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33°18′0.94″N 44°14′47.68″E / 33.3002611°N 44.2465778°E / 33.3002611; 44.2465778

Camp Liberty is a former installation of the United States Department of Defense in Baghdad, Iraq. The installation was used from 2012 to September 2016 to house members of the People's Mujahedin of Iran (PMOI, also called MEK), who had been forcibly evicted from Camp Ashraf.

Key Information

History

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U.S. Army base

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Minnesota Vikings cheerleader Lissa Steffen experiences first-hand how it feels to be taken down by a military working dog at the Camp Liberty kennels in May 2010

Camp Liberty first came into existence during the 2003 U.S. invasion of Iraq as Camp Victory North, and was renamed (its Arabic translation is "Mukhayam Al-Nasr") in mid-September 2004 to its later name of Camp Liberty (in Arabic "Mukhayam Al Hurriya").[1] Other camps that made up the Victory Base Complex include Camp Victory (formerly known as Camp Victory South), Camp Striker, Logistics Base Seitz, and Camp Slayer. The renaming was part of an effort to give U.S. facilities around Baghdad friendlier connotations, and an attempt to resolve the issue of constantly changing facility names.

During the Iraq War, following the American invasion, the base was a large installation of Multi-National Force – Iraq located northeast of the Baghdad International Airport (BIAP), becoming part of the Victory Base Complex (VBC). Camp Liberty was twice the size of Camp Bondsteel in Kosovo, and one of the largest U.S. overseas posts built since the Vietnam War.[1]

Camp Liberty killings

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Main article: Camp Liberty shooting

On 11 May 2009, an American soldier, U.S. Army Sergeant John M. Russell, opened fire on his fellow service members within the camp at a counseling clinic center, killing five before being subdued and taken into custody.

Forcible eviction of PMOI residents from Camp Ashraf to Camp Liberty

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Under pressure by the Iraqi government, whose declared will is to expel the People's Mujahedin of Iran (PMOI/MEK) from Iraq, but who was aided as well by the United Nations Assistance Mission for Iraq (UNAMI) under the pretext to preserve their security, nearly all 3,400 MEK residents of Camp Ashraf were forcibly moved to Camp Liberty in 2012.[2][3] This helped partly to convince the United States removing the MEK from its list of designated terrorist groups.[4]

The Working Group on Arbitrary Detention of the UN Human Rights Council has categorized, in its Opinion of May 2012, the status of the MEK residents in Camp Liberty/Camp Hurriya as arbitrary detention and called the Iraqi government for the "immediate release and lifting of all restraints upon the free movements of these persons".[5] It reiterated and extended this vote in his Opinion of August 2012, additionally considering it "appropriate to refer the allegations concerning conditions in Camp Ashraf and Camp Liberty to the relevant human rights mechanisms for appropriate action".[5]

2013 rocket attacks

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A rocket and mortar attack left at least eight dead and nearly 100 wounded occurred at Camp Hurriya on 9 February 2013. Iranian residents of Camp Liberty and their representatives and lawyers appealed to the UN Secretary-General and U.S. officials to let them return to Ashraf, which they say is 80 times larger than Liberty and has concrete buildings and shelters that offer more protection. They argue that this move is all the more imperative because according to the UN Refugee Agency and the US embassy in Baghdad, resettlement will take anywhere from three to 10 years. So, the residents would be at risk of further attacks and the move to Ashraf would not hinder their resettlement. The United States has been working with the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) on the resettlement project.[6]

On 20 April 2013, 20 explosions hit Camp Liberty/Camp Hurriya. Its residents accuse the Iraqi government of failing to offer adequate protection or medical care.[7]

A deadly rocket attack occurred on 26 December 2013, killing four Iranian dissidents and wounding about seventy.[8] This was the last of a total of four rocket attacks to Camp Liberty in 2013.[9] The destructive power of 26 December attack was particularly high, as in addition to previously used rockets, missiles hit the camp with had about 10 times explosive power.[10] Iraqi authorities have repeatedly denied involvement in attacks on the group. However, in a rare claim of responsibility for attacks on the MEK, Wathiq al-Batat, commander of the al-Mukhtar Army militia, admitted his group had fired rockets at the camp. This army is a relatively new Shi'ite militia, which has said it is supported and funded by Iran. Batat is a former leader of the more well-known Kata'ib Hezbollah militia.[11]

The UNHCR called on the government of Iraq to urgently scale up security measures in the camp to ensure the safety and security of its residents. UNHCR urgently reiterated the need to find solutions for the camp's residents, and appealed to countries to find places for 1,400 persons from Camp Liberty that had been submitted for relocation since 2011, stating that only 311 residents were secured to third countries so far.[12]

October 2015 attack

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The National Council of Resistance of Iran informed and warned on activities in Iraq by Iranian Quds Force, led by Qasem Soleimani, aimed to massacre Camp Liberty residents via a joint operation with Iraqi forces.[13] In August 2014, the Iraqi government started to block food, fuel and water supplies.[14] Former UNAMI chief Ad Melkert, who, in fall 2009, had strived to find a mediated solution for residents to remain protected in their original home city Camp Ashraf, appealed to UNAMI to hold the Iraqi government accountable for creating the descent conditions in Liberty and for blockading the delivery of daily life essentials.[15] In October 2014, the Committee on Political Affairs and Democracy of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe reiterated its concern over the situation, namely over a recent statement of the Iraqi Minister of Justice, in which he said that if Iran asked for the extradition of the residents of Camp Liberty, Iraq would deliver them.[16]

