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Sajjan Kumar
Sajjan Kumar
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Sajjan Kumar (born 23 September 1945) is a former Indian politician and convicted murderer.[1] He was a prominent leader of Indian National Congress. He was elected to the Lok Sabha, the lower house of the Parliament of India from Outer Delhi as a member of the Indian National Congress but resigned from the primary membership of the party after he was convicted and sentenced to life imprisonment for his role in the murder and involvement in the 1984 anti-Sikh riots.[2][3]

Key Information

Political career

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In 1977, Kumar was sworn in as the Delhi Councillor by prominent social activist Guru Radha Kishan. He was first elected to the Municipal Corporation of Delhi and was later appointed General Secretary, Pradesh Congress Committee (PCC), Delhi.

In 1980, he elected to 7th Lok Sabha, and was a Member, Consultative Committee, Ministry of Works and Housing in the Lok Sabha. At the time, he was a Sanjay Gandhi loyalist and a bakery owner.[4]

In 1991, he was re-elected to the Lok Sabha, and then again in 2004 when he won the outer Delhi seat, wherein he got 855,543 votes, representing Indian National Congress. Following his election in 2005, he served as Member, Committee on Urban Development and Committee on Members of Parliament Local Area Development Scheme.

Investigations and conviction for role in anti-Sikh riots

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PUDR & PUCL fact-finding report

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In 1984, a fact-finding team jointly organized by People's Union for Democratic Rights (PUDR) and the People's Union for Civil Liberties (PUCL) concluded that attacks on members of the Sikh community in the 1984 anti-Sikh riots were not from spontaneous outrage over the assassination of Indian prime minister Indira Gandhi, but rather the result of deliberate planning by important politicians of the Indian National Congress party. The investigators found that the member of parliament who was most commonly named by Sikh riot survivors for being responsible for the attacks in the Delhi locality of Sultanpuri was Sajjan Kumar.

Similarly, Sikh riot survivors in the locality of Mangolpuri nearly unanimously named Kumar as having "masterminded the violence." They alleged that Kumar had given Rs. 100 and a bottle of liquor to each attacker in the riots. The investigators also observed Sikh riot survivors confront Kumar directly at the Mangolpuri police station accusing him of being responsible for the riots. Later, Kumar attempted to provide food aid to hungry Sikh survivors at a refugee camp, but the refugees refused it, saying that he was behind the riots in the first place.[5]

Delhi Police investigation

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Prior to 2005, the Delhi Police had investigated Kumar's role in the riots. The investigation was then given to the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) in 2005 by recommendation from the Justice G.T. Nanavati Commission. In the subsequent investigation, the CBI concluded that there was a conspiracy of "terrifying proportion" between Kumar and the police during the riots, and that the Delhi police had systematically removed Kumar's name from all eyewitness testimony of the riots.[6]

CBI investigation

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In 2010, as a result of the CBI investigation, Kumar was tried for murder, dacoity, mischief to cause damage to property, promoting enmity between different communities, criminal conspiracy, and other provisions of the Indian Penal Code.[6] Eyewitnesses testified how Sajjan Kumar had colluded with the police and incited mobs to kill Sikhs.[7] In 2012, the CBI prosecutor told a Delhi court that riots targeting the Sikhs had the "patronage" of Sajjan Kumar.[8][9] CBI alleged that he organised anti-Sikh riots and he, along with five others, are being tried for killing six Sikhs.[10]

Trial and conviction

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In April 2013, the Karkardooma district court in Delhi acquitted Sajjan Kumar, while convicting five others, leading to protests.[6] On 27 August 2013, the Delhi High Court accepted an appeal filed by the CBI against Kumar's previous acquittal by a lower court. CBI stated that the trial court "erred in acquitting Sajjan Kumar as it was he who had instigated the mob during the riots".[11]

He was sentenced to life imprisonment by the Delhi High Court on 17 December 2018 for his role in the 1984 anti-Sikh riots.[12] On 18 December 2018, he resigned from his party.[2] His lawyer said that they would appeal in the Supreme Court of India.[13][14]

Kumar later filed an interim bail plea on medical grounds in the Supreme Court, but it was rejected by the court on 13 May 2020 stating that he did not need to be admitted to a hospital; however, the court scheduled a hearing of his regular bail plea in July.[15] It later rejected another interim bail plea on 4 September and said he did not need to be admitted to a hospital,[16] but stated it will hear his appeal after the courts resume their regular functioning which was affected due to the COVID-19 pandemic.[17]

