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Core Cities Group
Core Cities Group
Core Cities Group
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The Core Cities Group (also Core Cities UK) is a self-selected and self-financed collaborative advocacy group of large regional cities in the United Kingdom outside Greater London. The group was formed in 1995 and serves as a partnership of twelve city councils: Belfast, Birmingham, Bristol, Cardiff, Edinburgh,[2] Glasgow, Leeds, Liverpool, Manchester, Newcastle, Nottingham and Sheffield.

Key Information

The Core Cities Group has wide-ranging interests, encompassing transport and connectivity, innovation and business support, skills and employment, sustainable communities, culture and creative industries, climate change, finance and industry, and governance. During 2012, the first wave of city deals recognised the eight cities as "the largest and most economically important English cities outside of London".[3] The group in 2020 featured a combined population of over 6 million within eleven of its cities.[4] It has been considered one of the most powerful political lobbying groups in the country.[5]

The Core Cities Group is represented on the Local Government Leaders' Council by its chair.

History

[edit]

The group formed in 1995 and membership was made up of eight local authorities with city status; of which six are metropolitan borough councils and two are unitary authorities in the English local government system. These cities were: Birmingham, Bristol, Leeds, Liverpool, Manchester, Newcastle, Nottingham and Sheffield. The local authorities came together to challenge the centralised nature of the British state[6] by advocating for the devolution of greater freedom and controls.[7] The eight city councils are also members of the pan-European Eurocities network, a group co-founded by Birmingham City Council.

In 2003, the Deputy Prime Minister John Prescott addressed the Core Cities Group, advocating "choke-off growth in the economic powerhouse of London and the south-east" in order to stimulate growth and productivity within the Core Cities.[8]

With the exception of Bradford and Hull, the initial members of the group mirrored the first county boroughs, that is the 10 English cities "dealt with as separate counties" under the Local Government Act 1888. Since 2010, several British cities outside England began discussions for incorporation into the group. In August 2014, Glasgow joined the group as the first non-English city,[9] followed by Cardiff in 2014,[10] Belfast in 2019, and Edinburgh in 2025.[2]

In 2018, Bristol hosted the first meeting of Core Cities Group leaders with combined authority mayors.[6] In October 2018, the group published a report titled "Cities 2030: Global Success, Local Prosperity", arguing for the economic potential of British cities – where they lag behind international counterparts – combined with a vision for cities.[7]

Government lobbying and issues

[edit]

Devolution and greater powers

[edit]

The Core Cities Group (CCG) have published research on the utilised benefits of more powerful cities that have greater economic control, particularly in growth and productivity.[11][12] During the passage of the Localism Act 2011, the group promoted the 'Core Cities amendment' to allow for bespoke decentralisation to its members, which was successfully incorporated.[13] Several of the 'City Deals' subsequently agreed between the Cabinet Office/Department for Communities and Local Government in 2012 included enhanced powers and city regional working at their core, including new combined authorities, thanks to the provision.[14] The introduction of directly-elected mayors to combined authorities in England and the devolution of housing, transport, planning and policing powers to them were provisions contained in the Cities and Local Government Devolution Act 2016.[15]

In 2015, the CCG published a report calling for devolution to England that gives powers similar to those of Scottish Parliament and to give the city-regions greater fiscal devolution by 2025.[16] In 2016, Core Cities and Key Cities, together representing 36 of the UK's largest cities, issued a joint statement calling for greater powers to deliver a more inclusive economy.[17] In 2020, the 11 councils of the CCG and the 32 London Boroughs within the London Councils group agreed to lobby for greater fiscal devolution, including "the right to introduce a tourism tax, borrow against future revenue and reforms to business rates and council tax."[4][18]

Other issues

[edit]

An interest of the group is the High Speed 2 project to interlink the larger British cities faster.[19] Believing it will bring an economic advantage to the core cities.[20] In 2019, Judith Blake, chair of the Core Cities Group and leader of Leeds City Council wrote "HS2 is more than just a railway line, it will unlock future jobs, training and regeneration opportunities that will benefit many of our 20 million citizens. Core Cities UK believes HS2 is a game-changer for the Midlands and the north".[21]