In December 2014, UNHCR informed that it has been working since February 2012 to identify "individuals with international protection needs" and to find solutions outside Iraq for the remaining population of still 2,746 individuals.[17] On 30 January 2015, 100 Members of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe in a written declaration urged Europe, USA, and UN that "Camp Liberty, home to Iranian exiles in Iraq, be recognized as refugee camp under supervision of UNHCR and specially medical and fuel siege be ended."[18]

On the evening of 29 October 2015, another heavy rocket attack killed more than 20 residents in the camp.[19] As with regard to many past attacks to Camp Liberty and Camp Ashraf, evidence points to Iran paramilitary forces being the perpetrators.[20] UNHCR strongly condemned the attacks and stated that the residents are entitled to protection against expulsion or forced movement to any place where their lives or freedom would be threatened, and informed that it has supported the relocation of more than 900 residents to safe third countries since 2011; as however, approximately 2,160 people still remain, UNHCR renewed its calls upon governments of other countries to find ways to offer long-term solutions.[21] The European Iraqi Freedom Association (EIFA), led by Struan Stevenson, Chairman of the European Parliament's Delegation for Relations with Iraq from 2009 to 2014, who was deeply involved in diplomacy aiming to safeguard the lives and human rights of the residents of Camp Ashraf, stated that to avoid further bloodshed just condemning the atrocity is not enough. EIFA urged the US to provide air cover for Camp Liberty, the UN to "stop any further obfuscation and officially recognise Camp Liberty as a refugee camp under its direct supervision and protection" and asked that the "international assistance to Iraq must be suspended forthwith until the security of the Camp Liberty residents is assured".[22]

Relocation to Albania

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UNHCR announced that by the end of 2015 it has relocated more than one third of the residents, about 1100 persons, to other countries. This was achieved with the cooperation and flexibility of the residents, in particular their commitment to meeting the bulk of the travel costs and living expenses. It also mentioned Albania's contribution to receive more than three-quarters of the relocated residents, and renewed its appeal for help to all countries in light of the potential for more attacks to the remaining 1970 persons.[23] As a result of the efforts made by the National Council of Resistance of Iran in conjunction with an international political network, and the UNHCR, the relocation process was successfully concluded in September 2016 when the last remaining refugees left the camp for Albania.[24]

Bibliography

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See also

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References

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Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia

Camp Liberty

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from Grokipedia
Camp Liberty was a temporary relocation facility near Baghdad International Airport in Iraq, established in 2012 to house around 3,000 members of the People's Mujahedin Organization of Iran (PMOI/MEK), an Iranian opposition group, who were transferred from Camp Ashraf under a U.S.-Iraq-UN agreement aimed at facilitating their protection and eventual resettlement to third countries. Originally a U.S. military base known as Camp Victory North and later repurposed, the site was certified by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) as meeting basic international standards for a transit location, with UNHCR tasked to conduct refugee status determinations and coordinate relocations. The camp's establishment followed the 2009 U.S.-Iraq security pact, which ended American protection at Ashraf and pressured the relocation to avert Iraqi expulsion threats amid rising tensions, including violent clashes at Ashraf that killed dozens. Despite initial progress in voluntary transfers, Camp Liberty faced persistent security vulnerabilities due to its exposed location, lacking the fortified defenses of Ashraf, leading to at least four major rocket and mortar attacks between 2013 and 2015 that claimed over 50 lives among residents and guards. These incidents, including a December 2013 barrage killing four and injuring dozens, and an October 2015 assault killing 23, were attributed by observers to Iranian-backed militias operating with Iraqi government acquiescence, highlighting failures in promised protections. By late 2016, UNHCR-led efforts successfully relocated all remaining residents—over 2,800 in total—to countries including Albania, which accepted the bulk, effectively closing the camp and ending a contentious chapter in the PMOI's exile from Iraq after decades of basing there under Saddam Hussein's regime. The process, while achieving the strategic goal of extricating the group from Iraqi custody, underscored debates over the camp's adequacy, with residents reporting substandard living conditions like flooding and restricted medical access, contrasted against Iraqi assertions of it being a humane transit site.

Origins as a Military Installation

Establishment and U.S. Army Operations

Camp Liberty originated as Camp Victory North, established in 2003 during the U.S.-led invasion of Iraq as a component of the Victory Base Complex surrounding Baghdad International Airport. The complex, including Camp Victory North, was developed to house coalition forces following the capture of Baghdad in April 2003, providing logistical support and operational bases amid ongoing combat operations. In September 2004, Camp Victory North was renamed Camp Liberty as part of a broader U.S. Army effort to adopt more optimistic nomenclature for its Iraqi installations, reflecting a shift toward stabilization and reconstruction phases. The site, spanning an area twice the size of Camp Bondsteel in Kosovo, became a major hub for U.S. troops, featuring extensive infrastructure such as the largest Post Exchange in Iraq, a food court, barber shops, and dining facilities to support troop morale and sustainment. U.S. Army operations at Camp Liberty encompassed logistics, engineering, and security missions, with units like the 890th Engineer Battalion conducting base closure and maintenance activities as late as March 2009. In 2007, Forward Operating Base Ferdinand was created within the camp to facilitate joint U.S. Army Special Forces and Iraqi Special Forces training and operations. The installation remained under U.S. control until the withdrawal of American forces, with the Victory Base Complex, including Camp Liberty, formally transferred to Iraqi sovereignty on December 1, 2011.