A special CBI court granted him bail in one case related to the 1984 riots on 27 April 2022, however he remained in jail due to his conviction in another case related to the riots.[18] The Delhi High Court however stayed his release in July 2022 after it was challenged by the Special Investigation Team investigating him.[19]

On February 12, 2025, Kumar was convicted in a second case for instigating and participating in the murder of Jaswant Singh, and his son, Tarundeep Singh. The two Sikh men were assaulted by a mob of Indian National Congress supporters on Nov 1, 1984, doused with petrol and burnt alive. Kumar and his supporters also assaulted the wife and niece of Jaswant Singh who tried to protect the two men. 14 eyewitnesses testified against Kumar for his active role in leading the assault.[20]

References

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Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
Sajjan Kumar (born 23 September 1945) is a former politician who represented Outer Delhi as a in the during the 1980s and in 2004–2009. He rose through the party's youth wing in the 1970s before facing conviction in 2018 and again in 2025 for his direct involvement in orchestrating mob violence that resulted in the murders of multiple during the in , triggered by the assassination of . Kumar's political ascent was tied to his organizational role within the in Delhi's outer districts, where he mobilized support among local communities and secured electoral victories amid the party's dominance post-Emergency. However, his career became defined by allegations of in the riots, which courts later substantiated through eyewitness testimonies and evidence of his presence at riot sites, incitement of crowds, and failure to intervene despite his position. In December 2018, the convicted him of criminal conspiracy and murder in the Sultapur Badri case, sentencing him to for the deaths of five , marking a rare high-profile accountability for figures implicated in the violence that claimed over 2,000 lives nationwide. Subsequent proceedings in 2025 yielded a second life sentence from a trial court for the murders of two Sikh men in Saraswati Vihar, based on victim relatives' accounts detailing Kumar's role in leading attackers armed with weapons and kerosene. These convictions, upheld amid appeals to higher courts, underscore prolonged delays in riot prosecutions, with Kumar maintaining innocence by alleging fabricated evidence, though judicial reviews rejected such claims in favor of corroborated trial records. He resigned from following the initial verdict and remains incarcerated as of 2025.

Early life

Family and upbringing

Sajjan Kumar was born on 23 September 1945 in Delhi, then part of British India, to Raghunath Singh and Mee Kaur. His family originated from Jatwada village in the Daryaganj area of Old Delhi and belonged to the Jat community. Kumar grew up in modest economic circumstances typical of many rural migrant families in post-independence Delhi, though specific details of his early childhood experiences remain limited in public records. His father's background as a local figure in the community influenced Kumar's initial exposure to social and political networks in the region.

Education and early career

Sajjan Kumar completed his education up to the level. Prior to entering , Kumar worked as a trader and owned a bakery in .

Political career

Entry into politics and initial roles

Sajjan Kumar entered politics in the mid-1970s through the , leveraging his local influence in Delhi's Outer District as a Jat community leader. In 1977, he was elected as a to the (MCD), marking his first electoral success and establishing a base in municipal governance. That same year, Kumar ascended to the position of general secretary of the (PCC), a key organizational role that involved coordinating party activities and mobilizing support in the region during the post-Emergency period following the Congress's defeat in the 1977 general elections. His rapid rise reflected the party's efforts to rebuild its grassroots network in , where he focused on and rural outreach among Jat voters. By 1980, Kumar's prominence within the led to his nomination as the party's candidate for the Outer constituency, a move that positioned him for higher office amid the party's resurgence under . Although he did not win that election, his initial roles solidified his reputation as a dedicated party functionary, emphasizing and electoral strategy in 's politically volatile landscape.

Parliamentary terms and electoral record

Sajjan Kumar was first elected to the in 1980, representing the Outer constituency as a candidate of the (INC), thereby serving in the until its dissolution in 1984. He secured re-election from the same constituency in 1991, joining the for his second term, which lasted until 1996. In the 1996 general election, Kumar contested Outer Delhi again on an INC ticket but was defeated. He returned to in 2004, winning the Outer Delhi seat with over 855,000 votes and serving in the until 2009. Kumar did not contest the 2009 election, amid reports of internal party decisions influenced by ongoing scrutiny over his role in the .
YearConstituencyPartyResultNotes
1980Outer DelhiINCWonElected to
1991Outer DelhiINCWonRe-elected to
1996Outer DelhiINCLostDefeated in
2004Outer DelhiINCWonElected to ; over 855,000 votes