The Core Cities Group has attempted to establish a dialogue with the European Union and the British government in the negotiations to leave the European Union, following the 2016 EU referendum. The combined electorate of the ten core cities saw 56% vote for remain.[22] It was noted by Cardiff council leader Huw Thomas that EU investment out-weight the British Government's city deals.[23] Because of this, the group has lobbied the government to maintain EU regeneration schemes in negotiations[24] The group has also met chief European negotiator Michel Barnier.[23] In 2019, the leaders of the cities in the group sent a letter to Prime Minister May asking her to avoid a no-deal Brexit.[25] The Core Cities Group cities were beneficiaries of the UK Shared Prosperity Fund (UKSPF), an investment program designed to maintain town and city investment after Brexit.[26] The group criticised the government for the amount and asked that the fund be doubled to £4 billion to lead to its work reaching £28bn by 2026.[27]

During the COVID-19 pandemic in the United Kingdom the Core Cities Group advocated City Recovery Deals and a Cities Recovery Fund to facilitate good finances for cities following the pandemic and its subsequent lockdown.[28] In May 2020, the CCG reported that those events had cost their councils £1.6bn collectively and advocated financial support from HM Treasury.[29]

Membership

[edit]
City Country Local authority Leader
(political affiliation) 		City population (2024)[30] Urban area population Metro area population[31]
Belfast Northern Ireland Belfast City Council Micky Murray 352,390 - 799,000
Birmingham England Birmingham City Council Chamam Lal 1,183,618 2,440,986 3,683,000
Bristol England Bristol City Council Tony Dyer 494,399 617,280 1,041,000
Cardiff Wales Cardiff Council Huw Thomas 383,919 447,287 1,097,000
Edinburgh Scotland City of Edinburgh Council Jane Meagher 530,680
Glasgow Scotland Glasgow City Council Susan Aitken 650,300 1,209,143 1,395,000
Leeds England Leeds City Council James Lewis 845,189 1,901,934 2,302,000
Liverpool England Liverpool City Council Joanne Anderson 508,961 864,122 2,241,000
Manchester England Manchester City Council Bev Craig 589,670 2,553,379 2,556,000
Newcastle England Newcastle City Council Nick Kemp 320,605 774,891 1,599,000
Nottingham England Nottingham City Council David Mellen 331,077 729,977 1,534,000
Sheffield England Sheffield City Council Tom Hunt 582,493 685,368 1,569,000

References

[edit]
[edit]
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Core Cities Group

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from Grokipedia

The Core Cities Group, also known as Core Cities UK, is a self-financed collaborative alliance of twelve major regional city councils in the United Kingdom, established in 1995 to advocate for devolved powers, economic productivity, and urban policy reform beyond London.
Its members comprise Belfast, Birmingham, Bristol, Cardiff, Edinburgh, Glasgow, Leeds, Liverpool, Manchester, Newcastle upon Tyne, Nottingham, and Sheffield, representing city regions that collectively account for nearly a quarter of the UK economy.
The group pursues objectives including domestic policy influence on growth and public services, net zero transitions, and international engagement, with a mission to unlock city potential for a stronger economy and society.
Over its nearly three-decade history, Core Cities UK has shaped government approaches to decentralisation, contributing to initiatives like city deals and productivity enhancements through evidence-based lobbying.

History

Formation in 1995

The Core Cities Group was founded in 1995 as a collaborative alliance of eight major English cities outside : Birmingham, , , , , , , and . These cities, sharing comparable sizes and industrial histories, established the group as a self-financed entity to coordinate advocacy efforts toward . The initiative aimed to amplify the voice of regional urban centers in national policy discussions, particularly on , , and , without formal legal structure or external funding. This formation responded to empirical evidence of economic disparities, where these core cities exhibited slower productivity growth and output expansion relative to London and the national average during the early 1990s. For instance, regional gross value added per capita in these areas trailed London's by margins exceeding 20-30% in key metrics, underscoring the limitations of uniformly applied national policies amid post-industrial decline. Leaders reasoned that centralized decision-making in Westminster hindered tailored responses to local challenges, such as urban decay and skills mismatches, necessitating a unified platform for data-driven lobbying to secure resources for regeneration projects like brownfield redevelopment and public-private partnerships. Initially, the group's priorities centered on evidence-based campaigns for rather than broader constitutional reforms like , focusing on quantifiable outcomes such as job creation and infrastructure upgrades to reverse stagnation. This approach leveraged shared socio-economic profiles to present collective cases to policymakers, emphasizing causal links between localized investments and national economic uplift without diluting accountability to central fiscal controls. By pooling resources for research and representation, the alliance sought to counter perceptions of regional cities as peripheral, positioning them as engines for balanced growth.