Transition to Iraqi Sovereignty

As the United States completed its military withdrawal from Iraq in accordance with the 2008 U.S.-Iraq Status of Forces Agreement, which mandated the departure of all U.S. combat forces by December 31, 2011, American installations including those in the Victory Base Complex—encompassing Camp Liberty—were systematically transferred to Iraqi authorities. This process reflected Iraq's assertion of full sovereignty over its territory following the 2003 invasion, with the Iraqi government assuming control of former coalition facilities to repurpose them for national security and administrative needs. On December 2, 2011, U.S. forces formally handed over Camp Victory, the larger complex that included Camp Liberty (previously known as Camp Victory North), to the Iraqi Ministry of Defense in a low-key transfer without public ceremony, marking one of the final major base handovers amid ongoing insurgent violence. The agreement, signed that day, placed the site under exclusive Iraqi operational authority, with U.S. personnel vacating the premises and transferring infrastructure such as barracks, utilities, and security perimeters. This transition occurred against a backdrop of strained U.S.-Iraq relations, as negotiations for a post-2011 troop presence failed due to disagreements over legal immunity for American soldiers, leaving Iraq to manage the facility independently. Post-handover, Camp Liberty remained under Iraqi sovereignty, with the government retaining full discretion over its use, though international entities like the United Nations Assistance Mission for Iraq (UNAMI) later engaged in monitoring related to humanitarian relocations there. The shift ended direct U.S. military oversight, exposing the site to Iraqi domestic policies influenced by regional pressures, including from Iran, which had long sought the eviction of Iranian opposition groups from Iraqi soil. No U.S. forces returned to the base after the transfer, solidifying Iraq's control amid its broader efforts to consolidate post-occupation governance.

Background on PMOI/MEK and Iraqi Presence

PMOI Disarmament and Camp Ashraf Era

In the aftermath of the 2003 U.S.-led invasion of Iraq, coalition forces negotiated a ceasefire with the People's Mujahedin Organization of Iran (PMOI), also known as the Mujahedin-e Khalq (MEK), resulting in the group's full disarmament by mid-2003. The PMOI, which had maintained armed bases in Iraq since relocating its leadership there in 1986 under Saddam Hussein's regime, surrendered its weapons—including tanks, artillery, and small arms—to U.S. custody, consolidating all operations at Camp Ashraf, located approximately 60 kilometers northeast of Baghdad near the Iranian border. This disarmament rendered the roughly 3,400 PMOI members at Ashraf non-combatants, with U.S. forces assuming responsibility for their security to prevent reprisals from Iranian-backed militias or local Iraqi factions hostile to the group due to its history of opposition to both the Iranian regime and prior Iraqi governments. Under U.S. protection from 2003 to 2009, Camp Ashraf served as a de facto refugee camp for the disarmed PMOI residents, who were screened by U.S. intelligence and granted "protected persons" status under the Fourth Geneva Convention in 2004 following biometric and database vetting that found no active terrorist threats among them. During this period, the site functioned as a self-sustaining community with agricultural operations, workshops, and internal governance, though restricted from external political activities by U.S. oversight. The U.S. designation of the PMOI as a foreign terrorist organization, maintained until 2012, coexisted with this protection, reflecting a policy tension: while the group was viewed as a potential asset against Iran, its past insurgent actions against U.S. interests in the 1970s and alliances with Saddam raised concerns about cult-like internal dynamics and loyalty. No major attacks occurred under U.S. control, but Iranian influence on emerging Iraqi authorities began pressuring for closure, viewing Ashraf as a staging ground for dissidents. The transfer of security responsibility to the Iraqi government in January 2009, pursuant to the U.S.-Iraq Status of Forces Agreement, marked the onset of escalating threats during the Camp Ashraf era's final phase. Iraqi forces, reportedly acting under Iranian diplomatic pressure, conducted raids including a July 28, 2009, incursion that injured dozens with bulldozers and non-lethal weapons, followed by the April 8, 2011, assault killing 34 residents and wounding over 300 in what U.S. congressional inquiries described as a deliberate massacre violating assurances of humane treatment. These events, amid Iraq's alignment with Tehran, intensified calls for relocation, framing Ashraf as untenable amid vows by Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki's government to expel or prosecute residents by year's end, despite UN mediation efforts recognizing their refugee-like status.