Key positions and contributions within Congress

Sajjan Kumar entered the Indian National Congress's organizational structure in the late 1970s, serving as a in following his swearing-in on March 25, 1977. He was subsequently elected to the and rose to the position of General Secretary of the (DPCC), where he helped coordinate party activities in the capital's rural and urban fringes. Within the Congress parliamentary framework, Kumar secured election to the from the Outer Delhi constituency three times, first in 1980 by defeating the incumbent —Yogendra Makwana, Delhi's first —thus marking a significant upset that boosted his profile within the party. He returned to in 2004, winning with 855,543 votes and a margin exceeding 167,000, representing the party's hold on the then-largest seat by electorate size. As a Jat , Kumar contributed to 's electoral strategy in by consolidating support among rural Jat voters, a demographic pivotal to the party's victories in Outer and surrounding areas during the 1980s and 2000s. His influence as a longstanding figure in leadership facilitated vote mobilization and intra-party negotiations, though it waned with the rise of leaders like in the 2000s. Kumar resigned from primary membership on December 18, 2018, following his conviction in a 1984 riots case.

Context of 1984 anti-Sikh riots

Assassination of Indira Gandhi and immediate aftermath

, then , was assassinated on October 31, 1984, at approximately 9:20 a.m. IST while walking from her residence at No. 1 in to her office for an interview. The attack was carried out by two of her Sikh bodyguards, Beant Singh and , who fired multiple rounds from service revolvers and a sub-machine gun, striking her with over 30 bullets in the abdomen, chest, and head. Beant Singh, who fired the initial shots, was killed by other security personnel shortly after, while Satwant Singh was subdued and arrested. The assassination stemmed directly from Sikh resentment over , the June 1984 assault on the complex in to remove armed militants, which resulted in significant casualties among Sikh pilgrims and damage to the shrine. Gandhi was rushed to the All India Institute of Medical Sciences (AIIMS) but was pronounced dead around 2:30 p.m., though this was not immediately disclosed publicly to prevent panic and allow for political transition arrangements. News of the shooting spread rapidly through unofficial channels, including television glimpses and word-of-mouth, fueling initial outbursts of grief mixed with communal anger toward Sikhs perceived as complicit in the betrayal. By the afternoon and early evening of October 31, sporadic attacks on Sikh individuals and properties began in parts of Delhi, with mobs vandalizing gurdwaras and assaulting Sikhs in retaliation for the Prime Minister's killing by Sikh guards. The official confirmation of Gandhi's death was broadcast on All India Radio at 6:00 p.m., stating she had succumbed to her injuries, which intensified public mourning and outrage nationwide. Shortly thereafter, around 6:40 p.m., her son Rajiv Gandhi was sworn in as Prime Minister by President Zail Singh at the President's residence, marking a swift dynastic succession amid the crisis. In Delhi, the announcement triggered organized gatherings by Congress party workers and local leaders that evening and into the night, where inflammatory speeches blamed the Sikh community collectively, setting the immediate stage for escalated mob violence against Sikhs that would peak over the following days. Police response was initially minimal, with reports of inaction or complicity in some areas, exacerbating the unrest.

Nature and scale of the violence

The violence erupted in on the evening of October 31, 1984, immediately following the of by her two Sikh bodyguards, and Beant Singh, and persisted with peak intensity on November 1 and 2, extending sporadically until November 7. Mobs numbering from 500 to 5,000 individuals systematically targeted Sikh homes, shops, vehicles, and gurdwaras, using voter lists to identify victims and coordinating arrivals via buses, trains, and . Attacks involved followed by with petrol, kerosene, or white inflammable powder; victims were beaten with lathis, iron rods, and swords, burned alive (often with tires tied around their necks), or killed with kirpans and occasional firearms. The brutality was concentrated in low-income and resettlement colonies across 's districts, including East Delhi (Trilokpuri, Kalyanpuri, Seema Puri), West Delhi (Mongolpuri, Sultanpuri, Nangloi), and others like Delhi Cantt, , and Adarsh Nagar, where local residents and transported groups from outside participated. Specific incidents included the burning of Rakab Ganj near Parliament House on November 1 and widespread assaults in Shahdara with 114 cases and 36 lootings reported. Police responses were often delayed or absent, exacerbating the unchecked spread, though the violence's core nature stemmed from mob-orchestrated pogroms rather than mutual communal clashes. Official figures from inquiries, including the Ahuja Committee cited in the report, record 2,733 killed in between October 31 and November 7, with district breakdowns adding to at least 616 deaths in West alone and hundreds more in East areas like Kalyanpuri (154–610). Injuries affected hundreds, with documented cases such as 10 in and 5 in . Property destruction was massive: over 650 homes looted or burned in Sultanpuri, 385 in Cantt, 110 shops in Cantt, and hundreds of vehicles across sites like 190 in Adarsh Nagar; gurdwaras suffered extensively, with at least 6 burned in Cantt, 5 in , and reports of hundreds damaged citywide. These numbers reflect verified police and data, though survivor accounts and independent estimates suggest underreporting due to incomplete (587 total registered).