Expansion and Name Evolution

The Core Cities Group began expanding its membership beyond in 2014, with joining in August as the first Scottish city, selected for its metropolitan population exceeding 1.7 million and its role in driving regional aligned with the group's advocacy. followed in September 2014, bringing Welsh representation and emphasizing the city's status as a capital with a city-region supporting over 1.4 million residents, thereby broadening the alliance's focus on pan-UK urban potential. These additions were motivated by the cities' substantial contributions to national GDP—core urban areas including these expansions account for approximately 40% of British output—and their capacity to exemplify decentralized governance models. Further growth occurred with Belfast's accession in 2019, incorporating Northern Ireland's largest urban economy, and Edinburgh's entry in April 2025, which elevated the total membership to 12 cities and included three national capitals. The expansions prioritized cities with populations over 500,000, high economic productivity, and strategic alignment with policies promoting fiscal autonomy, evidenced by data linking urban agglomeration to elevated GDP in these regions. In tandem with this geographic broadening, the organization evolved its branding around 2020 to Core Cities , signaling its transition from an England-centric network to a UK-wide after 25 years of operation, while underscoring a sustained record of influencing on urban decentralization. This name shift reflected causal ties to membership-driven leverage, as the inclusion of devolved-nation cities amplified advocacy for equitable across the .

Organizational Structure

Governance and Leadership

The Core Cities is politically led by the elected leaders of its member cities, who convene as a Cabinet to provide strategic oversight and set collective priorities. This Cabinet, comprising the heads of councils or equivalent from the 12 cities, operates on a collaborative basis to align urban policy advocacy, with decisions emerging from joint deliberations among representatives. The structure emphasizes self-selection by city leaders, fostering a model where rotates informally through the selection of a from among them, currently James Lewis, Leader of , supported by Deputy Huw Thomas, Leader of . Operational execution falls under a small professional team headed by Director Stephen Jones, who coordinates policy development and alongside roles such as Head of Public Affairs Will Mapplebeck and Policy and Governance Officer Diane Chan. While the group espouses a non-partisan stance to enable cross-party consensus on shared urban challenges, the predominance of Labour-led councils among members—such as , , and Birmingham—introduces dynamics that can shape priority alignment, as evidenced by the consistent focus on themes resonant with Labour urban governance traditions. This composition reflects broader patterns in municipal politics, where large cities outside tend toward left-leaning administrations, potentially streamlining internal consensus but limiting ideological diversity in leadership selection.

Funding and Operations

Core Cities UK is self-financed through contributions from its member cities, enabling the group to maintain independence from grants and direct national taxpayer funding. This model aligns with its status as a collaborative entity formed by local authorities, where operational costs are distributed among participants to support collective policy pursuits without external fiscal dependencies that could compromise autonomy. The group's day-to-day operations are managed by a small staff team, administratively based in City Council's while facilitating activities across all member cities. This lean structure supports coordination of , formulation, and , with outputs such as evidence-based reports and parliamentary submissions tied to member-driven priorities rather than fixed annual budgets, which are not publicly itemized. Meetings and processes occur through rotating hosts among cities, promoting utilization. Transparency in operations is achieved via public agendas and minutes published through member local authority websites, allowing scrutiny of activities. However, the absence of standalone annual financial reports or detailed expenditure metrics from Core Cities UK itself represents an empirical gap, as fiscal relies on aggregated disclosures within individual city council budgets, potentially hindering broader assessments of cost efficiency relative to scale. This setup sustains a focused, output-oriented function but underscores reliance on member commitment for long-term viability amid varying local fiscal pressures.