Delisting as Terrorist Organization and Relocation Pressures

The People's Mujahedin Organization of Iran (PMOI), also known as Mujahedin-e Khalq (MEK), had been designated a Foreign Terrorist Organization (FTO) by the U.S. Department of State since October 1997, primarily due to its involvement in attacks against Iranian regime targets and U.S. personnel during the 1970s and 1980s, including bombings in Paris in 1981 and operations during the Iran-Iraq War. This status imposed financial and material support restrictions, complicating international protection and relocation efforts for the group's approximately 3,400 members residing in Camp Ashraf, Iraq. Following years of legal challenges, including federal court mandates for the State Department to reconsider the designation, Secretary of State Hillary Clinton announced the revocation of the MEK's FTO status on September 28, 2012, effective immediately. The decision was based on the group's cessation of terrorist activities after 2001, its disarmament under U.S. supervision in Iraq in 2003, and commitments to renounce violence, though critics argued it overlooked the MEK's historical tactics and heavy lobbying by U.S. advocates, including paid speakers like former officials, which raised questions about influence over the process. The European Union had delisted the group earlier in 2009 after similar court rulings, citing insufficient evidence of ongoing threats. The delisting facilitated negotiations for the MEK's relocation from Camp Ashraf, as Iraq's government, led by Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki, intensified demands for the group's expulsion by the end of 2011, citing sovereignty post-U.S. military withdrawal and alleging security risks. Iraqi forces had raided Ashraf in 2009, killing 11 residents, and another assault in April 2011 resulted in 36 deaths, events attributed by MEK supporters to Iranian-backed militias but denied by Baghdad as responses to non-compliance. These incidents, coupled with Iran's diplomatic pressure on Iraq to dismantle the MEK presence—viewed by Tehran as a threat due to its opposition activities—escalated calls for relocation to a site near Baghdad International Airport, designated Camp Liberty, as a temporary transit facility for third-country resettlement. U.S. and UN officials, including the United Nations Assistance Mission for Iraq (UNAMI), brokered the move in 2012, with the U.S. offering expedited refugee processing as an incentive, contingent on transfer from Ashraf's expansive, self-sustained setup to Liberty's more confined conditions. Iraqi authorities imposed deadlines and restricted supplies to Ashraf, creating humanitarian pressures that, despite MEK resistance over habitability concerns, led to the voluntary relocation of most residents by September 2012, leaving a small number to face forced eviction in 2013. This process highlighted tensions between Iraqi national security claims—potentially overstated under Iranian influence—and Western commitments to protect disarmed ex-combatants, with delisting removing a key legal barrier to international acceptance.

Relocation to Camp Liberty

Negotiations Among U.S., Iraq, and UN

The negotiations for relocating People's Mujahedin Organization of Iran (PMOI/MEK) residents from Camp Ashraf to Camp Liberty involved coordination among the United States, the Iraqi government, and the United Nations, driven by Iraq's insistence on closing Ashraf by the end of 2011 amid pressures from Iran and prior violent clashes that killed dozens of residents in 2009 and April 2011. The U.S., which had disarmed and protected the approximately 3,400 PMOI members at Ashraf since 2003 under "protected persons" status, urged a peaceful resolution while facing its own troop withdrawal deadline. The UN, through its Assistance Mission for Iraq (UNAMI) and High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), mediated to prevent forced repatriation to Iran, where PMOI members faced execution risks. Culminating these efforts, UN Special Representative Martin Kobler and Iraq signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) on December 25, 2011, outlining voluntary relocation to Camp Liberty—a former U.S. base near Baghdad International Airport previously known as Camp Hurriya. Key provisions included Iraq's commitment to provide security and habitability improvements at Liberty, UN 24/7 monitoring there, and immediate UNHCR processing of refugee status for third-country resettlement, with no forced returns to Iran. The U.S. endorsed the MOU, with Secretary Hillary Clinton praising it as a humanitarian step, and pledged frequent Embassy Baghdad inspections of Liberty but not Ashraf due to access limitations. U.S. Special Envoy Ambassador Daniel Fried facilitated discussions, emphasizing resident safety. Implementation followed UN certification on January 31, 2012, that Liberty met international standards after Iraqi upgrades. The first 400 residents transferred voluntarily in February 2012, with the process completing for most by mid-2012 despite PMOI concerns over conditions. These talks resolved an immediate standoff but set the stage for ongoing disputes over Liberty's habitability and security, as Iraq retained sovereignty while UN and U.S. roles focused on oversight rather than control.

Transfer Logistics and Initial Resident Experiences (2012)

