals or voting mechanics are anticipated, preserving the system's hybrid balance as legislated in the Scotland Act 1998.[5][10]Party Performance and Representation Patterns
Historical Constituency Wins by Party
In the inaugural 1999 Scottish Parliament election, the Labour Party secured 53 of the 73 constituency seats, reflecting its dominance in urban and central Scotland, while the Scottish Liberal Democrats won 17, primarily in the north and Borders, the Scottish National Party (SNP) took 7 in rural and highland areas, and the Scottish Conservatives won none.[49] By the 2003 election, Labour maintained a strong position with 50 constituency victories, including sweeps in Glasgow and the central belt, but the SNP gained ground with 9 seats, the Liberal Democrats held 13, and the Conservatives secured just 1 in the south-west.[50] The 2007 election marked a shift, as Labour's constituency tally fell to 37 amid voter dissatisfaction, the SNP surged to 21 wins fueled by independence appeals in peripheral regions, the Liberal Democrats retained 11, and the Conservatives improved to 4, breaking their prior shutout in rural Borders seats.[51] Labour's decline accelerated in 2011, winning only 15 constituencies as the SNP achieved a historic 53 victories across diverse areas including former Labour strongholds in the west, with Conservatives holding 3 and Liberal Democrats dropping to 2.[52][53] The SNP's constituency dominance peaked in 2016 with 59 seats, capturing nearly all central belt and northern constituencies on 46.5% of the vote, while Conservatives gained 7 in the south and east, Liberal Democrats 4 in strongholds like Orkney and Shetland, and Labour slumped to 3.[54] In 2021, the SNP won 62 constituencies, extending control over most of Scotland except select conservative rural pockets and urban liberal enclaves, with Liberal Democrats securing 4, Conservatives 4, Labour 2, and the Scottish Green Party achieving its first-ever constituency win in Edinburgh Central.[55]| Election Year | Labour | SNP | Conservative | Liberal Democrats | Other |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 1999 | 53 | 7 | 0 | 17 | 0 |
| 2003 | 50 | 9 | 1 | 13 | 0 |
| 2007 | 37 | 21 | 4 | 11 | 0 |
| 2011 | 15 | 53 | 3 | 2 | 0 |
| 2016 | 3 | 59 | 7 | 4 | 0 |
| 2021 | 2 | 62 | 4 | 4 | 1 (Green) |