Policy Objectives

Promoting Urban Economic Growth

The Core Cities Group positions major regional cities as primary drivers of national economic productivity, emphasizing their capacity to generate agglomeration economies through dense concentrations of employment, innovation, and infrastructure. These cities and their surrounding functional urban areas accounted for 22.6% of UK GDP in 2016, despite productivity levels averaging 86% of the national figure. Empirical analyses indicate that a 10% rise in urban employment density correlates with 0.9-1% higher city-level productivity, underscoring the causal link between spatial clustering and output gains in sectors like knowledge-intensive services and manufacturing. The group's advocacy focuses on targeted investments in , skills development, and to amplify these effects, arguing that such measures could elevate Core Cities' contributions to 25% of GDP while unlocking an additional £100 billion annually. Between 2012 and 2017, Core Cities demonstrated robust post-recession employment growth, outperforming many peripheral regions in recovery metrics, with total output rebounding through private-sector partnerships in urban regeneration projects. However, this progress remains contingent on substantial national funding, which supplied 64% of revenues in 2019, highlighting structural reliance on central allocations for sustaining and skills initiatives. OECD assessments affirm that enhancing transport connectivity, housing supply, and vocational training in these cities could align their productivity closer to peers, where second-tier urban areas often exceed national averages by fostering localized innovation ecosystems. The group promotes evidence-based policies prioritizing high-density employment hubs to capitalize on knowledge spillovers and labor matching efficiencies, as evidenced by historical data showing urban cores generating disproportionate shares of national employment relative to land area.

Advocating for Devolution and Decentralization

The Core Cities Group has advocated for greater of powers from to local authorities since the late , emphasizing the transfer of fiscal, , , and skills responsibilities to enable city-regions to address local economic challenges more effectively. This push intensified in the , with the group for the creation of combined authorities and directly elected metro mayors, influencing key agreements such as the 2014 Devolution Agreement, which granted powers over housing, , and health integration. Similar deals followed for other Core Cities members, including the West Midlands and expansions in 2015 and 2017, where the group highlighted centralized decision-making in Westminster as a barrier to regional productivity, arguing that local leaders could better align investments with urban needs. Proponents of these reforms, including Core Cities, cite empirical data suggesting improved outcomes in devolved areas, such as Greater Manchester's (GVA) per capita growth rate rising to 1.2% annually post-2014 deal compared to the national average of 0.8% in non-devolved regions during the same period, attributed to localized control over skills training and infrastructure like Metrolink expansions. However, analyses indicate no consistent causal link between and accelerated growth across all cases, with uneven implementation—such as limited fiscal autonomy in early deals—resulting in some combined authorities underperforming relative to pre-deal baselines, where centralized funding streams proved more stable for smaller projects. Critics contend that devolution risks exacerbating regional fragmentation, as varying local policies on taxation and planning could undermine national cohesion, evidenced by divergences in business rates retention that have led to competitive distortions between devolved city-regions and adjacent non-devolved areas. The group's advocacy acknowledges these concerns by proposing standardized frameworks, such as an independent commission to oversee deal progression, yet implementation gaps persist, with only partial fiscal devolution achieved by 2023, limiting causal improvements in outcomes like employment rates in peripheral Core Cities districts.

Other Priorities

Core Cities UK has prioritized increasing housing delivery in member cities, proposing an annual target of 25,000 new homes alongside £2.2 billion in additional for new builds and £982 million in spending on UK-based suppliers. This approach emphasizes attracting public and private to address high-demand areas, with a focus on both new construction and renewal of existing stock to improve quality. The group advocates for integrated systems, recommending that leaders develop comprehensive plans to enhance connectivity and support economic activity, as highlighted in collaborative analysis with international bodies. Such efforts aim to address barriers to by improving urban mobility without overlapping primary demands. On environmental sustainability, Core Cities UK participates in the UK Cities Climate Investment Commission, identifying a £330 billion opportunity in green growth projects to align with net zero targets, involving partnerships across cities to attract funding for low-carbon infrastructure. This includes initiatives like the 3Ci network, launched in collaboration with other urban groups to facilitate global investment in net zero transitions. In response to retail sector challenges, including rising vacancies in the 2020s exacerbated by and post-pandemic shifts, Core Cities UK commissioned the "Future of Urban Centres" report jointly with Key Cities, summarizing strategies for adapting town and city centres through diversified uses and recovery measures. Priorities encompass recovery from impacts, focusing on evidence-based adaptations to maintain vitality without prescriptive national mandates. Following the OECD's 2020 report on enhancing in UK Core Cities, which noted these cities' output at 86% of the national average despite their economic scale, the group has emphasized targeted improvements in skills alignment to local needs, avoiding generalized urban tropes in favor of data-driven enhancements. Post-COVID recovery efforts include proposals for investment in urban economies to mitigate disproportionate damage to larger cities, as outlined in supported analyses showing amplified impacts on city-based sectors.