The relocation of People's Mujahedin of Iran (PMOI) residents from Camp Ashraf to Camp Liberty began on February 18, 2012, when the first group of approximately 400 individuals was transferred via convoy under United Nations Assistance Mission for Iraq (UNAMI) oversight. This initial phase followed a December 25, 2011, Memorandum of Understanding between the Iraqi government and UNAMI, which outlined voluntary transfers to the site—formerly a U.S. military base near Baghdad International Airport—as a temporary transit location pending third-country resettlement. The process involved phased convoys, with Iraqi security forces providing escort amid ongoing tensions, as the Iraqi government had repeatedly threatened forcible closure of Camp Ashraf. By mid-May 2012, nearly 2,000 residents had been relocated, representing more than half of the estimated 3,000 total at Ashraf. Transfers were coordinated to allow UNAMI verification of humanitarian standards at Camp Liberty prior to each move, though residents expressed concerns over insufficient security assurances and the site's prior use as a detention facility. U.S. officials, including Ambassador Daniel Fried, urged completion of the relocations to enable refugee processing by the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), emphasizing that delays risked further violence after prior deadly clashes at Ashraf. Personal belongings and vehicles were limited per convoy to streamline logistics, with the Iraqi government committing to provide basic infrastructure upgrades, such as reinforced T-walls and utilities, though implementation lagged. Initial resident experiences highlighted stark habitability challenges upon arrival, with the first group reporting exposure to unfinished structures, inadequate sanitation, and vulnerability to environmental hazards like dust storms and flooding in low-lying areas. Ten residents filed complaints with the UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detention in February 2012, describing prison-like conditions including restricted movement and insufficient protection from external threats. Tahar Boumedra, UNAMI's senior human rights advisor on Ashraf-Liberty affairs, resigned in May 2012 in protest, later stating in an interview that the camp's facilities—such as weak roofing penetrable by hand and lacking ballistic shielding—rendered it uninhabitable and worse than a conventional prison, accusing UN Special Representative Martin Kobler of downplaying these issues to expedite transfers despite Iraqi non-compliance with MOU commitments. These early accounts underscored Iraqi government delays in delivering essentials like concrete barriers and medical supplies, exacerbating health risks in the semi-arid environment, though UNAMI certified baseline international standards in January 2012 prior to the first move. Residents adapted by organizing internal committees for self-sufficiency, but persistent shortages fueled demands for urgent improvements and faster UNHCR interviews for relocation. U.S. congressional hearings in September 2012 examined these failures, attributing initial hardships to Iraqi sovereignty over the site post-U.S. withdrawal, with limited leverage to enforce upgrades.

Infrastructure and Living Conditions

Physical Setup and Habitability Challenges

Camp Liberty, situated between Baghdad and Baghdad International Airport on a compact area of less than 0.5 square miles, accommodated approximately 3,100 residents in prefabricated metal trailers imported primarily from Jordan and Kuwait. These trailers, measuring 12 meters by 3.6 meters and housing up to six individuals each, provided roughly 7.2 square meters per person and were surrounded by a 4-meter-high concrete perimeter wall supplemented by layers of sandbags. Initially, the site featured thousands of U.S.-installed T-walls for blast protection, but Iraqi authorities removed many of these concrete barriers, heightening exposure to external threats. The camp's infrastructure lacked centralized utilities, relying instead on tanker trucks for water delivery and diesel generators for electricity, with no integrated sewage system in place. Habitability was severely compromised by the trailers' structural weaknesses, described as having less resilience than a soup can, rendering them prone to collapse under minimal added weight or impact and offering negligible shielding against indirect fire or extreme weather. Intermittent power outages and insufficient water supplies, often obstructed by Iraqi security forces, exacerbated daily hardships, while raw sewage intermingling with rainwater during precipitation events led to contamination and outbreaks such as meningitis in certain compounds. High population density within the confined space amplified risks of epidemics and hindered maintenance efforts, as residents faced restrictions on importing essential protective gear like sandbags, helmets, or even basic items such as heaters and medical equipment upon relocation. United Nations assessments characterized the overall setup as substandard, falling short of humanitarian benchmarks and functioning more akin to a detention facility than a viable relocation site.

Access to Essentials, Medical Care, and Security Measures

Residents experienced restricted access to essentials in Camp Liberty, with water supplied mainly through external tanker trucks that Iraqi security forces often impeded or prohibited from entering the camp, exacerbating shortages as of mid-2012. Electricity depended on fuel-powered generators without grid connection, leading to intermittent outages and elevated operational costs borne by residents. Food deliveries from outside contractors faced similar obstructions, including threats to drivers and delays causing spoilage, while the absence of a functional sewage system heightened risks of sanitation-related health issues like epidemics. Medical facilities on-site handled basic needs but proved inadequate for severe conditions, with transfers to external hospitals delayed for hours or days due to approvals required from Iraqi authorities, and reports of harassment toward accompanying doctors. By 2013, such denials contributed to resident deaths from untreated injuries following attacks, amid overcrowding in substandard trailers lacking proper ventilation or protection. Security relied on approximately 150 Iraqi police guards armed with heavy machine guns maintaining a 24/7 perimeter, yet the camp's dense layout—housing over 3,000 in under 0.5 square miles—exposed vulnerabilities to indirect fire, compounded by Iraqi forces' removal of protective T-walls after incidents and refusals to permit sandbags, helmets, or vests for residents. These measures failed to prevent multiple rocket and missile barrages, underscoring Iraqi authorities' prioritization of containment over robust defense despite international calls for enhanced protection.