Allegations against Sajjan Kumar

Eyewitness accounts and specific incidents

Eyewitnesses in the Sultanpuri area of west reported seeing Sajjan Kumar incite mobs against on the morning of November 1, 1984, shortly after the , with Kumar allegedly declaring that "Sikhs have killed , kill them." In Raj Nagar, Nirpreet Kaur testified that she witnessed a mob burn her father, gurdwara head priest Nirmal Singh, alive near a ; the attackers doused him with provided by a policeman, set him ablaze, and after he jumped into a drain to escape, pulled him out, tied him to a pole, reapplied fire, struck him with rods, and used powder to intensify burns. Kaur further stated that Kumar delivered a speech the following day urging that no be spared, contributing to the violence that killed five family members, including her relatives, and torched the . Jagdish Kaur provided testimony in the same Raj Nagar incidents, recounting how she saw a mob kill her husband and son that afternoon on November 1, 1984, amid the broader assault on Sikh properties and lives that claimed over 3,000 victims nationwide. Another witness described Kumar addressing a large crowd in Sultanpuri, framing the violence as retribution for Gandhi's death by referring to Sikhs as having killed "his mother," which prosecutors linked to the coordinated killings of multiple Sikhs, some burned alive. These accounts, including those from three survivors whose relatives were murdered and incinerated, formed the basis for Kumar's 2018 conviction on charges of criminal conspiracy, murder abetment, and inciting enmity, with the Delhi High Court describing the events as crimes against humanity. In a separate incident in Saraswati Vihar, Raj Nagar, on November 1, 1984, eyewitnesses including the wife, daughter, and niece of testified that a mob led by looted their home, set it ablaze, and burned Jaswant Singh and his son Tarundeep Singh to death in their presence. Their uncontroverted statements detailed Kumar's direct involvement in the arson and murders, leading to his February 2025 conviction for murder and arson in the case. At least 14 eyewitnesses corroborated elements of Kumar's role across these locales, emphasizing his speeches and leadership in mobilizing attackers armed with rods and flammable materials.

Kumar's denials and counter-claims

Sajjan Kumar has repeatedly denied any role in instigating or participating in the violence during the . In a , 2025, statement before Special Judge Digvijay at Rouse Avenue , the 77-year-old former MP declared, "I am innocent. I was never involved in this crime—not even in my dreams," emphasizing that "there is no iota of evidence against me." He further contended that he was not named by any eyewitnesses immediately following the riots, with allegations emerging only decades later, and described the cases as "baseless and politically driven." As a counter-claim, Kumar asserted that during the unrest, he actively worked to restore peace by organizing marches and assisting Sikh victims, positioning himself as a protector rather than a perpetrator. He reiterated his blanket denial of all charges in a November 1, 2023, court recording related to an from the riots period. Kumar has maintained these positions amid ongoing trials, including appeals against prior convictions, alleging selective prosecution influenced by political motives rather than substantive proof.

Initial fact-finding reports and police probes

Following the outbreak of violence on October 31, 1984, Delhi Police registered multiple First Information Reports (FIRs) related to incidents in areas such as Sultanpuri, Mangolpuri, and Bakhtawarpur, where Sajjan Kumar was later accused of involvement, but his name was absent from these initial FIRs despite eyewitness statements implicating local Congress leaders. Police investigations at the time were criticized for inaction against prominent figures, with many cases hastily closed as "untraced" or lacking evidence, amid allegations of complicity or pressure from political authorities to protect Congress affiliates. In parallel, nongovernmental fact-finding efforts emerged promptly; on November 17, 1984, the People's Union for Democratic Rights (PUDR) and People's Union for Civil Liberties (PUCL) released "Who Are the Guilty?", a joint inquiry based on survivor testimonies and site visits, which explicitly named Sajjan Kumar as a leader of rioting mobs in Sultanpuri, alleging he instigated attacks on Sikhs and distributed looted goods, while highlighting police failure to intervene despite presence. The report documented over 50 eyewitness accounts in affected areas, attributing the violence to organized groups backed by Congress workers, though it relied on unverified affidavits without forensic corroboration. Official probes began with the Marwah Commission, appointed in November 1984 by Delhi's and headed by Additional Commissioner of Police Ved Marwah, tasked with examining police conduct during the riots; it gathered evidence on roles in , including potential involvement of figures like , but was abruptly terminated in early 1985 upon the formation of a national-level inquiry, with its records reportedly suppressed or redirected. In May 1985, the Commission was established by the central government to investigate the riots' causes and culpability; its 1986 report acknowledged general allegations against for inciting mobs but concluded the stemmed from spontaneous public outrage rather than organized conspiracy, exonerating and recommending no specific action against him, a finding later contested for overlooking direct testimonies. These early official efforts, conducted under the ruling regime, have been faulted for systemic delays and selective scrutiny that shielded political actors.