Membership

Current Member Cities

The Core Cities Group includes twelve major regional centres: , Birmingham, , , , , , , , , , and . These self-selected cities function as primary economic hubs outside , with their wider city regions collectively generating 25% of GDP and hosting over 20 million residents. However, productivity within the core urban areas trails the national average, with GVA per worker at 86% of the level based on 2016 data, highlighting persistent regional disparities despite their scale. Birmingham, the group's largest city by at approximately 1.15 million (mid-2023 estimate), anchors the West Midlands economy through advanced manufacturing, automotive sectors, and , contributing to the region's status as a key industrial node. Manchester, with around 560,000 residents, drives Northern England's media, , and industries, underpinning a metro area GVA exceeding £90 billion annually. Leeds supports financial and legal services as Yorkshire's commercial core, serving a of about 800,000. Glasgow and Edinburgh represent Scotland's urban duo, with Glasgow's 630,000 inhabitants focusing on engineering, renewables, and , while Edinburgh's recent 2025 accession adds its capital-city strengths in , , and higher education to the group. Cardiff, joining in 2014 with a population near 370,000, bolsters Wales' media, ports, and activities. Belfast's 2019 integration brings Northern Ireland's , , and tech revival, amid a of roughly 340,000. Bristol emphasizes , , and green tech for its 470,000 residents; Liverpool leverages ports and culture; Newcastle upon Tyne advances energy and education; Nottingham centers on life sciences and retail; and Sheffield excels in heritage turned advanced manufacturing—all evidencing the group's emphasis on diverse, hub-based contributions amid empirical shortfalls relative to southern counterparts.

Expansion Criteria and Process

The Core Cities Group lacks a publicly available formal charter outlining explicit expansion criteria, with admissions instead appearing to prioritize cities exhibiting substantial population sizes, economic productivity, and alignment with the organization's advocacy for enhanced devolution and urban autonomy. This approach ensures group coherence by incorporating entities capable of amplifying collective influence without diluting focus on causal drivers of regional disparity, such as centralized fiscal constraints. Historical patterns indicate a strategic emphasis on achieving balanced UK-wide representation, particularly by integrating major centers from devolved administrations to bolster lobbying leverage. Admissions proceed via internal consensus among existing members, culminating in official announcements that highlight the prospective member's contributions to shared goals. For example, Cardiff's inclusion in 2014 extended the group's reach into , reflecting advancements under the Wales Act 2014 that aligned with Core Cities' decentralization priorities. Similarly, Belfast joined in 2019 amid post-Brexit discussions on Northern Ireland's economic powers, enhancing cross-UK advocacy. Most recently, on March 28, 2025, was admitted as the 12th member and third national capital, explicitly to expand the group's UK-wide scope and capitalize on the city's status for capital-level negotiations. This addition underscores a process attuned to geopolitical realities, such as Scotland's distinct parliamentary framework, while maintaining emphasis on empirically verifiable urban economic metrics like GDP contribution and productivity gaps relative to . No evidence suggests open applications; rather, invitations stem from demonstrated policy synergy and leader-level endorsements.