Attacks and Casualties

Pre-2013 Incidents and Escalating Threats

The relocation of People's Mujahedin Organization of Iran (PMOI) residents to Camp Liberty commenced with an initial group of approximately 400 individuals on February 17, 2012, followed by larger transfers starting in April. Almost immediately after their arrival, Iraqi security forces removed around 17,500 protective concrete T-walls that had been installed during the site's prior use as a U.S. military base, stripping away key barriers against indirect fire such as mortars and rockets. This dismantling, conducted despite prior U.S.-Iraqi agreements on maintaining habitability and security, exposed the camp's modular housing units—originally designed for temporary troop accommodations—to heightened risks from surrounding hostile areas, including militia strongholds. Iraqi officials, influenced by demands from the Iranian government, escalated verbal and procedural pressures throughout 2012, repeatedly threatening to close Camp Liberty or expel the disarmed residents unless they accepted repatriation to Iran or further dispersal. In August 2012, Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki's administration intensified these warnings, prompting the U.S. State Department to publicly express concern over potential forced evictions and the endangerment of lives, while calling for adherence to international humanitarian standards. Such threats were compounded by restricted access to self-defense equipment, medical supplies, and maintenance materials, which Iraqi authorities blocked under pretexts of sovereignty, further eroding resident confidence in perimeter security provided by Iraqi forces. United Nations agencies, including UNHCR and UNAMI, documented these vulnerabilities in mid-2012 reports, noting the camp's proximity to Baghdad International Airport and sectarian flashpoints as factors amplifying threats from Iran-backed militias like Asa'ib Ahl al-Haq. Internal UN assessments warned of the potential for attacks similar to those at Camp Ashraf, yet Iraqi cooperation on reinstalling barriers or bolstering defenses remained minimal, fostering a climate of anticipatory peril without recorded lethal incidents until 2013. These pre-attack dynamics underscored systemic failures in host-government protections, amid broader Iranian diplomatic efforts to eliminate the PMOI presence in Iraq.

February 2013 Rocket Attacks

On 9 February 2013, at approximately 5:30 a.m. local time, Camp Liberty was struck by a barrage of mortar and rocket rounds originating from nearby areas in Baghdad. The assault involved dozens of projectiles and targeted the facility housing around 3,100 members of the People's Mujahedin Organization of Iran (PMOI), who had been relocated there as protected persons under a U.S.-Iraqi-UN agreement. The attack resulted in six immediate deaths among PMOI residents, including one woman, with five fatalities at the scene and one additional death in hospital; dozens more were wounded, with estimates ranging from 25 to over 40 injuries among residents and Iraqi security personnel. A subsequent Amnesty International report cited eight resident deaths, reflecting possible additional fatalities from injuries. Three Iraqi policemen guarding the camp were among the wounded. No group publicly claimed responsibility, though PMOI representatives suspected involvement by Iran's Quds Force, citing patterns from prior incidents against the group. The United Nations Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon condemned the mortar attack, which killed several residents and injured others including Iraqi police, and demanded a prompt Iraqi investigation to bring perpetrators to justice. UNHCR High Commissioner António Guterres similarly denounced it as a "despicable act of violence" against asylum seekers entitled to protection, urging Iraq to bolster camp security and expedite resident relocations while expressing condolences to victims' families. The U.S. government also condemned the assault. Amnesty International called for an urgent Iraqi probe into the attack and the performance of local security forces, emphasizing the residents' vulnerability despite international oversight. No convictions resulted from the incident, amid ongoing concerns over Iraqi compliance with protection mandates.

October 2015 Missile Barrage

On October 29, 2015, Camp Liberty came under a sustained rocket barrage starting around 7:40 p.m. local time, marking the deadliest attack on the site to date. The assault involved at least 15 rockets fired from an unknown location, striking the camp's residential areas near Baghdad International Airport and causing widespread damage to structures, including an estimated $10 million in property losses reported by camp residents. Electricity and communications were severed during the barrage, exacerbating chaos and hindering rescue efforts. The attack killed 23 PMOI residents and three Iraqi policemen guarding the perimeter, with over 200 others wounded, according to reports from the group and contemporaneous news accounts; some sources cited up to 26 resident deaths. No group claimed responsibility, but the assault was widely attributed to Iran-backed Shia militias operating with impunity in the area, amid escalating sectarian violence in Iraq. International responses were swift but limited to condemnations, with the United States denouncing the "deplorable act" and calling for accountability, while the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) labeled it a violation of protections owed to the camp's refugees. Amnesty International described the strike as a "despicable and callous crime" and urged Iraqi authorities to investigate perpetrators and their enablers, noting the camp's inadequate protective barriers despite prior UN-brokered agreements for enhanced security. No thorough independent probe materialized, highlighting ongoing Iraqi government failures to safeguard the unarmed residents, who had been relocated under U.S. and UN auspices.

Evacuation and Closure

International Agreements for Albania Relocation

The relocation of residents from Camp Liberty to Albania was enabled by a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) signed on December 25, 2011, between the United Nations and the Government of Iraq, with United States support. This agreement outlined the voluntary transfer of People's Mujahedin Organization of Iran (PMOI) members from Camp Ashraf to Camp Liberty as a temporary transit facility, followed by processing for permanent resettlement in third countries to resolve their protected person status under the 2003 U.S.-Iraq security arrangement. In implementation, the Government of Albania offered in early 2013 to accept 210 Camp Liberty residents for resettlement on humanitarian grounds, an initiative welcomed by the U.S. Department of State on March 18, 2013, as advancing the 2011 MoU's third-country relocation provisions. The United Nations Assistance Mission for Iraq (UNAMI) and the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) coordinated the process, including biometric registration, security vetting, and medical screenings to confirm eligibility under international refugee criteria. The first transfer occurred on May 17, 2013, when 14 residents departed Iraq for Albania, in line with the 2011 MoU's framework for expedited departures to host nations. Subsequent groups followed, with UNHCR overseeing voluntary participation and Iraq facilitating safe exit amid ongoing security threats at Camp Liberty. Albania's acceptance expanded beyond the initial 210, positioning it as the primary third-country destination, though formal expansion details remained under ad hoc diplomatic arrangements rather than a standalone bilateral treaty.