CBI chargesheets and delays

The (CBI) filed two chargesheets against Sajjan Kumar on January 13, 2010, before a court, charging him under sections of the for murder, conspiracy, promoting enmity between groups, and mischief by fire in connection with the deaths of five and the destruction of a in Sultanpuri and Mangolpuri areas during the November 1984 riots. These filings stemmed from a fresh probe ordered after the Justice G.T. Nanavati Commission's 2005 report recommended re-examining cases against Kumar based on eyewitness testimonies previously overlooked by . Prior investigative delays by significantly contributed to the CBI's involvement, including a 1992 explicitly naming Kumar for the murders of four in Nangloi—which remained buried in police files without presentation for 21 years amid allegations of complicity and —leading to consolidated filings that omitted his name due to claimed insufficient evidence. The CBI's own probe, initiated post-2005, took nearly five years to culminate in , a timeline the later criticized as reflective of investigative lapses and irregularities in handling riot-related . Post-chargesheet, proceedings encountered further postponements, with the trial delayed at least five times by 2013 as the CBI repeatedly sought additional time for evidence preparation, exacerbating the overall 25-plus-year lag from the riots to formal accusations against . Such delays were attributed to hostile witnesses, procedural hurdles, and claims of political during Kumar's tenure as a MP, though courts noted no evidence of deliberate CBI sabotage.

2013 acquittal and reversal

On April 30, 2013, a sessions court acquitted Sajjan Kumar of all charges in a case related to the of five and the of a in Raj Nagar, Palam Colony, during the anti-Sikh riots of November 1-2, 1984. The court, presided over by Judge J. R. Aryan, found insufficient evidence to establish Kumar's involvement in conspiracy or abetment, granting him the benefit of the doubt due to inconsistencies in witness testimonies and significant delays in statements implicating him. For instance, key witness Jagdish Kaur's 1985 affidavit to the Commission omitted Kumar's name, and other witnesses like Jagsher and Nirpreet only named him in 2007 statements, 23 years after the events, which the court deemed unreliable. While conspiracy charges against all accused failed, five co-accused—Balwan Khokhar, Captain Bhagmal, Girdhari Lal, Mahender Yadav, and Krishan Khokhar—were convicted of , rioting, or related offenses based on earlier and more consistent eyewitness accounts. The Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) and riot victims appealed the acquittal to the Delhi High Court, arguing that the trial court erred in dismissing evidence of Kumar's instigation of the mob and overlooked corroborative witness accounts of his inflammatory speeches. On December 17, 2018, a division bench of Justices S. Muralidhar and Vinod Goel reversed the acquittal, convicting Kumar under multiple Indian Penal Code sections, including 120B read with 302 (criminal conspiracy to murder), 436 (arson), 295 (defiling a place of worship), and 153A (promoting enmity between groups), as well as Section 109 (abetment). The High Court reassessed the evidence, finding witness testimonies—particularly those detailing Kumar's role in leading and inciting the mob through provocative speeches on November 1 and 2, 1984—credible and sufficient to prove his direct involvement, rejecting the trial court's concerns over delays as outweighed by the consistency and lack of motive to falsely implicate him. It characterized the killings as "crimes against humanity," emphasizing Kumar's position as a principal offender who exploited political patronage amid law enforcement failures.