Advocacy and Lobbying Efforts

Key Campaigns on Devolution

In the early 2000s, the Core Cities Group advocated for city-region governance structures to enable coordinated beyond individual city boundaries, submitting bids for devolved powers in areas such as transport, skills, and planning under the Labour government's regional agendas. These efforts contributed to the establishment of city-region partnerships and pilot initiatives, though progress was limited by centralized control and lack of fiscal autonomy. The 2010s marked a shift with the coalition government's City Deals, launched in 2012, inviting the eight original Core Cities to bid for bespoke powers from a menu including and , resulting in agreements for enhanced local control over growth strategies. A pivotal example was the 2014 Greater Manchester Devolution Agreement, negotiated with input from Core Cities members, which created the UK's first metro mayor outside and devolved responsibilities for , , , policing, and a £6 billion five-year budget, while the group's "Local Voices" campaign amplified city leaders' testimonies to pressure for further fiscal freedoms via the 2013 Growth Prospectus proposals. These deals secured partial successes, such as integrated authorities and skills , but fell short of demanded tax-varying powers, with only selective implementation across members like and by 2015. In the 2020s, post-Brexit advocacy integrated into the Levelling Up framework, with Core Cities pushing for expanded powers in the 2022 White Paper to harness city-region potential amid regional disparities, including calls for unified labor market agreements and grants. Secured advancements included trailblazing deeper deals, such as 's 2023 extension adding and housing investment funds up to £15 million, yet unmet demands persisted for comprehensive fiscal like business rate retention. Evidence from devolved areas shows positive impacts, with achieving 2.8% annual growth rates surpassing the average and in the decade to 2025, correlating with devolved investments in and skills; however, critics highlight added bureaucratic layers from combined authorities and mayoral structures, arguing they complicate and dilute without offsetting fiscal gains, as seen in stalled uplifts beyond initial deals.

Economic Policy Initiatives

The Core Cities Group has prioritized advocacy for productivity-enhancing measures, partnering with the on a 2020 report analyzing the economic underperformance of its member cities, which collectively represent nearly 25% of the economy but operate at productivity levels around 86% of the national average and below comparable second-tier cities in other OECD countries. The analysis attributed roughly 64% of this gap to within-firm factors such as limited innovation and skills mismatches, recommending targeted investments in , digital connectivity, and workforce upskilling to foster agglomeration benefits and firm-level efficiencies. In joint policy submissions, the group has pushed for an investment-led model integrating public and resources to drive city-region growth, including enhanced R&D funding and streamlined planning for supply as levers for economic expansion under the levelling-up framework. Their 2021 input specifically proposed scaling zero-carbon development to support job creation and , arguing that insufficient supply constrains labor mobility and urban density benefits without broader . This approach underscores city-led initiatives that extend to functional economic areas, balancing core urban hubs with adjacent hinterlands to mitigate persistent disparities. Empirical data from the illustrates mixed progress, with Core Cities achieving robust employment expansion—particularly in professional and knowledge-intensive sectors—between 2012 and 2017, outpacing some national trends amid post-recession recovery. Yet, productivity stagnation relative to and international peers persisted, with skills profiles remaining a binding constraint on higher-value output, as evidenced by lower qualification rates in routine occupations compared to the average. These efforts have informed ongoing calls for skills-aligned industrial strategies, though outcomes depend on complementary national fiscal commitments.

Engagement with National Government

The Core Cities Group has maintained a pragmatic, cross-party approach to lobbying the national government, collaborating with administrations of varying political complexions to advance and urban investment agendas. Under Conservative-led governments, the group contributed to the negotiation of the first-wave City Deals announced in 2012, which devolved certain powers over , , and skills to eight core cities, including multi-year allocations of major scheme funding estimated to support infrastructure projects generating thousands of jobs. These deals represented partial successes in securing localized control over funding streams, though the group critiqued subsequent policies like the Levelling Up agenda for insufficient decentralization, arguing that centralized bidding processes limited sustainable and failed to fully harness city-level productivity potential. In contrast, engagements with Labour governments have emphasized alignment on mayoral devolution models. Following the 2024 general election, Core Cities UK reported a constructive relationship with the incoming Labour administration, closely coordinating with English mayoral combined authorities to influence on growth and . This included inputs to ary committees on 's role in economic management, where the group advocated for expanded fiscal powers to achieve productivity gains, though progress has been mixed with some deals stalling amid fiscal constraints. Empirical outcomes of these interactions include secured through devolved pots—such as budgets in early deals—but also persistent challenges, with devolution coverage remaining uneven across member cities by 2025, reflecting resistances to full fiscal autonomy from . The group's strategy prioritizes evidence-based submissions over partisan alignment, yielding incremental wins like enhanced local investment flexibility while highlighting failures in broader systemic .