Phased Transfers and Final Departure (2013-2016)

The relocation of residents from Camp Liberty to Albania proceeded in phases beginning in mid-2013, under the coordination of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and with support from the United States and the Albanian government, as part of a broader humanitarian effort to provide permanent refuge outside Iraq following the 2011 memorandum of understanding on resident transfers. Albania initially offered humanitarian admission to up to 210 residents in March 2013, a decision welcomed by UNHCR for enabling safe processing and departure amid ongoing security threats in Iraq. The process involved medical screenings, interviews, and logistical arrangements to ensure voluntary relocation, with residents granted protected person status upon arrival in Albania. Initial transfers were small-scale to test procedures and build momentum. On May 19, 2013, the first group of 14 residents—comprising seven women and seven men affiliated with the People's Mujahedin Organization of Iran (PMOI)—departed Baghdad for Tirana, marking the inaugural flight under the UNHCR-led framework. A subsequent group of 30 residents left on May 31, 2013, with the U.S. State Department commending Albania's cooperation in facilitating their permanent resettlement. By July 2013, an additional 109 residents had been transferred, including arrivals processed since early that month, reflecting a gradual ramp-up despite bureaucratic and security hurdles. Transfers continued intermittently through and , often in groups of dozens, as UNHCR verified eligibility and expanded its beyond the offer to accommodate the full remaining of roughly . Notable departures included 28 residents in two batches of 14 on and 10, 2015. The pace accelerated in amid heightened urgency to deteriorating conditions in , with 105 residents relocated on , . These phased movements allowed for individualized assessments while addressing logistical constraints, such as flight capacity and ongoing Iraqi approvals for exits. The final departure occurred on , , when the remaining 280 residents were airlifted to , emptying Camp Liberty entirely and concluding the relocation effort that had begun four years earlier. U.S. highlighted the operation's in a statement, noting it as a resolution to years of protection challenges for the PMOI members. By this point, over individuals had been resettled in , where they established communities near Tirana, supported by initial humanitarian aid and integration programs. The complete evacuation was hailed by supporters as a diplomatic achievement but drew criticism from PMOI adversaries for potentially enabling the group's persistence abroad.

Post-2016 Status of Former Residents

By September 9, 2016, the relocation of Camp Liberty's residents concluded with the departure of the final group of over 280 individuals to , marking the end of the site's use as a transit facility for People's Mujahedin of Iran (PMOI) members. Approximately 3,000 former residents were resettled in , where they established a protected compound near Tirana to continue operations as an exiled opposition group. A smaller number—estimated in the hundreds—were transferred to other European countries including Germany, the United Kingdom, Norway, the Netherlands, Denmark, and Finland through UNHCR-facilitated asylum processes. In Albania, the resettled PMOI members have maintained a communal living arrangement within their compound, focusing on against the Iranian , including gatherings and media campaigns. However, integration , with reports of internal and restricted personal freedoms cited by defectors and Albanian authorities. Iranian operations have targeted the , including plots and , prompting Albanian measures around the site. Tensions escalated in June 2023 when Albanian police raided the compound, investigating allegations of financial crimes such as and , though PMOI representatives attributed the action to Iranian diplomatic pressure. By September 2025, the matter remained under , straining relations with the Albanian government despite earlier U.S. and UNHCR support for the resettlement. A U.S. formed in response advocates for the group's protection, highlighting ongoing vulnerabilities. Defections continue, with some former residents seeking separation from the organization and criticizing its hierarchical structure, though comprehensive data on total departures post-2016 is unavailable.

Controversies and Viewpoints

Allegations of Iranian-Orchestrated Persecution

The Iranian government has been accused by PMOI representatives and U.S. officials of exerting influence over Iraqi authorities to orchestrate systematic persecution of Camp Liberty residents, including denial of basic services, security lapses, and lethal attacks aimed at eliminating the group as a political threat. This included pressure on the Maliki administration, which maintained close ties with Tehran, to enforce a "medical siege" restricting access to medicine and maintenance, resulting in at least 15 resident deaths from treatable conditions between 2012 and 2016. Allegations point to Iran's Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) Quds Force as coordinating these efforts through its Baghdad embassy, potentially led by a senior commander, to direct Iraqi policy and proxy militias against the camp. In U.S. congressional , Advisor described the attacks as orchestrated by the Iranian with Iraqi , citing a of escalating to that killed over 100 PMOI members across related sites since , including Liberty's barrages. Wesley Martin, a U.S. liaison to the camps, attributed the February 9, 2013, mortar attack (killing 7), April 29, 2013, rocket strike (killing 6), and December 26, 2013, assault (killing 2) to Iranian-directed Iraqi forces, noting the use of unguided Katyusha-style rockets consistent with IRGC-supplied arsenals provided to Shiite militias. Senator Joseph Lieberman highlighted Iran's strategic motive to neutralize the PMOI's opposition activities, leveraging post-2003 influence in Iraq to bypass direct action. Evidence cited includes video footage of attacks showing Iraqi special forces tactics and American-made explosives repurposed under foreign direction, alongside Iran's documented arming of proxies like Asa'ib Ahl al-Haq, which operated near Baghdad and received IRGC funding and training for operations against perceived enemies. PMOI sources claimed serial numbers on recovered rockets traced to Iranian stockpiles, though independent verification remains limited due to restricted investigations by Iraqi authorities. These allegations align with broader assessments of Iranian influence in Iraq, where Tehran funded and directed Shia militias to target dissidents, but UN and Amnesty International reports condemned the attacks without directly attributing orchestration to Iran, calling instead for impartial probes.