2018 conviction for five murders

On December 17, 2018, the convicted Sajjan Kumar, a former , of and related offenses in connection with the killings of five during the in Raj Nagar Part-I, Palam Colony, West , on November 1–2, 1984. The case originated from a (CBI) chargesheet filed in 2010, following eyewitness complaints that Kumar had instigated mobs to target in retaliation for the of . Kumar was charged under sections including 302 (), 120B (), 147/148/149 (rioting), and 153A (promoting enmity between groups). The conviction overturned a 2013 acquittal by a trial court, which the CBI had appealed on grounds of insufficient consideration of eyewitness evidence. The High Court bench, comprising Justices S. Muralidhar and Vinod Goel, relied primarily on testimonies from three eyewitnesses—Jagdish Kaur (related to multiple victims as wife, mother, and cousin), Nirpreet Kaur (who witnessed her father's burning), and another local resident—who consistently described Kumar arriving at the scene, exhorting the crowd with phrases like "Sikhs had killed his mother" (referring to Gandhi), and directing attacks on Sikh homes and individuals. The victims included a Sikh family whose members were beaten, dragged out, and set ablaze by the mob, with the court noting Kumar's active leadership in identifying and targeting them. In its judgment, the court characterized the riots' mass killings as "" and identified Kumar as a "principal offender" who benefited from political that delayed for decades. Kumar was sentenced to , with directions to surrender by December 31, 2018, after which he complied and was taken into custody. The ruling emphasized the reliability of the delayed but corroborative eyewitness accounts, rejecting defense claims of fabrication due to their consistency and lack of prior enmity with Kumar. This marked one of the first high-profile convictions in the 1984 riots cases, highlighting systemic investigative lapses but affirming judicial reversal based on .

2025 conviction for double murder

On , 2025, a court convicted former MP Sajjan Kumar of under Section 302 of the for his role in instigating and participating in the killings of and his son Tarundeep Singh during the . The victims were attacked by a mob on November 1, 1984, in Raj Nagar, Saraswati Vihar, , where their house was looted, set ablaze, and the father and son were beaten to death amid widespread rioting targeting . The conviction relied on uncontroverted eyewitness testimonies from the victims' family members, including Jaswant Singh's , , and niece, who detailed Kumar's leadership of the mob, the arson under Section 436 read with Section 149 IPC, and the absence of police or neighbor intervention during the assault. An filed by the victims' on September 9, 1985, corroborated these accounts, noting the mob's demands for Sikh identification and subsequent violence. The case, originating from a 1984 that initially did not name Kumar, was reinvestigated in 2014 following recommendations by a (SIT), leading to charges including rioting, , and attempting . On February 25, 2025, the court sentenced Kumar to on the murder and counts, with additional concurrent terms for related offenses such as voluntarily causing hurt and rioting with ; a fine of Rs 2.4 was also imposed. The judge described the offenses as "brutal and reprehensible" but deemed them not the "rarest of rare" cases warranting the death penalty, citing mitigating factors including Kumar's age of 80, ongoing health issues, and his conduct while already serving a prior life term in Tihar Jail from a 2018 conviction for other riot murders. Prosecution had sought , emphasizing the premeditated nature of the mob violence.

Conviction outcomes and appeals

Sentencing details

On December 17, 2018, the Delhi High Court sentenced Sajjan Kumar to life imprisonment without remission for his conviction in the murders of five Sikhs—Jaswant Singh, Thakur Singh, Badal Singh, Jita Singh, and Kehar Singh—during the 1984 anti-Sikh riots in Delhi's Sultanpuri area. The court upheld charges under Sections 302 (murder), 395 (dacoity), 436 (arson), 147 (rioting), and 149 (unlawful assembly) of the Indian Penal Code, emphasizing Kumar's role in instigating and participating in the violence, and rejected his appeals against the Central Bureau of Investigation's chargesheet. No fine was imposed in this sentencing, and Kumar surrendered to authorities the following day, beginning his incarceration. In a separate case, on February 25, 2025, a trial court sentenced Kumar to for the double of Surjit and his son Avtar , also during the riots in the Bakhtawarpur area. The conviction included charges of , rioting, , and , with the court convicting Kumar based on eyewitness testimonies linking him to leading a mob that killed the victims by burning them alive. The judge opted for life over the death penalty sought by victims' families, citing Kumar's advanced age of 79 and health issues as mitigating factors, despite acknowledging the brutality of the crimes and their communal context. This marked Kumar's second life term, to be served concurrently with the 2018 sentence, with no additional fine specified.