Criticisms and Debates

Alleged Urban Bias and Neglect of Non-Core Areas

Critics of the Core Cities Group's advocacy for enhanced to major urban centers argue that it perpetuates a city-centric approach, potentially at the expense of smaller towns, rural hinterlands, and peripheral regions, fostering a zero-sum dynamic where urban gains exacerbate spatial inequalities. Analyses of data from the indicate that the core cities—such as Birmingham, , and —experienced stronger job growth compared to their surrounding city-regions and broader regional averages. For instance, between 2012 and 2017, expansion in these nine core cities outpaced national rates and significantly exceeded that in their local and regional contexts, with growth rates in core urban areas averaging higher than in adjacent non-metropolitan . This divergence, according to some observers, underscores a risk that devolved powers and investments concentrated in metros fail to diffuse benefits outward, instead amplifying divides as resources flow disproportionately to urban cores. Further scrutiny from planning and economic reports highlights how city-region frameworks, influenced by groups like Core Cities, often overlook rural integration, leading to potential neglect of non-urban areas that constitute 85% of England's landmass but only 17% of its . The Royal Town Planning Institute has warned that the prevailing focus on urban deals risks sidelining rural localities, as agreements prioritize metropolitan and skills initiatives without equivalent mechanisms for hinterland connectivity or economic spillover. Empirical assessments of outcomes suggest limited trickle-down effects, with some studies finding that city-region policies do not uniformly incorporate rural peripheries, potentially deepening and gaps between cores and edges. Proponents of broader , including voices favoring policies beyond metro-focused models, contend this urban bias ignores causal factors in peripheral stagnation, such as inadequate links and mismatched priorities, rather than attributing disparities solely to agglomeration advantages. In defense, advocates maintain that core cities serve as primary engines of national growth, with their expanded roles under intended to generate wider regional benefits through linkages and labor mobility, though on equitable distribution remains contested. Nonetheless, the reflects ongoing concerns that without explicit safeguards for non-core areas, such as integrated rural-urban planning, devolution may inadvertently reinforce urban-rural cleavages, as observed in uneven post-2010 employment trajectories where large cities grew at 14% from 2009 to 2021, lagging behind out-of-town areas at 20% but surpassing towns at 7%.

Questions on Effectiveness and Fiscal Impacts

Critics of the Core Cities Group's advocacy have raised concerns that its lobbying for greater yields limited returns relative to the administrative and fiscal costs incurred, with partial successes in securing powers offset by added layers of that increase without clear gains. English devolution deals, often pursued through such groups, have been faulted for lacking consistency and creating "governance gaps" that complicate decision-making and raise overheads, as evidenced by the top-down imposition of combined authorities without sufficient local buy-in. Fiscal scrutiny highlights risks of "black holes" in devolved budgets, particularly in sectors like , where local leaders assume responsibilities amid central funding constraints, exacerbating shortfalls estimated at billions across English councils by the late . Devolution has not reversed net declines in locally controlled spending since 2009, even in empowered areas, prompting debates over whether redistributed powers merely shift fiscal pressures without resolving underlying inefficiencies. Productivity outcomes remain empirically ambiguous, with Core Cities showing gains in the 2010s but persistent underperformance—workers less educated and concentrated in lower-value sectors—suggesting alone does not address causal drivers like skills deficits. The Treasury's emphasis on targeted "cities and skills" interventions reflects toward broader models, viewing them as potentially diluting national priorities without proven multipliers on growth. Without rigorous outcome metrics, critics warn of pork-barrel tendencies in devolved allocations, where secures earmarked funds prone to politicized, short-term spending over evidence-based investments, as seen in parallel schemes like the Towns Fund. Proponents counter that fiscal could enhance incentives for local revenue retention, yet unresolved questions persist on net ROI amid stagnant national productivity trends.