Criticisms of PMOI Internal Dynamics and Resident Autonomy

Critics, including defectors and analysts, have alleged that the People's Mujahedin Organization of Iran (PMOI), which oversaw the internal organization of Camp Liberty residents, maintained a hierarchical structure resembling a cult, with centralized control under leaders Massoud and Maryam Rajavi limiting individual autonomy. A 2009 RAND Corporation analysis described the PMOI as exhibiting cult-like traits, including enforced ideological conformity and isolation from external influences, which trapped many members—particularly those who joined post-1979 exile— in a system where voluntary departure was discouraged through psychological and social pressures rather than overt physical restraint. Defectors from the PMOI, including former senior members, have testified to practices such as mandatory "operational conferences" involving public self-criticism sessions, where residents were compelled to confess perceived ideological failings under threat of demotion, isolation, or worse, fostering an environment of constant surveillance and diminished personal agency. These accounts, drawn from interviews with at least six high-ranking ex-members who left between 2015 and 2019, highlight enforced celibacy, coerced divorces upon entry (affecting an estimated 90% of couples), and suppression of family contacts, which persisted in Camp Liberty despite its transitional status as a UN-monitored site from 2012 onward. Such dynamics allegedly undermined resident autonomy, as decisions on relocation to Albania—phased from 2013 to 2016—were presented as collective but effectively dictated by leadership, with dissenters facing ostracism or relocation delays. Further allegations include punitive measures against those seeking independent asylum processing or contact with UNHCR officials, with defectors reporting that PMOI monitors restricted private interviews and portrayed leavers as traitors, complicating voluntary exits amid Iraqi restrictions. In one documented case from 2013, UN efforts to assess resident welfare at Camp Liberty encountered interference, as residents' movements required PMOI approval, blurring lines between Iraqi-imposed limits and internal controls. While PMOI representatives counter that such unity reflected ideological commitment rather than coercion, defector testimonies consistently describe a causal chain from recruitment promises of liberation to entrapment via incremental commitments, eroding personal freedoms over decades. These claims, primarily from Western media investigations and think-tank assessments, contrast with Iranian regime narratives but align with patterns observed in other insular opposition groups under duress.

Iraqi Government Accountability and International Responses

The Iraqi government, under Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki, committed to protecting Camp Liberty residents as part of the 2009 U.S.-Iraq security agreement and subsequent international understandings for the relocation from Camp Ashraf, yet repeatedly failed to implement adequate safeguards despite repeated attacks. Following the February 9, 2013, mortar attack that killed three and injured dozens, Iraqi authorities did not conduct thorough investigations or apprehend perpetrators, mirroring inaction after prior Ashraf incidents. The Iraqi Ministry of Interior, responsible for camp security, restricted residents' access to protective barriers, weapons, and medical supplies, exacerbating vulnerabilities in an exposed site near Baghdad International Airport. No Iraqi officials faced accountability for these lapses, with reports indicating complicity or tolerance of Iranian-backed militias, such as Asa'ib Ahl al-Haq, implicated in sourcing rockets from regime-supplied stockpiles. Amnesty International documented the government's pattern of impunity, noting that after the October 29, 2015, barrage killing 24 and wounding over 200, Iraq omitted independent probes and withheld forensic evidence, contravening international human rights standards under the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. U.S. congressional oversight highlighted Iraq's breach of explicit pledges to the United Nations Assistance Mission for Iraq (UNAMI) for perimeter fencing and counter-rocket systems, which remained unimplemented despite resident funding offers. This negligence persisted amid documented intelligence of impending threats, including intercepted communications linking attacks to Iranian Quds Force directives funneled through Iraqi proxies. Internationally, the United Nations High for Refugees (UNHCR) condemned the , , rocket assault as a violation, urging Iraq to enhance protections and expedite relocations while emphasizing ' protected status. UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon's decried the February mortar strike, calling for Iraqi and full of UNAMI-monitored enhancements. UNHCR reiterated condemnation after the October attack, pressing for impartial investigations and accelerated transfers to third like . U.S. responses included bipartisan congressional demands for Iraqi compliance, with House Committee Chairman Ed Royce insisting on of protection commitments and sanctions for non-compliance. Ranking Member labeled the 2015 assault as Iranian-orchestrated, demanding immediate Iraqi upgrades and UN-brokered evacuations. These efforts contributed to the eventual 2016 closure via Albania relocations, though critics noted delayed U.S. amid broader Iraq priorities. European Parliament resolutions echoed calls for probes into Iraqi facilitation of attacks, attributing failures to Tehran's sway over .

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