Ongoing appeals as of 2025

As of October 2025, Sajjan Kumar's appeal against his December 2018 conviction for the murders of five individuals during the remains pending before the . The court deferred the hearing on September 25, 2025, until after the break, with no further updates on resolution by late October. In a separate matter, Kumar filed an appeal in the challenging his February 25, 2025, conviction and life sentence for the murders of a father and son, and Thakur Singh, in the same riots. The trial court found him guilty of instigating a mob that looted and set fire to the victims' home before killing them. The listed the appeal for hearing on November 19, 2025, before Justices Vivek Chaudhary and Manoj Jain. In the , Kumar's counsel argued that the complainant was "planted" by the (CBI) as part of a political vendetta, claiming inconsistencies in eyewitness testimonies and procedural lapses in the investigation. Victim advocates and Sikh organizations have urged the court to uphold the conviction, citing long-delayed justice for riot survivors. No rulings have been issued in either as of October 26, 2025.

Claims of political vendetta

Sajjan Kumar, through his legal defense, has repeatedly alleged that the prosecutions against him in the cases were driven by political vendetta rather than substantive evidence. In a July 7, 2025, statement recorded by a court in two related cases, Kumar proclaimed his innocence, asserting a lack of credible evidence and attributing the revival of dormant complaints to politically motivated actions by investigating agencies. He contended that the cases, which had remained inactive for decades under previous administrations, were selectively pursued after the change in central government, implying targeting of affiliates. In challenging his February 2025 conviction for the murder of a father-son duo in Vihar, Kumar's filed in October 2025 specifically accused the (CBI) of planting a complainant as part of a vendetta orchestrated by the probe agency. His arguments highlighted delays in filing original complaints—such as one lodged 19 years after the incident—and inconsistencies in witness testimonies, framing these as evidence of fabricated narratives to settle political scores. Kumar maintained that no direct proof linked him to the violence, positioning the proceedings as retaliatory against his long-standing role as a leader. These claims echo broader defenses raised during his 2018 conviction appeal, where Kumar's counsel argued that the timing of chargesheets and witness examinations aligned with opposition politics, though the Delhi High Court upheld the verdicts without endorsing vendetta narratives. In the 2025 proceedings, the trial court explicitly rejected assertions of political motivation, citing corroborated eyewitness accounts and forensic evidence as sufficient for guilt, but Kumar persisted in portraying the judicial outcomes as influenced by extraneous agendas. Supporters within Congress circles have informally echoed these sentiments, viewing the convictions as selective accountability amid unprosecuted 1984 riot cases involving other parties, though no formal party statements substantiate vendetta claims.

Imprisonment and health

Incarceration in Tihar Jail

Sajjan Kumar surrendered to authorities on December 31, 2018, following the Delhi High Court's upholding of his conviction for the murder of five during the , and was subsequently incarcerated in Tihar Jail, . He has remained in custody at the facility since that date, serving his sentence in one of India's largest prison complexes, which houses over 20,000 inmates across multiple jails. On February 25, 2025, a court imposed a second life sentence on Kumar for the murders of a father and son in the same riots, but as he was already imprisoned, this did not alter his location or immediate custodial status. The concurrent terms have confined him to Tihar's high-security sections designated for life-term convicts, where standard routines include regulated visitation, limited recreation, and oversight by the Tihar Prisons administration under the government. As of October 2025, Kumar, aged 80, continues to serve his sentences in Tihar Jail amid ongoing appeals against both convictions, with no reported transfers or releases. His nearly seven years of continuous mark a significant departure from prior delays in prosecution, during which he had remained free on .

Medical considerations and status

Sajjan Kumar, born on December 20, 1943, was 81 years old as of October 2025 and has been described in court records as suffering from frail health and multiple age-related ailments while incarcerated in Tihar Jail. A psychological report from Tihar Jail authorities, submitted prior to his February 2025 sentencing, indicated that Kumar's physical frailty prevented him from performing any assigned work within the facility and confirmed he was receiving ongoing medical treatment. During sentencing hearings in the 2025 double murder case, Additional Sessions Judge Kaveri Baweja explicitly cited Kumar's advanced age and documented illnesses as mitigating factors, opting for over the penalty sought by prosecutors, despite the gravity of the offenses. Earlier medical assessments, including those from , noted a chronic back condition that limited his jail assignments to light duties like , reflecting accommodations for his age of 73 at the time. Kumar has repeatedly sought bail or interim relief on health grounds, but the denied such pleas in 2020, 2021, and 2022, emphasizing that his conditions did not warrant exceptional treatment and directing verification of his medical status by the CBI in 2021 without altering his incarceration. As of February 2025, no further medical bail was granted, and he remained in Tihar Jail serving concurrent life sentences, with his health cited but not deemed sufficient to override judicial outcomes.