Impact and Recent Developments

Measurable Outcomes and Productivity Data

Core Cities and their functional urban areas accounted for 22-26% of GDP between 2016 and 2018, supporting 24% of national employment across a population of over 16 million, or roughly 25% of the total. Despite this scale, (GVA) per worker lagged at 86-87% of the average in 2016, with no meaningful convergence observed from 2012 to 2017. Employment expansion provided a key metric of progress, as Core Cities added 338,800 jobs from 2012 to 2017—a 10.2% rise per 100 working-age residents, exceeding Great Britain's 5.9% and the broader 7.7% national rate across demographics and contract types. This outperformance extended to most sectors, including a roughly 20% gain in business services, though contracted by 8%. Individual member outcomes varied; Manchester's GDP climbed 44%, from £35,739 in to £51,330 in 2021, amid devolution-enabled investments in housing, employment sites, and infrastructure. Devolution deals, advanced through Core Cities advocacy, yielded targeted investments with partial economic returns: Cardiff's City Deal unlocked £1.2 billion and 25,000 jobs, while secured £1.3 billion, contributing to localized employment and deprivation reductions (e.g., 2.2 percentage points fewer deprived neighborhoods in from 2010 to 2019). Nonetheless, productivity remained uneven, with reaching 108% of the average and at 84%, constrained by factors like weak agglomeration effects (elasticity of 0.009 versus 0.03 in comparator nations) and skills mismatches.
City ExampleGVA per Worker (% of UK Average, 2016)Key Limitation
108%Minimal further gains (<0.5%) due to existing strengths
84%High deprivation (36.2% vs. 10%)
Overall Core Cities86%Stagnant growth, no 2010s catch-up

Post-2020 Initiatives and Challenges

In the wake of the , Core Cities UK member cities implemented initiatives to revitalize urban cores, including adaptations to such as reclaiming public spaces from vehicular use and promoting active travel to enhance pedestrian-friendly environments. These efforts aimed to counteract reduced and support economic recovery, with policies focused on rebooting city centres through mixed-use developments and temporary activations like pop-up markets. A 2024 analysis of retail challenges highlighted varied responses across Core Cities, such as Bristol's emphasis on cultural events and Manchester's investment in digital integration for high streets to combat competition and out-of-town shifts. A significant structural initiative occurred in March 2025, when joined Core Cities UK as its 12th member and third national capital, broadening the group's scope to include stronger Scottish representation and fostering a unified UK-wide for devolved powers in areas like and net-zero . This expansion was positioned to amplify calls for cross-nation economic alignment, particularly in post-pandemic recovery and green transitions, with initial priorities including collaborative on preventative services to reduce NHS strain, where Core Cities account for nearly 50% of local expenditure on health. By mid-2025, the group reframed its work programme to prioritize long-term resilience, reflecting on 2024 achievements in productivity enhancement amid ongoing divergences. Challenges persisted due to external shocks, including COVID-19's exacerbation of retail voids and Brexit-related frictions, which compounded pre-existing gaps where Core Cities' GVA per worker lagged national averages by up to 10-15% in some metrics. Office vacancy rates in centres, a proxy for commercial strain, remained elevated post-2020, with national figures stabilizing around 8-12% by 2025 but varying by —Birmingham's dipping below 5% in Q1 2025 due to targeted incentives, while others like hovered higher amid hybrid work persistence. Levelling Up policy ambiguities, launched in 2022 but criticized for insufficient funding allocation (under £12 billion total by 2024 against promised £100 billion+), created implementation gaps, with Core Cities arguing that without clearer on fiscal powers, regional disparities would endure despite external resilience efforts. Debates on devolution viability highlight causal factors: while internal initiatives bolstered adaptability, systemic policy inertia and global shocks underscore limits to local agency without national reforms, as evidenced by stalled convergence.

References

  1. https://www.publicsectorexecutive.com/articles/edinburgh-joins-core-cities-uk
  2. https://www.corecities.com/about-us
  3. https://www.corecities.com/about-us/what-core-cities-uk
  4. https://www.oecd.org/content/dam/oecd/en/publications/reports/2020/03/enhancing-productivity-in-uk-core-cities_0cc7329d/9ef55ff7-en.pdf
  5. https://www.corecities.com/about-us/our-work
  6. https://www.oecd.org/en/publications/enhancing-productivity-in-uk-core-cities_9ef55ff7-en.html
  7. https://static1.squarespace.com/static/5bb773c49b7d1510743e696f/t/5bb8fdc64192025ef73f1687/1538850249365/growth_beyond_the_big_cities_report.pdf
  8. https://ippr-org.files.svdcdn.com/production/Downloads/city-systems_June2016.pdf?dm=1702046942
  9. https://democracy.manchester.gov.uk/documents/s55265/Core%20Cities%20UK%20Update.pdf
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