Differing viewpoints and legacy

Perspectives from Congress supporters

Congress party leaders, including senior figure , responded to the 2018 conviction by stating that Sajjan Kumar had not received a party ticket since and held no official position within the organization, emphasizing that should not be politicized as the law was taking its course. They contrasted this with allegations against BJP figures in other riot cases, such as the , to deflect criticism of the party's historical associations. Following the conviction, Sajjan Kumar resigned from primary membership in the party on December 18, 2018, writing to then-president , though the party accepted the judicial outcome without contesting his guilt publicly. In the lead-up to the 2025 double murder conviction, no official statements from leadership defended Kumar; the party maintained deference to court proceedings, with facing internal calls to clarify its stance on the 1984 events amid the verdict. Supporters aligned with Kumar have echoed his personal claims of innocence, alleging political vendetta by investigating agencies under BJP-led governments, including assertions that key complainants were "planted" and evidence fabricated to target former affiliates. himself proclaimed in court on July 7, 2025, that no linked him to the crimes and that prosecutions stemmed from political motives rather than facts. These views frame the convictions as selective accountability aimed at tarnishing 's legacy, though lacking corroboration from party organs post-resignation.

Sikh community and victim advocates' views

Members of the Sikh community and advocates for victims of the have consistently viewed Sajjan Kumar's role as central to the organized violence, emphasizing his alleged instigation of mobs against in areas like Delhi's outer districts. Following his February 12, 2025, conviction for the murders of and his son Tarundeep Singh during the riots, (SGPC) President welcomed the verdict as a step toward accountability but demanded "exemplary punishment" given Kumar's leadership in the violence. Victim advocates, including HS Phoolka, who has represented riot-affected families for decades, expressed hope for a death sentence, describing the case as one requiring the harshest penalty after 40 years of delay. Upon Kumar's sentencing to on February 25, 2025, the SGPC criticized the outcome as arriving "too late" and constituting "insufficient punishment" for crimes that systematically targeted the Sikh community without provocation. Families of victims echoed this dissatisfaction, with survivors outside the bursting into tears upon hearing the life term and insisting on "nothing less than the death penalty" to reflect the scale of loss, including irreplaceable family members and livelihoods destroyed in the . Phoolka noted the sentence as the "maximum imprisonment possible" under the circumstances but highlighted ongoing frustrations with judicial leniency toward aging perpetrators, arguing it fails to deter or fully vindicate the targeted ethnic violence. Broader Sikh community sentiments, articulated ahead of the sentencing, framed the case as emblematic of delayed justice, with members demanding to affirm the "rarest of rare" nature of community-wide massacres following Indira Gandhi's assassination on October 31, 1984. Advocates like Phoolka have long contended that such convictions, while milestones, underscore systemic delays in prosecuting Congress-linked figures, leaving thousands of Sikh families without closure despite eyewitness accounts of Kumar leading mobs in arson and killings. These views prioritize punitive severity to match the premeditated ethnic targeting, rejecting rehabilitation arguments based on Kumar's age or health as inadequate for genocide-level offenses.

Broader implications for 1984 riots accountability

Sajjan Kumar's convictions in 2018 and 2025 marked the only instances of a senior political figure facing punishment for orchestrating violence during the , which official records attribute to 2,733 deaths in and an estimated 3,350 nationwide. This rarity underscores persistent impunity for high-level perpetrators, as other implicated leaders such as and have seen cases drag on without final convictions, with Tytler's trial ongoing and Nath avoiding formal charges despite affidavits to commissions. The protracted timelines—34 years for the initial sentencing and 41 years for the second—exemplify systemic barriers to accountability, including witness intimidation, manipulated investigations, and political influence that shielded influential accused during Congress-led governments. Over ten inquiry commissions, such as Nanavati, documented but yielded few prosecutions beyond low-ranking individuals, with conviction rates remaining dismal: of hundreds of cases, approximately 240 closed as untraced and 250 ending in acquittals by 2023, reflecting initial police inaction and inadequate evidence preservation. These outcomes highlight deeper institutional failures in addressing state-adjacent , eroding public trust in and fueling demands for specialized mechanisms like fast-track courts or independent truth commissions to prevent recurrence. While the verdicts provided partial closure for some survivors, such as key witnesses in Kumar's trials, victims' families emphasized that delayed penalties fail to deter future atrocities or compensate for irreplaceable losses, rendering justice symbolically hollow after decades. The cases thus expose how elite patronage prolongs impunity, perpetuating alienation within affected communities and questioning the efficacy of post-riot reforms in upholding equal application of law.

References

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